I 


111 


'CA 


THE  LIFE 


SAM    HOUSTON. 


I 


SAM    HOUSTON. 


THE 


LIFE 


OF 


SAM    HOUSTON. 


onls  gfotfontfc  Itootr  of  fitm  t6tc 


;  WHOEVER  LOVES  AND  SCPPORTS  THAT  CONSTITUTION  STRICTLY,   IS  MT   FELLOW." 

Gen.  Houston's  Speech  on  the  Compromise  M«nsureB. 


ILLUSTRATED. 


NEW    YORK: 

J.    C.    DERBY,    119    NASSAU    STREET. 

BOSTON  :  PHILLIPS,  SAMPSON  &  CO.      CINCINNATI  :  H.  W.  DEBBT. 

1855. 


£54  h 
X 


Entered,  p-joording  to  Act  of  Congress,  by  J.  C.  DERBY,  in  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the 

U.  S.  District  Court  for  the  Southern  District  of  New  York,  in  the  year 

of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  fifty-five. 


W.  H.  TINSON,  PUDNEY  A  R.USSi:i.U 

TEUKOTYPBC,  Pr.INTF.llS 

24  Beokman  Street.  "9  J«h»  Street. 


CONTENTS. 


Page 
SECTION  FIRST. 

A    REPUBLIC    IN    THE    FORESTS. 

Trial  Days  to  Nations— Rubicon  Hours— Texas  in  the  Union, 18 

SECTION  SECOND. 

ANCESTRY    AND    YOUTH. 

Houston's  Ancestry  and  Youth — Houston's  Mother — Hard  Work  for  the  Boy — 
Emigration  to  the  West — Houston's  Education — He  Becomes  an  Indian — Running 
Wild  Among  the  Indians — Houston  Studies  the  Indians— Indian  Warriors  in 
Washington — Houston  a  School-Teacher — He  Joins  the  U.  S.  Army — To-ho-pe-ka,  17 

SECTION   THIRD. 

THE      SOLDIER. 

Houston  under  Gen.  Jackson — The  Creek  Campaign — One  Thousand  Creek  War- 
riors— The  Indian  Prophets — The  Ruin  of  the  Creek  Nation — The  Wounded 
Soldier — Houston  on  a  Litter — The  Soldier  at  Home — Afloat  on  the  Mississippi — 
A  Winter  of  Suffering— Houston's  Vindication, 29 

SECTION  FOURTH. 


Houston  Studies  Law — Original  Characters — Houston  Admitted  to  the  Bar — Elected 
to  Congress — Separates  from  his  Young  Wife — Resignation  of  the  Office  of 
Governor — The  Wigwam-Home, .  43 

SECTION  FIFTH. 

THE    EXILE. 

The  Exile — Houston's  adopted  Father — The  Old  Chief's  Greeting — The  Children  of 
the  Forests — Houston  befriends  the  Red  Man — His  Opinion  of  the  Indians — Fire- 
Water  among  the  Red  Men — Houston's  Enemies — Jackson,  the  Friend  of  Hous- 
ton—Attempts to  kill  Him— On  Trial— Thirty  Days  of  Public  Trial— His  Acquittal 
—He  Returns  to  the  Forests— The  Hearth-Stone  of  a  Savage  King,  ...  49 


ViU  CONTENTS. 

Pag« 
SECTION  SIXTH. 

TEXAS— THE    NEW    FIELD. 

Forest  Civic  Life  in  Texas— First  Coim-ntion  in  Texas— First  Collision  with  Santa 
Anna — The  Constitution  of  Texas — Houston's  Policy  for  Texas — Austin  Imprisoned 
— Public  Meetings  in  Texas — Santa  Anna's  Tyranny — Texas  Prepares  for  the 
Struggle — The  Patriot  Austin- — Provisional  Declaration  of  Independence — Hous- 
ton's Indian  Costume — Commander-in-Chief — A  Proclamation — Capitulation  of  the 
Alamo— The  Spirit  of  Faction— Mustering  an  Army— Houston's  Plans  for  the 
Campaign — Opposition  to  Overcome — A  Dark  Future  for  Texas — Persecution — 
The  2d  of  March,  1836, ...  .-  »:  .  &4 

SECTION   SEVENTH. 

THE       GENERAL. 

The  Declaration  of  Independence — The  Brave  Men  in  the  Alamo — A  Letter  from 
Col.  Travis — Houston  in  the  Convention — The  Fall  of  the  Alamo — Houston's  Policy 
— The  Last  Gun  from  the  Alamo — The  Massacre  of  the  Alamo — Mrs.  Dickinson's 

•  Story— Panic  in  Texas— The  March— A  Lustre  to  the  Setting  Sun— Houston's 
Humanity — Down  the  Colorado — Houston's  Army — The  Slaughter  of  Goliad — 
Preparing  to  Meet  the  Enemy — The  Camp  on  the  Brazos — Marching  to  San  Jacinto 
— The  Only  Hope  of  Texas — Santa  Anna  Advancing — The  Cowardice  of  the 
Government— The  Two  Field-Pieces—Not  a  Tent  in  the  Army— The  Time  to  Fight 
— Not  a  Moment  to  be  Lost — An  Hour  of  Peril — "  Remember  the  Alamo  " — The 
March  of  Houston's  Army — Their  Arrival  at  San  Jacinto — Santa  Anna's  Bugles — 
The  Two  Armies  Meet— The  Evening  Before  the  Battle— Truth  and  its  Power— The 
Camp  of  the  Mexicans, 87 

SECTION  EIGHTH. 

THE   HERO   OF    SAN   JACINTO.  •* 

The  Night  Before  the  Battle— The  Morning  of  San  Jacinto — A  Council  of  War— 
Houstpn  Brings  on  the  Battle— The  Slaughter— The  Charge— The  Death  Struggle 
— The  Fate  of  the  Five  Hundred — Deaf  Smith — The  Day  of  Vengeance — The 
Flight  of  Santa  Anna— The  Return  from  the  Field— The  Spoils  of  Victory— The 
Sublimity  of  the  Victory — The  Dominion  of  the  Anglo-Saxons — "\Vliy  Americans 
Went  to  Texas— Spain  Fades  from  her  Ancient  Dominion— The  Despotism  of 
Mexico— A  Justification  of  Texas— Time's  Noblest  Offspring, 122 

SECTION  NINTH. 

THE    VICTOR    AND    THE    CAPTIVE. 

The  Morning  After  the  Victory — Santa  Anna  Houston's  Prisoner — Houston  Receives 
Him — The  Mortified  Mexican  Dictator — Santa  Anna  Meets  Houston — Cross  Exa- 
mination of  Santa  Anna — The  San  Jacinto  Corn — Americans  can  Never  be  Con- 
quered— Santa  Anna  to  be  Shot — Houston's  Magnanimity  to  Him — Santa  Anna 
and  Houston— Houston's  Treatment  of  his  Prisoners— Orders  to  Santa  Anna— 


CONTENTS.  iX 

P«B9 

The  Fugitive  Government— Rusk,  the  Patriot  Soldier— Conditions  of  Santa  Anna's 
Release— Scenes  After  San  Jacinto— Houston's  Noble  Conduct— The  General 
Parting  with  the  Army— Address  to  the  Soldiers— Houston's  Reception  at  New 
Orleans— His  Return  to  His  Home— Santa  Anna  to  be  Executed— Houston's  Pro- 
test—Bad Faith  with  Santa  Anna— Injustice  to  a  Prisoner— Santa  Anna's 
Remonstrance— A  Bitter  Sarcasm— The  New  Coinmander-in-Chief,  .  .  .  148 

SECTION  TENTH. 

THE     PRESIDENT. 

Election  of  the  First  President  by  Acclamation — The  First  Texan  Congress — Hous- 
ton's Inaugural  Address— The  Infant  Republic— Houston  Returns  His  Sword — 
Firgt  Step  of  the  President — Meeting  of  Houston  and  Santa  Anna — Jackson's 
Opinion  of  Houston— Parting  of  Santa  Anna  and  Houston— Attempts  at  Annexa- 
tion— Walker's  Ad  vocacjrof  Texas — Jackson's  Last  Official  Act — Texas  Advances — 
Houston's  Treatment  of  the  Indians — Disbanding  the  Army — An  Army  of  Adven- 
turers Disperse— Houston's  Steadying  Hand— Prosperity  of  Texas— Law-Abiding 
Men— Houston's  First  Term  Ends— Valedictory  Address— Houston's  Blessing  on 
His  Republic, .ITS 

SECTION  ELEVENTH. 

THE      LEGISLATOR. 

The  New  President— Ruinous  Policy  of  Lamar— The  Santa  F6  Expedition— Lamar 
Administration — Extermination  of  the  Indians — Lamar's  Statesmanship — Houston 
Saves  the  Young  Republic— A  Crisis  Nobly  Met,  .  .  ,  .  ...  .196 

SECTION  TWELFTH. 

'    AGAIN     PRESIDENT. 

Houston's  Second  Term — Difficulties  to  Overcome — Dark  Prospects  for  Texas — Texas 
again  Invaded — Texas  prepares  for  another  Struggle — Threats  against  Houston — 
A  Veto  against  Dictatorial  Power — A  Letter  to  Santa  Anna — Santa  Anna's  Political 
Character— Anglo-Saxons,  and  Mexicans— History  of  the  Mexican  Dictator- 
Defence  of  Texas — The  Truth  told  to  a  Mexican — History  of  Santa  Anna's  Con- 
duct— The  Victor  to  his  Captive — Contrast  between  Mexican  and  American 
Humanity— The  Truth  about  Texas— Slavery  in  Mexico— Texas  will  Conquer 
Peace— Houston's  Second  Term— Appeal  to  all  Friendly  Powers— Civilized  Nations 
Invoked — The  History  of  the  Struggle  with  Mexico  written  by  Houston — The  Fair 
Defiance  of  Texas  to  Mexico — Appeal  to  Humanity  against  Butchery,  .  .  .  204 

SECTION  THIRTEENTH. 
ANNEXATIO  N — F  BENCH,    BRITISH,  AND   AMERICAN    CABINETS. 

Effect  of  Houston's  Appeal  in  London,  Paris,  and  Washington— Anxiety  and 
Intrigues  of  European  Powers  about  Texas— Texas  spurned  from  our  Embraces 


:  CONTENTS. 

Pag. 

—Annexation  Postponed— Subtle  and  Successful  Policy  of  Houston— Prospect  of 
losing  Texas— Texas  relies  upon  Herself— Should  Texas  be  Annexed  ?— Policy  of 
Annexation— Texas  lost  to  America— Attempts  at  Annexation— Solicitude  for 
Texas— Texas  Independent— Houston's  Diplomacy— The  Future  for  Texas— Poli- 
tical Prophecies — Motives  for  Annexation — Political  Calculation — A  Look  into  the 
Future — Far-Sighted  Statesmanship, 181 


SECTION   FOURTEENTH. 

RKTIREMEN  T — H  O  U  S  TO  N  '  S    CHARACTER. 

Why  he  favored  Annexation— Retirement  to  Private  Life— Last  Letter  of  Instruc- 
tions—Negotiations—True Policy  of  the  United  States— Texas  in  the  Union— 
A  Hearty  Greeting  to  Her— Houston's  Presidency— Texas  represented  at  Washing- 
ton—Houston's Private  Character— The  Reformer  and  the  Reformed— The 
Wounds  of  the  Patriot, 251 


SECTION   FIFTEENTH. 

HOUSTON  IN  THE  NATIONAL  SKNATK. 

His  Nationality— Sectionalism  in  1850— How  Low  the  Country  had  Fallen— Hew 
Pierce  was  Elected— His  Treachery  to  Party,  Friends,  and  Country— His  Unpo- 
pular Administration — America  Denationalized — Pierce  violates  the  Compromise 
Measures— Houston  on  the  Nebraska  Bill — Unnecessary  Agitation — Fanaticism 
Rebuked— The  Facts  of  the  Missouri  Compromise— Effects  of  its  Repeal  upon  the 
South— Integrity  of  the  Compromise— The  Measure  Uncalled  For— Views  of  Presi- 
dent Polk — Effects  of  Repeal  upon  the  Whole  Country — Houston  swerves  not  from 
Duty — Opinion  of  General  Cass — Jacob  and  Esau — Constitutionality  of  the  Com- 
promise— Henry  Clay — Agitation  of  1850 — Position  of  the  Northern  Democracy — 
Vindication  of  the  Indians— Their  Social  Condition— Shameful  Robbery  of  the  Red 
Men — Duty  of  Congress  towards  them — The  Pacificators  of  1850 — Remonstrances 
against  the  Nebraska  Bill — Houston  on  the  Clergymen's  Petition — Ministers  of 
the  Gospel  not  to  be  Disfranchised — Propriety  of  the  Memorial — Relation  of  Minis- 
ters to  Politics — The  South  and  the  Compromise — Reply  to  Mr.  Douglass — The 
Memorial  Misapprehended— The  Principles  of  Self-Government—Effects  of  Hous- 
ton's Speech—Senator  Benton  Eulogizes  Houston,  .  .  .  . 


SECTION  SIXTEENTH. 
HOUSTON'S    STATESMANSHIP. 

Elements  of  Statesmanship— Firmness  of  Political  Purpose— Public  Detraction- 
Heroism  of  Mind — Jackson's  Feelings  towards  Houston — Jackson's  Opinion  of 
Houston— Houston's  American  Character— The  Magic  Power  of  Statesmanship- 
Texas  in  her  Prostration— Houston  a  Primitive  Man— God  in  History— The  Sacred 
Form  of  Justice,  ....  .  • 


CONTENTS.  XI 

Page 
SECTION  SEVENTEENTH. 

HOUSTON     AND     THE     INDIAKS. 

Wrongs  to  the  Indians— Growing  Sympathy  for  the  Red  Man— The  Reformer  of  the 
Indians — Houston's  View  of  the  Indians — Shall  the  Indians  be  Exterminated? — 
No  Societies  for  the  Indians — Houston's  Boyhood — Justice  to  the  Red  Men,  .  .  SIT 

SECTION  EIGHTEENTH. 

HOUSTON    AND    FOREIGN    EMIGRATION. 

Houston  Questioned  in  the  Senate— His  Opinion  of  Foreigners— The  Texas  Senator 
is  Cross-Questioned — Jealousy  of  Him,  .' .  825 

SECTION  NINETEENTH. 

„  THE    ANNEXATION    OF    TEXAS. 

First  Attempts  for  Annexation— War  with  Mexico— Debates  on  the  Annexation- 
Mexican  Tribute  to  Anglo-Americans — A  Picture  of  Texas — Its  Resources — Texas 
the  Road  to  the  Pacific— Girded  by  Two  Oceans— Causes  for  Congratulation- 
Universal  Blessings — Benton's  Opinion  of  Texas  and  its  Public  Men — How  She 
won  her  Liberty— The  Truth  of  that  Hard  Struggle— What  the  World  thought  of 
it  and  its  Heroic  Leader — What  History  must  say  of  it,  .  .  .  .  .  .  830 

SECTION  TWENTIETH. 

THE  PRESENT  AND  THE  FUTURE  OF  TEXAS. 

A  Survey  of  the  Condition  of  Texas— Her  Resources  in  1850— The  Probable  Destiny 
of  that,  State, .  *  .  .  .  84T 

SECTION  TWENTY-FIRST. 

HOUSTON'S  EDUCATION  AND  ELOQUENCE. 

His  Intellectual  Life— Characteristics  of  his  Speeches—Speaking  right  on— An 
Effective  Orator — Non-Intervention  in  Foreign  Affairs — Opinion  of  Kossuth — 
Meeting  of  Kossuth  and  Houston— Disunion  Rebuked— The  Great  Compromise 
Measures  of  1850 — Satire  on  Demagogism — Final  Appeal  in  Favor  of  the 
Indians— Our  Injustice  to  the  Red  Men— How  we  have  treated  the  Indians— They 
can  be  Civilized— They  Shall, 851 

SECTION  TWENTY^SECOND. 

HOUSTON  AF  HOME  . 

Houston  at  Home— His  Union  with  the  Christian  Church— His  Family— His  Wife 
and  Children— His  History,  and  the  Moral  of  his  Example— His  Future  and  Ours.  887 


LIFE  OF  SAM  HOUSTON. 


SECTION  FIRST. 

A  REPUBLIC  IN  THE  FORESTS. 
I. 

THERE  are  moments  in  our  lives  on  which  fortune  suspends 
our  future  history  ;  and  when  we  meet  the  crisis  like  men,  she 
takes  care  of  the  future  for  us.  Once  past  the  hour  of  trial, 
there  are  no  more  hardships  to  undergo,  no  more  dangers  to 
encounter.  The  gates,  which  guard  the  way  to  glory,  are  swung 
wide  open  to  the  advancing  hero,  and  he  treads  the  path  of  light 
and  triumph,  as  the  Roman  conqueror  marched  up  to  the  temple 
of  Jupiter,  through  the  streets  of  the  Eternal  City. 

II. 

So,  too,  there  are  days  in  the  lives  of  Nations,  when  fortune 
suspends  the  enduring  glory  of  a  people  upon  a  single  hour — 
when  they  are  called  to  decide  what  their  future  history  shall 
be — whether  their  banners  shall  float  over  new  empires,  extend- 


14  TRIAL     DAYS     TO      NATIONS. 

ing  their  liberty,  laws,  and  civilization  over  oppressed  and 
benighted  millions,  crushing  old  structures  of  despotism,  breaking 
the  arm  of  the  tyrant,  and  melting  away  the  rotten  fabrics  of 
hoary  superstitions,  to  emancipate  whole  peoples — or,  whether 
the  wheels  of  their  national  greatness  shall  stand  still,  and  the 
solemn  prolamation  go  forth,  that  they  have  reached  the  fur- 
thest limits  of  their  civilization — that  the  race  of  their  daring 
young  men  is  suddenly  arrested — that  there  shall  be  no  new  field 
for  untrodden  adventure  and  lofty  achievement — that  the  world, 
and  even  despotism  itself,  may  roll  its  wheels  of  conquest  up  to 
their  frontier  borders,  and  enlarge  the  empire  of  tyranny  and 
superstition  at  its  will,  for  they  have  done  their  work.  They  have 
extended  the  bright  circle  of  their  freedom  and  power,  till  they 
can  extend  it  no  longer.  No  bold  woodsman  may  pass  their 
limits,  and  plunge  off  into  the  wilds,  to  cut  out  for  himself  and 
his  children  a  home  in  God's  own  forests,  for  his  government  will 
never  protect  the  squatter  adventurer,  albeit  the  James  River 
settler,  and  uncompromising  Puritan,  were  nothing  more. 

III. 

And  if  so  be  that  one  after  another  of  these  forest  heroes  has 
led  the  way  through  the  green  woods  beyond  the  Sabine,  and  they 
can,  at  least,  show  the  traveller  the  smoke  of  ten  thousand  new 
cottages,  wreathing  up  into  the  clear  blue  sky  of  New  Estra- 
madura  ;  and  if  so  be  this  new  race  of  Puritans,  Cavaliers, 
Huguenots  and  outlaws,  all  fraternally  mingled,  have  built  up 
the  beautiful  fabric  of  a  new,  free  commonwealth,  for  all  the 
world  to  come  for  a  home  ;  and  done  it  withal,  while  they  were 
protecting  their  wives  and  little  children  from  savages,  made 
remorseless  by  Puritan  fire-water,  and  from  the  enervated,  per- 
fidious Mexicans— why,  even  after  these  hunter-legislators,  these 
squatter-founders  of  States,  have  done  all  the  hard  work,  this 


%  RUBICON-HOURS.  15 

old  Republic,  whose  wheels  can  roll  no  further,  will  not  even 
accept  what  no  other  nation  ever  had  to  offer — the  free  gift  of  a 
mighty  domain,  declared  independent,  as  New  York  and  Vir- 
ginia were  eighty  years  ago,  although  the  offering  be  made 
without  money  and  without  price 

IY. 

Yes,  these  trial  days  come  to  nations,  as  they  come  to  men. 
One  of  those  Rubicon-hours  came  on  the  cold  bleak  Rock  of 
Plymouth,  where  a  little  band  of  liberty-loving  men  landed, 
under  the  cover  of  a  keen  northern  blast,  to  begin  the  great 
business  for  which  Anglo-Saxons  crossed  the  Atlantic,  of  found- 
ing free  commmonwealths.  Yirginia,  too,  had  her  hour,  and 
her  cavaliers  went  through  Indian-haunted  woods,  as  Marshal 
Ney's  cavalry  charged  through  the  Black  Forest. 

At  last,  after  much  debate,  and  more  stupid  misconception, 
the  New  Republic  came,  and  laid  on  our  Federal  Altars  her 
young  shield.  It  was  riddled  with  rifle  bullets,  and  battered 
by  the  tranchant  strokes  of  the  tomahawk.  You  jieed  not  have 
looked  very  close  to  have  seen,  too,  the  ghostly  image  of 
Mexican  treachery,  filling  up  the  interstices.  What  an  offering 
was  this  I  A  young  hero-people,  a  new  Rome,  coming  out  of 
the  forests,  walking  in  light,  and  clothed  in  strength, — 
advancing  in  manliness  up  to  our  altars. 

V. 

When  the  future  historian  shall  tell  his  readers  that  the 
Young  Republic  was  driven  away  from  our  capitol,  and  her 
shield  hurled  back  in  her  face — they  will  not  believe  it.  That 
the  Representatives  of  America  debated,  hesitated,  laughed 
Texas  to  scorn — will,  to  the  next  generation,  seem  a  malignant 


16  TEXAS     IN     THE      UNI  ON.  ^ 

invention  of  the  historian.  But  it  was  so — and  the  last  resource 
of  Republicanism  was  resorted  to.  The  Texan  banner  was 
flung  to  the  breeze,  and  the  people  of  this  country  were  asked 
to  settle  the  question.  And  over  the  hills  of  New  England, 
the  rallying  cry  rang,  where  the  young  American  Eagle  first 
unfurled  his  wings — and  far  up  the  valley  of  the  Mississippi,  and 
down  to  the  Florida  coast — and  back  came  the  glorious  shout 
of  a  grateful  welcome,  and  Texas  came  into  the  Union. 

YI. 

It  was  a  proud  day  when  her  senators  took  their  seats. 
Greatest  of  the  Texans,  came  that  wondrous  man,  who  stood  by 
the  side  of  the  Young  Republic,  leaning  on  his  rifle,  and  rocked 
her  infancy  in  those  far-off  wilds.  Yes,  there  he  stood,  on  the 
threshold  of  the  Senate  Chamber,  bringing  in  his  arms — not  like 
the  triumphant  generals  of  Rome— the  fine  gold  or  precious 
stones  of  distant  barbaric  princes,  lashed  to  his  victorious  car — 
but  a  new  and  a  vast  empire.  There  stood  the  tall,  erect  form 
of  the  care-wjorn  chieftain — his  locks  turned  prematurely  grey 
by  the  hardships  of  a  revolutionary  frontier  life.  His  wounds 
were  upon  him  ;  he  had  bled  freely  in  the  service  of  two  Repub- 
lics. Let  us  inquire  something  of  his  history. 


A    Branches'  Reg't, 

B.  39th  Regiment. 

C.  Militia. 

DD.   Rus soil's  Spies.. 
EE.  Coffee's  command. 
F  &  Gr.   Friendly  Indian's. 


II    Women  and  children. 
JJ.  Creek  Warriors 
KK.    Breast  Work. 
L.  Cabins. 
M.  Covered  Ravine. 


HOUSTON'S    ANCESTRY   AND    YOUTH.  IT 


SECTION  SECOND. 

ANCESTRY    AND    YOUTH. 
I. 

GEN.  SAM  HOUSTON  was  born  the  2d  of  March,  1793,  in  Rock- 
bridge  county,  Virginia,  seven  miles  east  of  Lexington,  at  a 
place  known  as  Timber  Ridge  Church.  The  day  of  his  birth  he 
was,  many  years  afterwards,  to  celebrate  as  the  anniversary  of 
the  birth  of  a  new  republic — for  it  was  on  his  natal  day  that 
Texas  declared  herself  free  and  independent. 
• 

II. 

His  ancestors,  on  his  father's  and  mother's  side,  are  traced 
back  to  the  Highlands  of  Scotland.  They  are  there  found 
fighting  for  "God  and  liberty,"  by  the  side  of  John  Knox. 
During  those  times  of  trouble,  they  emigrated  with  that 
numerous  throng  of  brave  men  and  women,  who  were  driven 
away  from  their  Highland  homes  to  seek  a  refuge  in  the  north 
of  Ireland.  Here  they  remained  till  the  siege  of  Derry,  in 
which  yjey  were  engaged,  when  they  emigrated  to  Pennsyl- 
vania. For  more  than  a  century  these  families  seemed  to  have 
kept  together  in  all  their  wanderings,  and  at  last  a  union  was 
formed  between  them,  by  the  marriage  of  his  parents,  who  had 
been  sometime  settled  in  Virginia,  when  the  birth  of  the  subject 
of  this  book  took  place. 


18  HOUSTON'S    MOTHER. 

III. 

His  father  was  a  man  of  moderate  fortune  ;  indeed,  he  seems 
to  have  possessed  the  means  only  of  a  comfortable  subsistence. 
He  was  known  only  for  one  passion,  and  this  was  for  a  military 
life.  He  had  borne  his  part  in  the  Revolution,  and  was  succes- 
sively the  Inspector  of  Gen-  Bowyer's  and  Geu.  Moore's, 
Brigades.  The  latter  post  he  held  till  his  death,  which  took 
place  in  1801,  while  he  was  on  a  tour  of  inspection  among  the 
Alleghany  Mountains.  He  was  a  man  of  powerful  frame,  fine 
bearing,  and  indomitable  courage.  These  qualities  his  son 
inherited,  and  they  were  the  only  legacy  he  had  to  leave  him. 


IV. 

His  mother  was  an  extraordinary  woman.  She  was  dis- 
tinguished by  a  full,  rather  tall,  and  matronly  form,  a  fine 
carriage,  and  an  .impressive  and  dignified  countenance.  She 
was  gifted  with  intellectual  and  moral  qualities,  which  elevated 
her,  in  a  still  more  striking  manner,  above  most  of  her  sex. 
Her  life  shone  with  purity  and  benevolence,  and  yet  she  was 
nerved  with  a  stern  fortitude,  which  never  gave  way  in  the  midst 
of  the  wild  scenes  that  chequered  the  history  of  the  frontier 
settler.  Her  beneficence  was  universal,  and  her  name  was 
called  with  gratitude  by  the  poor  and  the  suffering.  Many 
years  afterwards,  her  son  returned  from  his  distant  exile,  to 
weep  by  her  bedside  when  she  came  to  die. 


Y. 

i 

Such  were  the  parents  of  this  man.     Those  who  know  his 
history,  will  not  be  astonished  to  find  that  they  were  of  that 


HARD     WORK     FOR     THE      BOY.  19 

noble  race,  which  first  subdued  the  wilderness  of  Virginia,  the 
forests  of  Tennessee,  and  the  ferocity  of  their  savage  inhabitants. 
It  is  a  matter  of  some  interest  to  inquire,  what  were  the  means 
of  education  offered  to  this  Yirginia  boy.  We  have  learned 
from  all  quarters,  that  he  never  could  be  got  into  a  schoolhouse, 
till  he  was  eight  years  old,  nor  can  we  learn  that  he  ever 
accomplished  much,  in  a  literary  way,  after  he  did  enter. 
Yirginia,  which  has  never  become  very  famous  for  her  district 
schools,  had  still  less  to  boast  of  forty  years  ago.  The  State 
made  little  or  no  provision,  by  law,  for  the  education  of  its 
citizens,  and  each  neighborhood  was  obliged  to  take  care  of  its 
rising  population.  Long  before  this  period;  Washington 
College,  had  been  removed  to  Lexington,  and  a  "  Field  school " 
was  kept  in  the  ruined  old  edifice,  once  occupied  by  that  insti- 
tution. This  school  seems,  from  all  accounts  (and  we  have 
taken  some  pains  to  inform  ourselves  about  this  matter),  to  have 
been  of  doubtful  utility.  Houston  is  said  to  have  learned  to  read 
and  write,  and  to  have  gained  some  imperfect  ideas  of  ciphering. 
Late  in  the  fall  and  the  winter,  were  the  only  seasons  he  was 
allowed  to  improve  even  the  dubious  advantages  of  such  a 
school.  The  rest  of  the  year  he  was  .kept  to  hard  work.  If  he 
worked  very  well,  he  was  sometimes  permitted  to  run  home  from 
the  fields,  to  be  in  time  to  retain  his  place  in  spelling.  But  it 
is  doubtful  if  he  ever  went  to  such  a  school  more  than  six  months 
in  all,  till  the  death  of  his  father,  which  took  place  when  he  was 
thirteen  years  old.  This  event  changed  at  once  the  fortunes  of 
the  family.  They  had  been  maintained  in  comfortable  circum- 
stances, chiefly  through  the  exertions  of  the  father,  and  now 
they  were  to  seek  for  other  reliances. 

VI. 

Mrs.  Houston  was  left  with  the  heavy  burden  of  a  numerous 


20  EMIGRATION     TO     THE     WEST. 

family.  She  had  six  sons  and  three  daughters.  But  she  was 
not  a  woman  to  succumb  to  misfortune,  and  she  immediately 
sold  out  her  homestead,  and  prepared  to  cross  the  Alleghany 
Mountains,  and  find  a  new  home  on  the  fertile  banks  of 
the  Tennessee  River.  Those  of  our  readers  who  live  in  a 
crowded  population,  surrounded  by  all  that  embellishes  civil- 
ized life,  may  be  struck  with  the  heroism  of  a  Yirginia 
woman  who,  fifty  years  ago,  took  up  her  journey  through 
those  unpeopled  regions  ;  and  yet  few  of  them  can  have  any 
adequate  conception  of  the  hardships  such  a  heroine  had  to 
encounter.  We  hope  the  day  may  come  when  our  young 
authors  will  stop  writing  and  dreaming  about  European 
castles,  with  their  crazy  knights  and  lady-loves,  and  hunt- 
ing through  the  mummy-haunted  halls  of  the  pyramids,  and 
set  themselves  to  work  to  glean  the  unwritten  legends  of 
heroism  and  adventure,  which  the  old  men  would  tell  them,  who 
are  now  smoking  their  pipes  around  the  roof-trees  of  Kentucky 
and  Tennessee — a  race  which  is  too  rapidly  fading  away  :  to 
return  no  more. 


VII. 

There  is  room  for  the  imagination  to  play  around  the  toilsome 
path  of  this  widow  and  her  children,  as  she  pushed  her  adven- 
turous way  to  her  forest  home.  Some  facts,  too,  of  wild  interest, 
are  in  our  possession — but  we  shall  hurry  on  with  our  story,  for, 
if  we  mistake  not,  our  readers  will  find  romance  enough  in  this 
history,  to  satisfy  the  wildest  fancy.  Fired  still  with  the  same 
heroic  spirit  which  first  led  them  to  try  the  woods,  our  daring 
little  party  stopped  not  till  they  reached  the  limits  of  the 
emigB&tion  of  those  days.  They  halted  eight  miles  from  the 
Tennessee  River,  which  was  then  the  boundary  between  white 
men  and  the  Cherokee  Indians. 


EDUCATION.  21 

Till. 

Young  Houston  was  now  set  to  work  with  the  rest  of  the 
family,  in  breaking  up  the  virgin  soil,  and  providing  the  means 
of  subsistence.  There  seems  to  have  been  very  little  fancy  in 
his  occupations,  for  some  time ;  he  became  better  acquainted  than 
ever  with  what  is  called  hard  work, — a  term  which  has  a  similar 
signification  in  all  languages  and  countries. 

There  was  an  Academy  established  in  that  part  of  East  Ten- 
nessee, about  this  time,  and  he  went  to  it  for  a  while,  just  after 
Hon.  Mr.  Jarnagin,  who  long  represented  his  State  in  the 
United  States  Senate,  had  left  it.  He  had  got  possession,  in 
some  way,  of  two  or  three  books,  which  had  a  great  power  over 
his  imagination.  No  boy  ever  reads  well,  till  he  feels  a  thirst 
for  intelligence:  and  no  surer  indication  is  needed  that  this 
period  has  come,  than  to  see  the  mind  directed  towards  those 
gigantic  heroes  who  rise  like  spectres  from  the  ruins  of  Greece 
and  Rome,  towering  high  and  clear  above  the  darkness  and 
gloom  of  the  Middle  Ages.  He  had,  among  other  works,  Pope's 
Iliad,  which  he  read  so  constantly,  we  have  been  assured  on  the 
most  reliable  authority,  he  could  repeat  it  almost  entire  from 
beginning  to  end.  His  imagination  was  now  fully  awakened, 
and  his  emulation  began  to  be  stirred.  Reading  translations 
from  Latin  and  Greek,  soon  kindled  his  desire  to  study  those 
primal  languages,  and  so  decided  did  this  propensity  become, 
that  on  being  refused,  when  he  asked  the  master's  permission, 
he  turned  on  his  heel,  and  declared  solemnly  that  he  would 
never  recite  another  lesson  of  any  other  kind  while  he  lived — 
and  from  what  we  have  been  able  to  learn  of  his  history,  we 
think  it  very  probable  that  he  kept  his  word!  But  he  had 
gathered  more  from  the  classic  world  through  Pope's  Iliad,  than 
many  a  ghostly  book-worm,  who  has  read  Euripides  or  JEschylus 
among  the  solemn  ruins  of  the  Portico  itself.  He  had  caught 


22  HOUSTON      BECOMES      AX      INDIAN. 

the  "  wonted  fire  "  that  still  "  lives  in  the  ashes  "  of  their  heroes, 
and  his  future  life  was  to  furnish  the  materials  of  an  epic  more 
strange  than  many  a  man's,  whose  name  has  become  immortal. 


IX. 

His  elder  brothers  seem  to  have  crossed  his  wishes  occasion- 
ally, and  by  a  sort  of  fraternal  tyranny  quite  common,  exercised 
over  him  some  severe  restraints.  At  last  they  compelled  him  to 
go  into  a  merchant's  store,  and  stand  behind  the  counter.  This 
kind  of  life  he  had  little  relish,  for,  and  he  suddenly  disappeared. 
A  great  search  was  made  for  him,  but  he  was  nowhere  to  be 
found  for  several  weeks.  At  last  intelligence  reached  the 
family,  that  Sam  had  crossed  the  Tennessee  river,  and  gone  to 
live  among  the  Indians,  where,  from  all  accounts,  he  seemed  to 
be  living  much  more  to  his  liking.  They  found  him,  and  began 
to  question  him  on  his  motives  for  this  novel  proceeding.  Sam 
was  now,  although  so  very  young,  nearly  six  feet  high,  and 
standing  straight  as  an  Indian,  coolly  replied  that  "  he  preferred 
measuring  deer  tracks,  to  tape — that  he  liked  the  wild  liberty 
of  the  Red  men,  better  than  the  tyranny  of  his  own  brothers, 
and  if  he  could  not  study  Latin  in  the  Academy,  he  could,  at 
least,  read  a  translation  from  the  Greek  in  the  woods,  and  read 
it  in  peace.  So  they  could  go  home  as  soon  as  they  liked." 


His  family,  however,  thinking  this  a  freak  from  which  he 
would  soon  recover  when  he  got  tired  of  the  Indians,  gave 
themselves  no  great  uneasiness  about  him.  But  week  after 
week  passed  away,  and  Sam  did  not  make  his  appearance.  At 
last  his  clothes  were  worn  out,  and  he  returned  to  be  refitted. 


RUNNING     WILD      AMONG     THE      INDIANS.  23 

He  was  kindly  received  by  his  mother,  and,  for  awhile,  his 
brothers  treated  him  with  due  propriety.  But  the  first  act  of 
tyranny  they  showed,  drove  him  to  the  woods  again,  where  he 
passed  entire  months  with  his  Indian  mates,  chasing  the  deer 
through  the  forest  with  a  fleetness  little  short  of  their  own — 
engaging  in  all  those  gay  sports  of  the  happy  Indian  boys,  and 
wandering  along  the  banks  of  the  streams  by  the  side  of  some 
Indian  maiden,  sheltered  by  the  deep  woods,  conversing  in  that 
universal  language  which  finds  its  sure  way  to  the  heart.  From 
a  strange  source  we  have  learned  much  of  his  Indian  history, 
during  these  three  or  four  years,  and,  in  the  absence  of  facts,  it 
would  be  no  difficult  matter  to  fancy  what  must  have  been  his 
occupations.  It  was  the  moulding  period  of  life,  when  the 
heart,  just  charmed  into  the  fevered  hopes  and  dreams  of  youth, 
looks  wistfully  around  on  all  things  for  light  and  beauty — 
"when  every  idea  of  gratification  fires  the  blood  and  flashes  on 
the  fancy — when  the  heart  is  vacant  to  every  fresh  form  of 
delight,  and  has  no  rival  engagements  to  withdraw  it  from  the 
importunities  of  a  new  desire."  The  poets  of  Europe,  in  fancy^ 
ing  such  scenes,  have  borrowed  their  sweetest  images  from  the 
wild  idolatry  of  the  Indian  maiden.  Houston  has  since  •  seen 
nearly  all  there  is  in  life  to  live  for,  and  yet  he  has  been  heard 
to  say  that,  as  he  looks  back  over  the  waste  of  life,  there's 
much  that  is  sweet  to  remember  in  this  sojourn  he  made 
among  the  untutored  children  of  the  forest. 

XI. 

And  yet,  this  running  wild  among  the  Indians,  sleeping  on 
the  ground,  chasing  wild  game,  living  in  the  forests,  and  read- 
ing Homer's  Iliad  withal,  seemed  a  pretty  strange  busi- 
ness, and  people  used  to  say  that  Sam  Houston  would  either  be 
a  great  Indian  chief,  or  die  in  a  mad-house,  or  be  governor  of 


24  HOUSTON     STUDIES     THE     INDIANS. 

the  State — for  it  was  very  certain  that  some  dreadful  thing 
would  overtake  him  ! 

Well,  it  may  have  been  doubtful,  and  it  was  for  a  long  time, 
what  all  this  would  end  in.  But  the  mystery  has  cleared  away, 
somewhat,  since  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto.  Certain  it  is  that 
his  early  life  among  the  Indians  was,  as  the  event  proved,  a 
necessary  portion  of  that  wonderful  training  that  fitted  him  for 
his  strange  destiny..  There  he  was  initiated  into  the  profound 
mysteries  of  the  red  man's  character,  and  a  taste  was  formed 
for  forest  life,  which  made  him,  many  years  after,  abandon  once 
more  the  habitations  of  civilized  men,  with  their  coldness,  their 
treachery,  and  their  vices,  and  pass  years  among  the  children 
of  the  Great  Spirit,  till  he  finally  led  the  way  to  the  achievement 
of  the  independence  of  a  great  domain,  and  the  consolidation 
of  a  powerful  Commonwealth. 

XII. 

Guided  by  a  wisdom  all  His  own,  the  Ruler  of  Nations  led 
him  by  an  unknown  path,  and  his  wild  history  reminds  us  of  the 
story  of  Romulus,  who  was  nurtured  by  the  beasts  of  the 
forest,  till  he  planted  the  foundations  of  a  mighty  Empire.  With 
the  history  of  the  Father  of  Rome,  the  pens  of  poets  have 
played — and  it  would  seem,  after  all,  to  have  been  but  a  pro- 
phesy in  fable,  whose  fulfilment  the  world  has  waited  for  till 
our  days.  Certain  it  is,  too,  that  no  man  whose  history  we 
know,  has  lived  on  this  continent,  who  has  had  so  complete  a 
knowledge  of  the  Indian  character — none  who  could  sway  so 
powerful  a  control  over  the  savage  mind.  During  his  entire 
administration  of  the  government  of  Texas,  not  an  Indian  tribe 
violated  a  treaty  with  the  Republic  ;  and  it  is  nearly  as  safe  to 
say,  that  during  the  administration  of  others,  not  a  tribe  was 
known  to  make  or  regard  one. 


INDIAN      WARRIORS      IN     WASHINGTON.  25 

XIII. 

During  the  latter  part  of  June,  1846,  Gen.  Morehead  arrived 
at  Washington  with  forty  wild  Indians  from  Texas,  belonging  to 
more  than  a  dozen  tribes.  We  saw  their  meeting  with  Gen.  Hous- 
ton. One  and  all  ran  to  him  and  clasped  him  in  their  brawny  arms, 
and  hugged  him  like  bears,  to  their  naked  breasts,  and  called 
him  Father  ;  beneath  the  copper  skin  and  thick  paint  the  blood 
rushed,  and  their  faces  changed,  and  the  lip  of  many  a  warrior 
trembled,  although  the  Indian  may  not  weep.  These  wild  men 
knew  him,  and  revered  him  as  one  who  was  too  directly  de- 
scended from  the  Great  Spirit  to  be  approached  with  familiarity, 
and  yet  they  loved  him  so  well  they  could  not  help  it.  These 
were  the  men  "he  had  been,"  in  the  fine  language  of  Acqui- 
quask,  whose  words  we  quote,  "  too  subtle  for,  on  the  war  path 
— too  powerful  in  battle,  too  magnanimous  in  victory,  too  wise 
in  council,  and  too  true  in  faith."  They  had  flung  away  their 
arms  in  Texas,  and  with  the  Comanche  chief  who  headed  their 
file,  they  had  come  to  Washington  to  see  their  Father.  I  said 
these  iron  warriors  shed  no  tears,  when  they  met  their  old  friend 
— but  white  men  who  stood  by,  will  tell  us  what  they  did.  We 
were  there,  and  we  have  witnessed  few  scenes  in  which  mingled 
more  of  what  is  called  the  moral  sublime.  In  the  gigantic  form 
of  Houston,  on  whose  ample  brow  the  beneficent  love  of  a  father 
was  struggling  with  the  sternness  of  the  patriarch  warrior,  we 
saw  civilization  awing  the  savage  at  his  feet.  We  needed  no 
interpreter  to  tell  us  that  this  impressive  supremacy  was  gained 
in  the  forest. 

XIV. 

But  we  have  lost  the  thread  of  our  story.  This  wild  life 
among  the  Indians  lasted  till  his  eighteenth  year.  He  had, 
during  his  visits  once  or  twice  a  year  to  his  family,  to  be  refitted 

2 


26          HOUSTON   A  SCHOOL  TEACHER. 

in  his  dress,  purchased  many  little  articles  of  taste  or  utility  to 
use  among  the  Indians.  In  this  manner  he  had  incurred  a  debt 
which  he  was  bound  in  honor  to  pay.  To  meet  this  engagement, 
he  had  no  other  resource  left  but  to  abandon  his  "  dusky  com- 
panions," and  teach  the  children  of  pale-faces.  As  may  natu- 
rally be  supposed,  it  was  no  easy  matter  for  him  to  get  a  school, 
and  on  the  first  start,  the  enterprise  moved  very  slowly. 
But  as  the  idea  of  abandoning  anything  on  which  he  had  once 
fixed  his  purpose,  was  no  part  of  his  character,  he  persevered, 
and  in  a  short  time  he  had  more  scholars  to  turn  away,  than  he 
had  at  first  to  begin  with.  He  was  also  paid  what  was  con- 
sidered an  exorbitant  price.  Formerly,  no  master  had  hinted 
above  $6  per  annum.  Houston,  who  probably  thought  that  one 
who  had  been  graduate^  at  an  Indian  university,  ought  to  hold 
his  lore  at  a  dearer  rate,  raised  the  price  to  $8 — one-third  to  be 
paid  in  corn,  delivered  at  the  mill,  at  33£  cents  per  bushel — one- 
third  in  cash,  and  one-third  in  domestic  cotton  cloth,  of  varie- 
gated colors,  in  which  our  Indian  professor  was  dressed.  He 
also  wore  his  hair  behind,  in  a  snug  queue,  and  is  said  to  have 
been  very  much  in  love  with  it,  probably  from  an  idea  that  it 
added  somewhat  to  the  adornment  of  his  person — in  which,  too, 
he  was  probably  mistaken. 

XV. 

When  he  had  made  money  enough  to  pay  his  debts,  he  shut 
up  his  school,  and  went  back  to  his  old  master,  to  study.  He 
put  Euclid  into  his  hands.  He  carried  that  ugly,  uhromantic 
book  back  and  forth  to  and  from  the  school  a  few  days,  without 
trying  to  solve  even  so  much  as  the  first  problem,  and  then 
came  to  the  very  sensible  conclusion,  that  he  would  never  try 
to  be  a  scholar  !  This  was  in  1813.  But  fortunately  an  event 
now  took  place  which  was  to  decide  his  fate. 


HOUSTON     JOINS     THE     U.     S.     ARMY.  27 

XVI. 

The  bugle  had  pounded,  and  for  the  second  time,  America  was 
summoned  to  measure  her  strength  with  the  Mistress  of  the 
Seas.  A  recruiting  parjy  of  the  United  States  Army  came  to 
Maryville,  with  music,  a  banner,  and  some  well-dressed  sergeants. 
Of  course,  young  Houston  enlisted — anybody  could  have 
guessed  as  much.  His  friends  said  he  was  ruined — that  he  must 
by  no  means  join  the  army  as  a  common  soldier.  He  then  made 
his  first  speech,  as  far  as  we  can  learn: — "  And  what  have  your 
craven  souls  to  say  about  the  ranks  1 — Go  to,  with  your  stuff ;  I 
would  much  sooner  honor  the  ranks,  than  disgrace  an  appoint- 
ment. You  don't  know  me  now,  but  you  shall  hear  of  me." 

His  old  friends  and  acquaintances,  considering  him  hopelessly 
disgraced,  cut  his  acquaintance  at  once.  His  mother  gave  her 
consent  as  she  stood  in  the  door  of  her  cottage,  and  handed  her 
boy  the  musket: — "There,  my  son,  take  this  musket,"  she  said, 
"  and  never  disgrace  it:  for  remember,  I  had  rather  all  my  sons 
should  fill  one  honorable  grave,  than  that  one  of  them  should 
turn  his  back  to  save  his  life.  Go,  and  remember,  too,  that 
while  the  door  of  my  cottage  is  open  to  brave  men,  it  is  eternally 
shut,  against  cowards." 

XVII. 

He  marched  off.  He  was  soon  promoted  to  a  sergeant.  In 
a  short  time  he  became  the  best  drill  in  the  regiment; — soon 
after  he  was  marched  to  Fort  Hampton,  at  the  head  of  the 
Musele  Shoals,  in  Alabama,  where  he  was  promoted  to  an 
ensign.  Returned  to  Knoxville — assisted  in  drilling  and  organ- 
izing the  Eastern  Battalion  of  the  39th  Regiment  of  Infantry; 
and  from  thence  marched  to  the  Ten  Islands,  where  he 
remained  encamped  for  some  time.  The  line  of  march  was  then 


28  TO-H  0-PE-K  A  . 

taken  up  for  Fort  Williams.  The  Regiment  descended  the 
Coosa,  and  marched  for  To-ho-pe-ka,  or  the  Horse-Shoe, 
where  some  events  took  place,  deserving  a  more  minute 
relation. 


THE      SOLDIER.  29 


SECTION     THIRD. 

THE     SOLDIER. 
I. 

MOST  of  our  readers  are  doubtless  familiar  with  the  history  of 
the  great  battle  of  the  Horse-Shoe.  An  undecisive  struggle 
had  for  a  long  time  been  carried  on  with  the  Creek  Indians,  who 
had  avoided  the  hazards  of  open  warfare,  hoping  at  last,  by 
forest  ambuscades,  and  stealthy  eruptions,  to  weary  out  a  foe 
they  did  not  dare  to  meet  in  a  general  engagement.  But  this 
kind  of  warfare  was  soon  to  be  brought  to  an  end.  They  had  a 
foe  to  contend  with,  who  out-matched  them  in  subtlety,  and  all 
the  daring  impetuosity  of  his  nature  was  bent  upon  their  de- 
struction. 

II. 

General  Jackson's  army,  encamped  at  Fort  Williams,  now 
amounted  to  more  than  two  thousand  men,  and  his  spies  were 
scattered  far  and  wide  through  the  forests.  Retreating  from 
village  to  village  and  point  to  point,  the  enemy  had  gathered 
all  their  effective  force  on  a  bend  of  the  Tallapoosa,  where  a 
thousand  warriors — the  chivalry  of  the  Creek  Nation — following 
the  guidings  of  their  Prophets,  had  taken  their  last  stand, 
resolved  to  risk  all,  upon  a  single  'struggle.  This  bend,  which 
they  called  To-ho-pe-ka  or  the  Horse-Shoe,  is  accurately  de- 
scribed by  its  name.  It  is  a  peninsula  of  about  one  hundred 


30  HOUSTON      UNDER      GEN.      JACKSON. 

acres  of  land,  opening  on  the  north,  where  itf  was  protected  by  a 
massive  breastwork — reaching  down  to  the  river  on  both  sides — 
composed  of  three  tiers  of  heavy  pine  logs,  with  two  rows  of 
skillfully  arranged  port-holes. 

III. 

On  the  morning  of  the  27th  of  March,  Gen.  Jackson  reached 
the  Horse-Shoe,  and  immediately  prepared  for  action.  In  a 
few  hours,  by  a  masterly  arrangement  of  his  forces,  he  had  com- 
pletely invested  the  Peninsula.  Gen.  Coffee  had,  early  in  the 
morning,  crossed  the  river  at  a  ford  two  miles  below,  with  a 
body  of  mounted  men,  and  nearly  all  the  force  of  friendly 
Indians,  serving  under  Gen.  Jackson ;  and  at  ten  o'clock  he  had 
drawn  up  his  lines  on  the  south  of  the  bend,  cutting  off  all 
eseape  from  three  sides  of  the  Peninsula.  In  the  meantime,  the 
General  had  advanced  towards  the  north  side  of  the  bend,  with 
the  main  army,  and  drawing  up  his  lines,  he  ordered  the  two 
pieces  of  artillery  to  play  upon  the  Indian  breastworks.  The 
first  gun  was  fired  at  about  half-past  ten  o'clock,  and  a  brisk 
fire  maintained  till  nearly  one,  apparently  without  much  effect, 
— the  small  cannon  shot  playing  almost  harmlessly  against  mas- 
sive timbers.  No  opportunity  had  yet  been  given  to  the  main 
army  to  show  their  valor  ;  but  a  rattle  of  musketry  mingling 
with  the  sharp  crack  of  a  hundred  rifles,  was  heard,  and  a  heavy 
column  of  smoke  came  rolling  up  from  the  southern  part  of  the 
Peninsula. 

IY. 

The  Cherokees,  under  General  Coffee,  had  discovered  a  line 
of  canoes,  half  concealed  by  the  bushes,  on  the  opposite  shore, 
and,  in  a  few  minutes,  they  swam  the  stream,  and  brought 
them  across.  Richard  Brown,  their  gallant  chief,  leaped  into  a 


THE      CREEK      CAMPAIGN.'  31 

canoe,  followed  by  his  brave  Cherokees,  and  with  Captain  Rus- 
sell's companies  of  spies,  crossed  «the  river.  They  first  set  fire 
to  the  cluster  of  wigwams  near  the  shore,  and,  as  the  smoke  rose 
over  them,  advanced  upon  the  rear  of  a  thousand  warriors  who 
were  sheltered  from  the  artillery  on  the  north. 

Y. 

-  ;:•;  ;.-,-:•; 

When  General  Jackson's  troops  heard  the  firing  and  saw  the 
smoke,  they  knew  that  their  companies  had  crossed  the  river, 
and  they  were  impatient  to  storm  the  breastworks.  But  the 
General  held  them  steady  in  their  lines,  till  he  had  sent  an  inter- 
preter to  remove  all  the  women  and  children  in  the  Peninsula, 
amounting  to  several  hundreds,  to  a  safe  place  beyond  the  river. 
The  moment  this  was  effected,  he  gave  an  order  to  storm  the 
breastworks.  The  order  was  received  with  a  shout,  and  the 
39th  Regiment,  under  Colonel  Williams,  and  General  Doherty's 
brigade  of  East  Tennesseans,  rushed  up  with  loud  cries  to  the 
onset,  where  a  short  but  bloody  struggle  followed  at  the 
port-holes,  bayonet  to  bayonet,  and  muzzle  to  muzzle.  Major 
Montgomery  was  the  first  man  to  spring  upon  the  breastworks, 
but  a  ball  in  the  head  hurled  him  back.  About  the  same 
instant,  on  the  extreme  right  of  the  31st  Regiment,  Ensign 
Houston  scaled  the  breastworks,  calling  to  his  brave  fellows  to 
follow  him  as  he  leaped  down  among  the  Indians — cutting  his 
way. 

VI. 

While  he  was  scaling  the  works,  or  soon  after  he  reached  the 
ground,  a  barbed  arrow  struck  deep  into  his  thigh.  He  kept  his 
ground  for  a  moment,  till  his  lieutenant  and  men  were  by 
his  side,  arid  the  warriors  had  begun  to  recoil  under  their  des- 
perate onset.  He  then  called  to  his  lieutenant  to  extract  the 


32      ONE  TH  OUSAND   CREEK   WARRIORS. 

arrow,  after  he  had  tried  in  vain  to  do  it  himself.  The  officer 
made  two  unsuccessful  attempts,  and  failed.  "  Try  again,"  said 
Houston — the  sword  with  which  he  was  still  keeping  command 
raised  over  his  head — "  and,  if  you  fail  this  time,  I  will  smite 
you  to  the  earth."  With  a  desperate  effort  he  drew  forth 
the  arrow,  tearing  the  flesh  as  it  came.  A  stream  of  blood 
rushed  from  the  place,  and  Houston  crossed  the  breast- 
works to  have  his  wounds  dressed.  The  surgeon  bound  it 
up  and  staunched  the  blood.  Gen.  Jackson,  who  came  up  to 
see  who  had  been  wounded,  recognizing  his  young  ensign,  order- 
ed him  firmly  not  to  return.  Under  any  other  circumstances, 
Houston  would  have  obeyed  any  order  from  the  brave  man  who 
stood  over  him,  but  now  he  begged  the  general  to  allow  him  to 
return  to  his  men.  The  general  ordered  him  most  peremptorily 
not  to  cross  the  outworks  again.  But,  Houston  was  deter- 
mined to  die  in  that  battle,  or  win  the  fame  of  a  hero. 
He  remembered  how  the  finger  of  scorn  had  been  pointed 
at  him  as  he  fell  into  the  ranks  of  the  recruiting  party 
that  marched  through  the  village  ;  and  rushing  once  more 
to  the  breastworks,  he  was  in  a  few  seconds  at  the  head 
of  his  men. 

YIL 

The  action  had  now  become  general,  and  more  than  two 
thousand  men  were  struggling  hand  to  hand.  Arrows,  and 
spears,  and  balls  were  flying  ;  swords  and  tomahawks  were 
gleaming  in  the  sun  ;  and  the  whole  Peninsula  rang  with 
the  yell  of  the  savage,  and  the  groans  of  the  dying. 

The  thousand  warriors  who  had  gathered  there  that  day,  were 
chosen  men.  A  brother  of  Tecumseh  had,  some  months  before, 
visited  all  the  villages  of  the  Creek  Nation,  and  stirred 
up  their  passions  for  blood  and  revenge,  proclaiming  to 
their  prophets  that  the  voice  of  the  Great  Spirit  had  called 


"WITH  A  DESI'EKATE   EFFORT  HE  DKEW    FUKTH  THE  AKUOW,    TEARING  THE  FI.ESH 
AS  IT  CAME.'1  p:itTf  32. 


THE      INDIAN      PROPHETS.  33 

him  to  go  on  the  mission,  and  that  the  flower  of  thdr  people 
should  assemble  to  give  battle  to  the  pale  faces,  and  the  day 
would  be  crowned  with  the  final  destruction  of  their  foes. 
There  was  in  this  strange  mission,  enough  of  mystery  to  inflame 
all  the  superstition  and  malignity  of  the  nation  ;  and,  fol- 
lowing their  prophets,  they  had  at  last  met  the  pale  faces 
on  the  day  that  would  give  victory  to  their  people.  The 
day  of  the  battle  had  come,  and  warriors  by  hundreds  were 
falling  ;  but  they  were  firm  in  the  belief  of  their  pro- 
phets, who  still  proclaimed  that  they  should  win  the  day.  The 
Great  Spirit,  they  said,  would  sweep  their  enemies  away  with  a 
storm  of  wrath,  and  his  signal  should  be  a  cloud  from  Heaven. 
And  it  is  proper  to  add,  that  when  the  struggle  was  decided, 
and  the  commander-in-chief  was  issuing  an  order  to  stop 
the  carnage,  and  had  sent  an  interpreter  to  tell  the  foe  their 
lives  should  be  spared  if  they  would  surrender,  a  cloud 
suddenly  overspread  the  sky.  The  superstitious  warriors, 
believing  it  the  signal  of  their  promised  redemption,  fired 
upon  the  interpreter  after  his  message  was  delivered,  and 
again  the  action  began. 

VIII. 

But  the  eagerly- watched  signal  ended  in  a  quiet  April  show- 
er, and  no  deliverance  came  to  the  brave,  but  devoted  peo- 
ple. Not  a  warrior  offered  to  surrender,  even  while  the 
sword  was  at  his  breast.  Hundreds  had  already  fallen,  and 
were  weltering  in  their  gore — multitudes  of  others  had  been 
shot  or  drowned,  in  attempting  to  swim  the  river — the  ground 
of  the  peninsula  was  covered  only  with  the  dead  and  dying, 
and  the  battle  was  supposed  to  be  over.  To  the  last  moment, 
the  old  prophets  stood  firm,  and  gazed  up  towards  the  sky ; 
around  them  warriors  clustered,  feeling  to  the  very  last  moment 

2* 


34  THE      RUIN      OF     THE      CREEK      NATION. 

that  relief  would  come.  Hope  expired  only  with  the  expiring 
groan  of  the  last  prophet,  and  the  warrior  who  gasped  at 
his  side. 

IX. 

But  the  victory  was  still  incomplete — the  work  of  slaughter 
was  not  yet  done.  A  large  party  of  Indians  had  secreted  them- 
selves in  a  part  of  the  breastworks,  constructed  over  a  ravine  in 
the  form  of  the  roof  of  a  house,  with  narrow  port-holes,  from 
which  a  murderous  fire  could  be  kept  up,  whenever  the  assail- 
ants should  show  themselves.  Here  the  last  remnant  of  the 
Creek  warriors  of  the  Peninsula  was  gathered,  and,  as  the  artil- 
lery could  not  be  brought  to  bear  upon  the  place,  they  could  be 
dislodged  only  by  a  bold  charge,  which  would  probably  cost  the 
lives  of  the  brave  men  who  made  it. 


X. 

An  offer  of  life,  if  they  would  surrender,  had  been  rejected 
with  scorn  by  these  brave,  desperate  savages,  which  sealed  their 
fate.  Gen.  Jackson  now  called  for  a  body  of  men  to  make  the 
charge.  As  there  was  no  order  given,  the  lines  stood  still, 
and  not  an  officer  volunteered  to  lead  the  forlorn-hope.  Sup- 
posing some  captain  would  lead  forward  his  company,  Houston 
would  wait  no  longer.  Calling  on  his  platoon  to  follow 
him,  he  dashed  down  the  precipitous  descent,  towards  the 
covered  ravine.  But,  his  men  hesitated.  With  a  desperation 
'  which  belongs  only  to  such  occasions,  he  seized  a  musket  from 
one  of  his  men,  and,  leading  the  way,  ordered  the  rest  to  follow 
him.  There  was  but  one  way  of  attack  that  could  prevail — it 
was  to  charge  through  the  port-holes,  although  they  were  brist- 
ling with  rifles  and  arrows,  and  it  had  to  be  done  by  a 
rapid,  simultaneous  plunge.  As  he  was  stopping  to  rally  his 


THE      WOUNDED      SOLDIER.  35 

men,  and  had  levelled  his  musket,  within  five  yards  of  the  port- 
holes, he  received  two  rifle-balls  in  his  right  shoulder,  and  his 
arm  fell  shattered  to  his  side.  Totally  disabled,  he  turned  and 
called  once  more  to  his  men,  and  implored  them  to  make  the 
charge.  But  they  did  not  advance.  Houston  stood  in  his 
blood  till  he  saw  it  would  do  no  good  to  stand  any  longer,  and 
then  went  beyond  the  range  of  the  bullets,  and  sank  down 
exhausted  to  the  earth.  The  Indians  were  at  last  dislodged 
from  the  covered  ravine,  by  its  being  set  on  fire.  The  sun  was 
going  down,  and  it  set  over  the  ruin  of  the  Creek  Nation. 
Where,  but  a  few  hours  before,  a  thousand  brave  savages  had 
scowled  on  death  and  their  assailants,  there  was  nothing  to  be 
seen  but  volumes  of  dense  smoke,  rising  heavily  over  the  corpses 
of  painted  warriors,  and  the  burning  ruins  of  their  forti- 
fications. 

XI. 

After  the  perils  of  this  hard-fought  engagement,  in  which  he 
had  displayed  a  heroism  that  excited  the  admiration  of  the  entire 
army,  and  received  wounds  which  are  this  day  unhealed,  he  was 
taken  from  the  field  of  the  dead  and  wounded,  and  committed  to 
the  hands  of  the  surgeon.  One  ball  was  extracted,  but  no 
attempt  was  made  to  extract  the  other,  for  the  surgeon  said  it 
was  unnecessary  to  torture  him,  since  he  could  not  survive  till 
the  next  morning.  He  spent  the  night  as  soldiers  do,  who  war 
in  the  wilderness,  and  carry  provisions  in  their  knapsacks  for  a 
week's  march.  Comforts  were  out  of  the  question  for  any;  but 
Houston  received  less  attention  than  the  others,  for  everybody 
looked  on  him  as  a  dying  man,  and  what  could  be  done  for  any,  they 
felt  should  be  done  for  those  who  were  likely  to  live.  It  was 
the  darkest  night  of  his  life,  and  it  closed  in  upon  the  most  bril- 
liant day  he  had  yet  seen.  We  can  fancy  to  ourselves  what  must 
have  been  the  feelings  of  the  young  soldier,  as  he  lay  on  the 


36  HOUSTON      O  N     A     LI  T T  E  R . 

damp  earth,  through  the  hours  of  that  dreary  night,  racked 
with  the  keen  torture  of  his  many  wounds,  and  deserted  in  what 
he  supposed  to  be  his  dying  hour. 


XII. 

But  God,  whose  mysterious  Providence  guides  its  chosen 
instruments  by  a  way  they  know  not,  had  yet  other  work  for 
him  to  do — he  was  yet  to  pass  through  many  scenes  of  excite- 
ment and  heroism ;  and,  at  last,  to  lead  a  brave  band  of  pioneers 
triumphantly  through  all  their  struggles  and  sufferings  to  the 
peaceful  enjoyment  of  a  free  commonwealth.  The  military 
prowess  and  heroism  Houston  displayed  throughout  that  bloody 
day,  secured  for  him  the  lasting  regard  of  Gen.  Jackson,  whose 
sympathies  followed  him  through  all  his  fortunes.  More  than 
thirty  years  after,  when  the  venerable  old  chief  was  trembling 
on  the  verge  of  life,  looking  out  with  undimmed  cheerfulness 
from  the  dark  inn  of  mortality  upon  the  summer  path  of  light 
that  opened  before  him,  he  sent  for  Gen.  Houston  to  hurry  to 
his  bed-side  to  see  him  die. 

XIII. 

On  the  following  day,  Houston  was  started  on  a  litter,  with 
the  other  wounded,  for  Fort  Williams,  some  sixty  or  seventy 
miles  distant.  Here  he  remained,  suspended  between  life  and 
death,  for  a  long  time,  neglected  and  exposed,  the  other  regular 
officers  of  the  regiment  having  all  been  removed  to  Fort  Jack- 
son, or  the  Hickory  Ground.  He  was  taken  care  of,  a  part  of 
the  time,  by  Gen.  Johnson,  father  of  the  Post-master  General 
of  that  name,  and  by  Col.  Cheatham — and  by  them  at  last 
brought  back  to  the  Ten  Islands,  and  from  thence  by  Gen. 
Dougherty,  who  commanded  the  Brigade  from  East  Tennessee, 


THE      SOLDIER      AT      HOME.  31 

through  the  Cherokee  Nation,  to  his  mother's  house  in  Blount 
County,  where  he  arrived  in  the  latter  part  of  May,  nearly  two 
months  after  the  battle  of  the  Horse-Shoe. 


XIY. 

This  long  journey  was  made  in  a  litter,  borne  by  horses, 
while  he  was  not  only  helpless,  but  suffering  the  extremest 
agony.  His  diet  was  of  the  coarsest  description,  and  most  of 
the  time  he  was  not  only  deprived  of  medical  aid,  but  even  of 
those  simple  remedies  which  would,  at  least,  have  alleviated  his 
sufferings.  His  toilsome  way  was  through  the  forests,  where  he 
was  obliged  to  encamp  out,  and  often  without  shelter.  No  one 
around  him  had  any  expectation  he  would  ever  recover.  At 
last,  when  he  reached  the  house  of  his  mother,  he  was  so  worn 
to  a  skeleton,  that  she  declared  she  never  would  have  known 
him  to  be  her  son  but  for  his  eyes,  which  still  retained  something 
of  their  wonted  expression. 

XV. 

Under  the  hospitable  roof  of  that  cottage,  whose  "  door  was 
always  'open  to  brave  men,"  he  languished  a  short  time,  and 
when  he  had  recovered  a  little  strength  went  to  Maryville 
to  be  near  medical  aid.  Here  his  health  gradually  declined, 
and  in  quest  of  a  more  skillful  surgeon,  he  was  removed 
to  Knoxville,  sixteen  miles  to  the  eastward.  The  physician  to" 
whom  he  applied,  found  him  in  so  low  a  state  that  he  was 
unwilling  to  take  charge  of  him,  for  he  declared  that  he  could 
live  only  a  few  days.  But  at  the  end  of  this  period,  finding  he 
had  not  only  survived,  but  begun  to  improve  a  little,  the  doctor 
offered  his  services,  and  Houston  was  slowly  recovering. 

When  he  had  become  strong  enough  to  ride  a  horse,  he  set 


38  HOUSTON      ON     THE      MISSISSIPPI. 

out  by  short  journeys  for  Washington.  He  reached  the  seat  of 
Government  soon  after  the  burning  of  the  Capitol.  In  common 
with  every  true  friend  of  his  country,  his  blood  boiled  when  he 
saw  the  ruin  that  heroic  people  had  worked,  and  he  experienced 
one  of  the  keenest  pangs  of  his  life,  in  the  thought  that  his  right 
arm  should  be  disabled  at  such  a  moment,  and  while  the  foe  was 
still  prowling  through  the  country.  Winter  was  now  advancing, 
and  with  his  wounds  still  festering,  he  journeyed  on  to  Lexing- 
ton, Yirginia,  where  he  remained  till  early  spring. 

Having,  as  he  supposed,  sufficiently  recovered  to  be  able  to 
do  his  duty  as  a  soldier  in  some  situation,  he  prepared  to  cross 
the  mountains.  When  he  reached  Knoxville,  on  his  way  to 
report  himself  ready  for  duty,  he  heard  the  glorious  news  of  the 
battle  of  New  Orleans.  His  furlough  had  been  unlimited. 

XVI. 

After  peace  was  proclaimed,  he  was  stationed  at  the  canton- 
ment of  his  regiment,  near  Knoxville,  and  when  the  army  was 
reduced,  he  was  retained  in  the  service  as  a  lieutenant,  and 
attached  to  the  1st  Regt.  of  infantry,  and  stationed  at  New 
Orleans. 

In  the  fall,  he  had  embarked  on  the  Cumberland,  in  a  small 
skiff,  in  company  with  two  young  men,  one  of  whom  afterwards 
became  distinguished  as  Gov.  White,  of  Louisiana.  He  was 
then  a  beardless  boy,  just  leaving  college.  They  passed  down 
the  Cumberland,  entered  the  Ohio,  and  at  last  found  their  way 
to  the  Mississippi,  over  whose  mighty  waters  they  floated 
through  that  vast  solitude,  which  was  then  unbroken  by  the 
noise  of  civilized  life.  Our  voyager  had  with  him  a  few  of  those 
volumes  which  have  been  the  companions  of  so  many  great  and 
good  men  :  a  Bible,  given  to  him  by  his  mother,  Pope's  transla- 
tion of  the  Iliad,  the  same  book  he  had  kept  by  him  during  his 


A     WINTER      OF      SUFFERING.  39 

wild  life  among  the  Indians — Shakspere,  Akenside,  and  a  few  of 
those  standard  works  of  fiction,  which,  like  Robinson  Crusoe, 
Pilgrim's  Progress,  and  the  Vicar  of  Wakefield,  have  become  a 
part  of  the  history  of  every  man  who  knows  how  to  read.  It  is 
not  difficult  to  imagine  the  effect  such  works  must  have  pro- 
duced upon  the  heated^  imagination  of  a  young  American  soldier, 
voyaging  through  those  impressive  solitudes. 

After  many  days  their  skiff  turned  a  bend  in  the  Mississippi, 
above  Natchez,  and  far  down  the  river  they  saw  a  vessel  coming 
up  the  stream  without  sails,  sending  up  a  heavy  column  of 
smoke.  Instead  of  being  a  vessel  on  fire,  as  they  at  first  sup- 
posed, it  turned  out  to  be  the  first  steamboat  that  ever  went  up 
the  Mississippi  river. 

At  Natchez  they  exchanged  their  skiff  for  the  steamboat,  and 
in  eight  days  they  reached  New  Orleans,  where  Houston  report- 
ed for  duty. 

He  now  had  his  wounds  operated  on  once  more,  and  the 
operation  nearly  cost  him  his  life.  The  rifle  ball,  after  shatter- 
ing most  completely  his  right  arm  just  below  its  juncture  with 
the  shoulder,  had  passed  round  and  lodged  near  the  shoulder- 
blade.  Nothing  but  an  iron  constitution  had  enabled  him  to 
endure  the  enormous  suffering  he  had  gone  through,  and  the 
operation  just  performed  had  well-nigh  robbed  him  of  his  last 
strength.  His  lungs  were  supposed,  moreover,  to  be  irreparably 
injured  ;  but  that  indomitable  resolution  which  has  borne  him 
triumphantly  through  all  the  struggles  of  his  stormy  life,  never 
gave  way. 

XYII. 

After  a  winter  of  extreme  suffering,  he  sailed  in  April  for 
New  York,  where  he  passed  several  weeks,  with  a  slight 
improvement  in  health.  Returning  to  Tennessee  by  the  way  of 
Washington,  after  visiting  his  friends,  he  reported  to  the  Adju- 


40  HOUSTON'S    VINDICATION. 

tant-General  of  the  Southern  Division,  at  Nashville,  and  was 
detailed  on  duty  in  the  Adjutant's  office,  and  stationed  at  Nash- 
ville from  the  1st  of  January,  1817.  He  was  attached  to  the 
office  till  the  following  November,  when  he  was  detailed  on  extra 
duty  as  a  sub-Indian  agent  among  the  Cherokees,  to  carry  out 
the  treaty  just  ratified  with  that  nation.  His  feeble  health 
rendered  it  peculiarly  hazardous  to  encounter  the  exposures  of 
such  an  agency,  but  Gen.  Jackson  considered  it  necessary  to  the 
public  service  that  he  should  at  least  make  the  attempt,  for  he 
could  procure  the  services  of  no  one  in  whom  he  could  repose  such 
entire  confidence.  Accordingly,  Lieut.  Houston,  yielding  to  the 
importunities  of  his  commander,  who,  knowing  he  was  unfit  for 
public  service,  offered  him  a  furlough  if  he  should  decline  the 
agency,  entered  upon  his  new  duties  with  ardor,  and  discharged 
them  with  marked  ability.  During  that  same  winter  he  con- 
ducted a  delegation  of  Indians  to  Washington.  When  he 
arrived  at  the  seat  of  Government,  he  found  that  attempts  had 
been  made  to  injure  him  with  the  Government,  for  having  pre- 
vented African  negroes  from  being  smuggled  into  the  Western 
States  from  Florida,  which  was  then  a  province  of  Spain.  These 
reports  had  been  circulated  by  the  friends  of  the  smugglers,  who 
were  then  in  Congress. 

XYIII. 

He  vindicated  himself  before  the  President  and  the  Secretary 
of  War,  and  showed  that  in  all  he  had  done,  he  had  only  endea- 
vored to  secure  respect  for  the  laws  of  the  country.  He  was 
still  to  show,  too,  most  conclusively,  that  while  he  had  been 
occupied  laboriously  in  his  new  and  difficult  mission,  which  he 
had,  as  was  confessed  on  all  hands,  discharged  with  singular 
ability,  he  had  been  suffering  without  respite  from  his  painful 
wounds  received  in  the  service  of  his  country.  It  was  the 


JACKSON,    HOUSTON'S    FRIRND.  41 

opinion  of  General  Jackson,  and  all  who  understood  Houston's 
position  and  services,  at  the  time,  that  he  was  not  only  entitled 
to  a  full  and  ample  exculpation  from  all  blame  (which  was  indeed 
accorded  him),  but  had  a  right  to  expect  that  his  magnanimous 
sacrifices  for  the  State  should  have  met  with  a  warmer  recogni- 
tion. But  he  considered  himself  slighted  at  the  time,  and  he 
resigned  his  first  lieutenancy  in  the  army, — at  a  period,  too, 
when  his  health  rendered  it  exceedingly  doubtful  how  he  was  to 
gain  a  livelihood.  But  he  acted  on  the  principle  he  has  so  often 
illustrated,  that  no  man  should  be  an  almoner  upon  the  bounty 
of  a  State  who  cannot  bring  to  its  service  talents  and  acquisi- 
tions which  would  procure  higher  emoluments  in  private  life. 
He  returned  with  the  Delegation  to  the  agency  on  Hi-Wassee, 
and  then  resigned  his  commission  as  sub-agent,  and  went  to 
Nashville  to  read  law. 


42  HOUSTON      STUDIES      LAW. 


SECTION  FOURTH. 

THE   CIVILIAN. 
I. 

HOUSTON  was  now  in  his  twenty-fifth  year.  He  had  played  a 
heroic  part  in  the  national  struggle  just  past — he  had  become 
familiar  with  the  hardships  the  frontier  soldier  has  to  encounter 
— he  had  seen  the  treachery  and  the  coldness  of  artificial  life — 
and  he  had  passed  years  among  the  simple-hearted  but  stern 
children  of  the  Great  Spirit. 

With  a  mind  enriched  by  experience  and  observation,  and  a 
lofty  aspiration  for  enduring  fame,  he  abandoned  the  life  of  the 
soldier,  to  pursue  the  calmer  path  of  the  civilian.  In  his  wan- 
derings in  search  of  health,  his  pay  in  the  army  had  been  inade- 
quate to  his  necessities,  and  he  found  himself  burdened  down  by 
a  load  of  debt.  Before  he  began  the  study  of  the  law,  he  sold 
the  last  piece  of  property  he  possessed,  and  appropriated  the 
last  farthing  of  the  avails  to  the  discharge  of  his  debts  ;  but  a 
residuum  of  several  hundred  still  remained  unpaid — the  balance, 
however,  was  soon  discharged. 

II. 

He  entered  the  office  of  Hon.  James  Trimble,  who  told  him 
that  eighteen  months  of  hard  study  would  be  necessary,  before 
he  could  be  admitted  to  the  bar.  He  began  his  studies  in  June, 


ORIGINAL     CHARACTERS.  43 

1818.  He  read  a  few  of  the  standard  works  prescribed  in 
a  course  of  law  studies,  and  read  them  thoroughly.  He  grasped 
the  great  principles  of  the  science,  and  they  were  fixed  in  his 
mind  for  ever.  There  is  a  class  of  men  who  are  made  up, 
like  composite  architecture,  of  the  details  of  beauty  stolen  from 
primitive  orders ;  such  men  constitute  the  secondary  forma- 
tions of  society  ;  but  the  intellectual  world,  like  the  frame  of 
nature,  reposes  upon  nobler  and  more  massive  strata. 

III. 

Those  men  who  borrow  their  lights  from  others,  never  lead 
the  human  race  through  great  crises — they  who  depend  on  the 
strength  they  gather  from  books  or  men,  are  never  equal  to 
lofty  achievements.  The  minds  which  electrify  the  world,  gene- 
rate their  own  fire  ;  such  men  seldom  shine  in  details — they  have 
no  time  to  attend  to  them,  and  they  never  feel  the  loss  of  these 
secondary  lights.  The  bold  mariner,  who  ventures  at  once  upon 
the  open  sea,  and  regulates  his  course  by  a  few  towering  head- 
lands and  solitary  lights  that  gleam  from  afar,  can  give  little 
information  to  the  coaster  about  the  tiny  bays  that  indent  the 
Ashore,  or  the  color  of  the  pebbles  that  glitter  on  the  beach. 
But  he  has  marked  on  his  chart  the  dangerous  reefs,  and  the  great 
currents  of  the  ocean,  and  he  is  at  home  with  his  noble  vessel 
wherever  the  sun,  the  moon,  and  the  stars  shine. 

So  it  is  with  those  who  explore  the  fields  of  science.  Some 
men  cultivate  such  studies  only  to  amass  details,  to  use  on 
appropriate  occasions,  while  others  enter  them  only  to  gather 
general  principles  which  have  a  universal  application  ;  and,  in 
approaching  these  two  classes,  we  discover  as  grand  a  difference 
as  we  do  between  one  of  those  islands  of  the  Pacific  Seas,  newly 
formed  by  the  countless  animalculae  of  the  ocean,  and  the  bold 
brow  of  the  everlasting  mountain. 


44      HOUSTON   IS  ADMITTED  TO   THE   BAR. 

We  have  used  these  illustrations  only  to  convey  more  per- 
fectly an  idea  of  Houston's  character.  His  teacher  had  pre- 
scribed eighteen  months'  study  :  in  one-third  of  the  time  he  was 
recommended  to  apply  for  license,  and  he  was  admitted  with 
6dat.  A  few  months'  study  had  enabled  him  to  pass  a  search- 
ing examination  with  great  honor  to  himself  and  his  new  profes- 
sion. He  immediately  purchased  a  small  library  on  credit,  and 
established  himself  in  Lebanon,  thirty  miles  east  of  Nashville, 
and  began  the  practice  of  law.  Soon  after,  he  was  appointed 
Adjutant-General  of  the  State,  with  the  rank  of  Colonel.  In  the 
meantime  he  followed  up  his  studies,  and  the  practice  of  his  pro- 
fession, with  earnestness,  and  so  rapidly  did  he  rise  at  the  bar, 
that  he  was,  in  October  of  the  same  year,  elected  District  Attor- 
ney of  the  Davidson  District,  which  made  it  desirable  he  should 
take  up  his  residence  at  Nashville. 

He  was  obliged  to  come  in  collision  with  all  the  talent  of  one 
of  the  ablest  bars  of  Western  America.  Every  step  he  trod  was 
new  to  him,  but  he  was  almost  universally  successful  in  prosecu- 
tions ;  and  his  seniors  who  rallied  him  upon  his  recent  advance- 
ment, and  his  rawness  in  the  practice,  never  repeated  their 
jokes.  They  discovered,  to  their  mortification,  that  neither 
many  books,  nor  much  dull  plodding  could  enable  them  to  mea- 
sure weapons  with  a  man  so  gifted  in  rare  good  sense  and  pene- 
trating genius. 

IY. 

We  have  taken  considerable  pains  to  render  ourselves  familiar 
with  the  various  steps  of  Houston's  advancement,  till  he  reached 
the  highest  honors  of  the  State.  But  we  shall  be  obliged  to 
pass  rapidly  over  this  portion  of  his  history,  in  order  to  leave 
space  to  speak  more  minutely  of  his  subsequent  achievements. 
The  labors  of  the  District  Attorney  were  unceasing,  but  the  fees 
were  so  inconsiderable  he  resigned  his  post  at  the  end  of  twelve 


ELECTED     TO      CONGRESS.  45 

months,  and  resumed  the  regular  practice  of  his  profession,  in 
which  he  rose  to  great  and  sudden  distinction. 


Y. 

In  1821  he  was  elected  Major-General  by  the  field-officers  of 
the  division  which  comprised  two  thirds  of  the  State.  In  1823, 
he  was  recommended  to  offer  his  name  as  a  candidate  for  Con- 
gress. In  the  various  official  stations  he  had  filled,  he  had  won 
so  much  respect,  and  at  the  bar  he  had  displayed  such  rare 
ability,  that  he  was  elected  to  Congress  without  opposition. 
His  course  in  the  National  Legislature  was  warmly  approved 
by  his  constituents,  and  he  was  returned  the  second  time  by  an 
almost  unanimous  vote. 

His  course  in  Congress  won  for  him  the  universal  respect  and 
confidence  of  the  people  of  Tennessee,  and  in  1821  he  was 
elected  Governor  of  that  State  by  a  majority  of  over  12,000. 
His  personal  popularity  was  unlimited,  and  his  accession  to 
office  found  him  without  an  opponent  in  the  Legislature. 

YI. 

In  January,  1829,  he  married  a  young  lady  of  respectable 
family,  and  of  gentle  character.  Owing  to  circumstances,  about 
which  far  more  has  been  conjectured  than  known  by  the  world, 
the  union  seems  to  have  been  as  unhappy  as  it  was  short.  In 
less  than  three  months  a  separation  took  place,  which  filled 
society  with  the  deepest  excitement.  Yarious  reports  flew 
through  the  State,  all  of  them  unfounded,  and  some  of  them 
begotten  by  the  sheerest  malignity,  which  divided  the  people  of 
the  State  into  two  hostile  parties,  and  inflamed  popular  feeling 
to  the  last  point  of  excitement.  As  usual  on  such  occasions, 
those  who  were  most  busy  in  the  affair,  were  the  very  ones  who 


46    HOUSTON     SEPARATES     FROM     HIS    YOUNG    WIFE. 

knew  least  about  the  merits  of  the  case,  and  had  the  least  right 
to  interfere.  But  unfortunately  for  the  peace  of  society,  there 
is  everywhere  a  class  of  impertinent  busy-bodies,  who  make  it 
their  special  business  to  superintend  and  pry  into  the  domestic 
affairs  of  their  neighbors;  and  as  curiosity  must  be  gratified  at 
any  expense  to  private  character,  and  such  persons  always  like 
to  believe  the  worst,  the  secrets  of  no  family  are  exempt  from 
their  malignant  intrusions.  These  are  the  disturbers  of  the 
peace  of  society  whom  the  law  seldom  punishes,  although  they 
perpetrate  more  crimes  than  highwaymen  and  assassins — 
burglars  of  the  domestic  tranquillity  of  families — robbers  of 
others'  good  name — assassins  of  the  characters  of  the  innocent. 

YII. 

Thinking,  most  probably,  that  they  were  doing  her  a  kindness, 
the  friends  of  the  lady  loaded  the  name  of  Houston  with  odium. 
He  was  charged  with  every  species  of  crime  man  ever  committed. 
The  very  ignorance  of  the  community  about  the  affair,  by 
increasing  the  mystery  which  hung  over  it,  only  made  it  seem 
the  more  terrible.  In  the  meantime,  Houston  did  not  offer  a 
single  denial  of  a  single  calumny — would  neither  vindicate  him- 
self before  the  public,  nor  allow  his  friends  to  do  it  for  him.  He 
sat  quietly,  and  let  the  storm  of  popular  fury  rage  on.  From 
that  day  he  has,  even  among  his  confidential  friends,  maintained 
unbroken  silence,  and  whenever  he  speaks  of  the  lady,  he  speaks 
of  her  with  great  kindness.  Not  a  word  has  ever  fallen  from 
his  lips  that  cast  a  shade  upon  her  character,  nor  did  he  ever 
allow  an  unkind  breath  against  her  in  his  presence.  Whatever 
may  have  been  the  truth  of  the  matter,  or  whatever  his  friends 
may  have  known  or  conjectured,  he  had  but  one  reply  for  them: 
— "  This  is  a  painful,  but  it  is  a  private  affair.  I  do  not  recog- 
nize the  right  of  the  public  to  interfere  in  it,  and  I  shall  treat 


RESIGNATION     OF     THE      OFFICE.  4t 

the  public  just  as  though  it  had  never  happened.  And  remem- 
ber that,  whatever  may  be  said  by  the  lady  or  her  friends,  it  is 
no  part  of  the  conduct  of  a  gallant  or  a  generous  man  to  take 
up  arms  against  a  woman.  If  my  character  cannot  stand  the 
shock,  let  me  lose  it.  The  storm  will  soon  sweep  by,  and  time 
will  be  my  vindicator." 

YIII. 

He  had  been  elected  to  every  office  he  had  held  in  the  State 
by  acclamation,  and  he  determined  instantly  to  resign  his  office 
as  Governor,  and  forego  all  his  brilliant  prospects  of  distinction, 
and  exile  himself  from  the  habitations  of  civilized  men — a  reso- 
lution more  likely  to  have  been  begotten  by  philosophy  than  by 
crime. 

We  have  no  apology  to  offer  for  this  singular  event.  If 
Houston  acted  culpably,  it  could  not  be  expected  he  would 
become  his  own  accuser.  If  he  were  the  injured  party,  and 
chose  to  bear  in  silence  his  wrong  and  the  odium  that  fell  on 
him,  he  certainly  betrayed  no  meanness  of  spirit,  for  he  never 
asked  the  sympathy  of  the  world.  But  notwithstanding  his 
unbroken  silence  about  the  affair,  and  the  sacrifice  of  all  his 
hopes,  he  was  denounced  by  the  journals  of  the  day,  and  hunted 
down  with  untiring  malignity  by  those  who  had  the  meanness  to 
pursue  a  generous  man  in  misfortune.  After  his  determination  to 
leave  the  country  was  known,  they  threatened  him  with  personal 
violence.  But  in  this  he  bearded  and  defied  them. 


IX. 

But  his  friends  did  not  desert  him  while  the  sun  of  his  for- 
tune was  passing  this  deep  eclipse.  They  gathered  around  him, 
and  the  streets  of  Nashville  would  have  flowed  with  blood,  if 


48  THE      WIGWAM HOME. 

Houston's  enemies  had  touched  a  hair  of  his  head.  But  such 
ruffians  never  execute  their  vows,  when  they  have  brave  men  to 
deal  with,  and  Houston  resigned  his  office,  and  taking  leave  of 
his  friends,  he  quietly  left  the  city  of  Nashville.  He  now  turned 
his  back  upon  the  haunts  of  white  men,  and  there  was  no  refuge 
left  for  him  but  the  forests.  There  he  had  a  home,  of  which  the 
reader  has  yet  heard  nothing  ;  it  was  far  away  from  civilized 
life. 

While  he  was  roving  in  his  youth  among  the  Cherokees,  he 
had  found  a  friend  in  their  chief,  who  adopted  him  as  his  son, 
and  gave  him  a  corner  in  his  wigwam.  In  the  meantime,  the 
chief  with  his  tribe  had  removed  from  the  Hi-Wassee  country  to 
Arkansas,  and  become  king  of  the  Cherokees,  resident  there. 
During  their  long  separation,  which  had  now  lasted  more  than 
eleven  years,  they  had  never  ceased  to  interchange  tokens  of 
their  kind  recollections.  When,  therefore,  he  embarked  on  the 
Cumberland,  he  thought  of  his  adopted  father,  and  he  turned 
his  face  to  his  wigwam-home,  knowing  that  he  would  be  greeted 
there  with  the  old  Chiefs  blessing. 


TBEEXILE.  49 


SECTION   FIFTH 

THE    EXILE. 
I. 

His  separation  from  his  friends  at  the  steamboat,  was  a  touch- 
ing scene.  He  was  a  young  man,  for  he  had  not  passed  his 
thirty-fifth  year.  He  was  in  the  vigor  and  strength  of  early 
manhood.  He  had  filled  the  highest  stations,  and  been  crowned 
with  the  highest  honors  his  State  could  give.  They  knew  the 
history  of  his  early  life,  and  they  felt  pride  in  his  character. 
He  was  literally  a  man.  of  the  people,  and  they  looked  forward  to 
his  future  advancement  with  all  the  pride  of  kindred  feelings. 
A  storm  had  suddenly  burst  upon  his  path  ;  but  they  knew  it 
would  soon  sweep  by,  bearing  him  to  a  higher  and  fairer  emi- 
nence than  before.  He  seemed  to  be  casting  from  him  the  palm 
of  victory  ;  to  be  stepping  down  from  his  glory  to  obscurity, 
and  his  friends  (and  they  were  tfte  people  of  Tennessee)  parted 
from  him  with  sorrow  and  in  sadness. 


II. 

And  it  was  a  strange  sight  to  see  one  so  young,  around  whose 
brow  the  myrtle  wreath  of  fame  was  twining,  cast  aside  the 
robes  of  office  and  give  up  a  bright  future  for  a  home  in  the 
wilderness.  It  was  no  flight  of  a  criminal  ;  it  was  not  even  a 
necessary  retirement  from  turbulence  and  excitement,  for  even 


50  HO  UTS  TON'S      ADOPTED      FATHER. 

before  he  left,  the  fury  of  his  enemies  had  abated  and  his  real 
strength  was  greater  than  ever.  But  it  was  a  voluntary  exile 
from  scenes  which  only  harrowed  his  feelings  while  he  stayed, 
and  the  Almighty  Providence,  which  had  shaped  out  his  future 
life,  was  leading  him  in  a  mysterious  way  through  the  forests  to 
found  a  new  empire.  Let  those  who  laugh  at  a  Divine  Provi- 
dence, which  watches  over  its  chosen  instruments,  sneer  as  they 
read  this  ;  they  may  sneer  on — they  are  welcome  to  their  creed. 

III. 

Landing  at  the  mouth  of  the  White  River,  he  ascended  the 
Arkansas  to  Little  Rock,  and  then  on,  alternately  by  land  and 
water  to  the  Falls  of  the  Arkansas,  four  hundred  miles  to  the 
northwest.  The  old  chiefs  wigwam  was  built  near  the  mouth  of 
the  Illinois,  on  the  east  side  of  the  Arkansas,  and  the  Cherokees 
were  settled  on  both  sides  of  the  river  above  Fort  Smith. 

It  was  night  when  the  steamboat,  which  carried  Houston, 
arrived  at  the  Falls,  two  miles  distant  from  the  dwelling  of  the 
Cherokee  chief.  As  the  boat  passed  the  mouth  of  the  river, 
intelligence  was  communicated  to  the  old  man  that  his  adopted 
son  Coloneh  (the  Rover — the  name  given  him  on  adoption)  was 
on  board.  In  a  short  time  the  chief  came  down  to  meet  his  son, 
bringing  with  him  all  his  family. 

IY. 

This  venerable  old  chief,  Oolooteka,  had  not  seen  less  than 
sixty-five  years,  and  yet  he  measured  full  six  feet  in  height,  and 
indicated  no  symptom  of  the  feebleness  of  age.  He  had  the 
most  courtly  carriage  in  the  world,  and  never  prince  sat  on  a 
throne  with  more  peerless  grace  than  he  presided  at  the  council 
fire  of  his  people.  His  wigwam  was  large  and  comfortable,  and 


"THE  OLD  CHIEF  THREW  HIS   AK.MS  AHurXl.   HIM,    AM)  EMBHVCEI)   HIM   WITH 
GKEAT  AFFF-rTION." 


THE    OLD    CHIEF'S    GREETING.  51 

he  lived  in  patriarchal  simplicity  and  abundance.  He  had  ten 
or  twelve  servants,  a  large  plantation,  and  not  less  than  five 
hundred  head  of  cattle.  The  wigwam  of  this  aged  chieftain  was 
always  open  to  visitors,  and  his  bountiful  board  was  always 
surrounded  by  welcome  guests.  He  never  slaughtered  less  than 
one  beef  a  week,  throughout  the  year,  for  his  table — a  tax  on 
royalty,  in  a  country,  too,  where  no  tithes  are  paid. 


Y. 

Such  was  the  home  Houston  found  waiting  for  him  in  the 
forests. .  The  old  chief  threw  his  arms  around  him  and  embraced 
him  with  great  affection.  "  My  son,"  said  he,  "  eleven  winters 
have  passed  since  we  met.  My  heart  has  wandered  often  where 
you  were  ;  and  I  heard  you  were  a  great  chief  among  your 
people.  Since  we  parted  at  the  Falls,  as  you  went  up  the  river, 
I  have  heard  that  a  dark  cloud  had  fallen  on  the  white  path  you 
were  walking,  and  when  it  fell  in  your  way  you  turned  your 
thoughts  to  my  wigwam.  I  am  glad  of  it — it  was  done  by  the 
Great  Spirit.  There  are  many  wise  men  among  your  people, 
and  they  have  many  councillors  in  your  nation.  We  are  in 
trouble,  and  the  Great  Spirit  has  sent  you  to  us  to  give  us 
council,  and  take  trouble  away  from  us.  I  know  you  will  be 
our  friend,  for  our  hearts  are  near  to  you,  and  you  will  tell  our 
sorrows  to  the  great  father,  General  Jackson.  My  wigwam  is 
yours — my  home  is  yours — my  people  are  yours — rest  with  us." 


71. 

Such  was  the  touching  greeting  the  old  chieftain  gave  him; 
and  Houston  has  often  been  heard  to  say,  that  when  he  laid 
himself  down  to  sleep  that  night,  after  the  gloom  and  the 


52  THE      CHILDREN      OF      THE      FORESTS. 

sorrows  of  the  past  few  weeks,  he  felt  like  a  weary  wanderer, 
returned  at  last  to  his  father's  house. 

Houston  now  passed  nearly  three  years  among  the  Cherokees. 
His  history  during  this  period  is  filled  with  stirring  and  beauti- 
ful incidents,  many  of  which  have  come  to  our  knowledge,  well 
worthy  of  being  related,  since  they  would  afford  the  finest 
pictures  of  the  lights  and  shadows  of  forest  life.  But  they 
would  only  illustrate  more  fully  those  characteristics  of  stern 
courage  and  wild  heroism  for  which  he  has,  throughout  his  life, 
been  so  distinguished,  and  of  which  the  world  will  require  no 
better  proofs  than  he  has  already  given.  We  shall,  therefore, 
pass  by  the  romance  of  his  forest  life,  at  this  period,  and  speak 
only  of  his  untiring  and  magnanimous  efforts  and  sacrifices  for 
several  years,  in  behalf  of  the  oppressed  and  outraged  Indians. 

The  Red  man  on  this  continent  has  had  few  better  friends  than 
Houston.  Prom  his  youth  he  loved  the  children  of  the  forest, 
and  among  their  wigwams,  and  around  their  council  fires,  he 
studied  the  mysteries  of  their  nature.  He  has  declared  that, 
during  an  intercourse  with  them  of  many  years,  he  never  was 
betrayed  or  deceived  by  a  Red  man.  Long  familiarity  with 
them  had  made  him  acquainted  with  their  wrongs  and  their 
sufferings,  and  he  knew  why  they  looked  upon  the  white  man  as 
their  foe.  He  had  robbed  them  of  their  forests  and  game — he 
had  laid  waste  their  wigwams,  and  introduced  discord  at  their 
council  fires — he  had,  with  the  glittering  bribe  of  gold  and  rifles, 
enticed  them  away  from  their  ancient  haunts,  and  even  driven 
them  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet  from  the  graves  of  their  fathers 
— and,  worse  than  all,  he  had  brought  among  them  his  accursed 
fire-water,  which  had  melted  down  the  lofty  chivalry  and  unbend- 
ing strength  of  their  primitive  nature,  and  by  that  infernal 
agency  degraded  and  enfeebled  a  power  which,  without  it*  they 
could  never  have  subdued.  This  was  the  forerunner,  and  the 
hand-maid  of  his  conquests — this  was  the  magic  wand  he  had 


HOUSTON      BEFRIENDS      T  H  E      RED      MAN.  53 

raised  over  their  stern  chieftains,  and  they  had  melted  away. 
Was  it  any  wonder  that  the  stricken  few  who  were  left  of  those 
bold,  untameable  tribes,  that  once  possessed  the  fair  lands  of 
this  broad  continent,  should  know  any  other  feelings  towards 
their  usurpers  than  revenge  ! 

Houston  knew  all  their  wrongs,  and  sympathized  in  all  their 
sufferings.  He  was  now  determined  to  devote  himself  to  their 
interests,  and  be  the  guardian  of  their  rights.  He  knew  that 
General  Jackson,  who  was  then  President,  felt  towards  him  the 
affection  and  confidence  of  an  old  and  tried  friend,  and  he  was 
resolved  to  scrutinize  the  actions  of  the  Indian  agents,  and  sub- 
agents,  with  the  greatest  severity,  and  report  the  result  of  his 
observations  to  the  President. 


VII. 

• 

He  was  always  invited  to  mingle  in  the  Councils  of  the 
Cherokees  during  his  residence  among  them,  but  while  he  often 
met  them  as  a  friend,  he  never  entered  their  Councils,  or  joined 
in  their  deliberations.  The  chief  counselled  with  him  often 
about  his  people,  nor  was  he  long  in  becoming  acquainted  with 
the  oppressions  and  glaring  injustice  which  had  been  inflicted  on 
them  by  the  agents  to  whom  their  affairs  had  been  intrusted  in 
their  migration  to  that  country.  In  exchange  for  the  territory 
they  had  occupied  lower  down  on  the  Arkansas,  they  were,  by 
treaty,  to  receive  twenty-eight  dollars  per  capita,  which 
amounted,  in  the  aggregate,  to  a  vast  sum.  Instead  of  paying 
this  money,  as  they  should  have  done,  certificates  were  issued 
by  the  agents,  under  the  pretence  they  had  no  money,  and  as 
paper  is  always  considered  worthless  by  the  Indians,  merchants, 
who  had  connections  with  the  agents,  purchased  up  these 
certificates  in  a  fraudulent  manner  for  a  mere  song,  representing 
that  it  was  very  uncertain  whether  the  Government  ever  could 


54  HIS      OPINION      OF     THE      INDIANS. 

send  them  money.  A  Mackinaw  blanket,  a  flask  of  powder, 
and  even  a  bottle  of  whisky,  was  often  all  these  defrauded 
exiles  ever  got  for  the  plighted  faith  of  our  Government. 

VIII. 

In  this  manner,  whole  tribes  were  preyed  upon  by  abandoned 
speculators,  and  so  completely  despoiled  of  the  munificent  appro- 
priations of  Congress,  that  it  is  more  than  doubtful  if  a  fifth 
part  of  the  money,  secured  to  them  by  solemn  treaty,  ever  got 
into  their  hands  ;  and  even  the  fraction  which  went  to  them 
only  proved  a  curse.  In  speaking  on  this  subject,  General 
Houston  once  said  : — 

"During  the  period  of  my  residence  among  the  Indians,  in  the  Arkansas 
region,  I  bad  every  facility  for  gaining  a  complete  knowledge  of  the  fla- 
grant outrages  practised  upon  the  poor  Red  men  by  the  agents  of  the 
government.  I  saw,  every  year,  vast  sums  squandered  and  consumed 
without  the  Indians  deriving  the  least  benefit,  and  the  government, 
in  very  many  instances,  utterly  ignorant  of  the  wrongs  that  were  perpe- 
trated. Had  one-third  of  the  money  advanced  by  the  government  been 
usefully,  honorably  and  wisely  applied,  all  those  tribes  might  have  been 
now  in  possession  of  the  arts,  and  the  enjoyments  of  civilization.  I  care 
not  what  dreamers,  and  politicians,  and  travellers,  and  writers  say  to  the 
contrary,  I  know  the  Indian  character,  and  I  confidently  avow,  that  if 
one-third  of  the  many  millions  of  dollars  our  government  has  appropriated 
within  the  last  twenty-five  years,  for  the  benefit  of  the  Indian  population, 
had  been  honestly  and  judiciously  applied,  there  would  not  have  been  at 
this  time  a  single  tribe  within  the  limits  of  our  States  and  Territories,  but 
what  would  have  been  in  the  complete  enjoyment  of  all  the  arts  and  all 
the  oomforts  of  civilized  life.  But  there  is  not  a  tribe  but  has  been  out- 
raged and  defrauded  ;  and  nearly  all  the  wars  we  have  prosecuted  against 
the  Indians,  have  grown  out  of  the  bold  frauds  and  the  cruel  injustice 
played  off  upon  them  by  our  Indian  agents  and  their  accomplices.  But 
the  purposes  for  which  these  vast  annuities  and  enormous  contingent 
advances  were  made  have  only  led  to  the  destruction  of  the  constitutions 


F  I  R  E  -  W  A  T  E  R      AMONG      RED      MEN.  55 

of  thousands,  and  the  increase  of  immorality  among  the  Indians.  We 
cannot  measure  the  desolating  effects  of  intoxicating  liquors  among  the 
Indians  by  any  analogy  drawn  from  civilized  life.  With  the  Red  man  the 
consequences  are  a  thousand  times  more  frightful.  Strong  drink,  when 
once  introduced  among  the  Indians,  unnerves  the  purposes  of  the  good, 
and  gives  energy  to  the  passions  of  the  vicious  ;  it  saps  the  constitution 
with  fearful  rapidity,  and  inflames  all  the  ferocity  of  the  savage  nature. 
The  remoteness  of  their  situation  excludes  them  from  all  the  benefits  that 
might  arise  from  a  thorough  knowledge  of  their  condition  by  the  Presi- 
dent, who  only  hears  one  side  of  the  story,  and  that,  too,  told  by  his  own 
creatures,  whose  motives  in  seeking  for  such  stations  are  often  only  to  be 
able  to  gratify  their  cupidity  and  avarice.  The  President  should  be  care- 
ful to  whom  Indian  agencies  are  given.  If  there  are  trusts  under  our 
government  where  honest  and  just  men  are  needed,  they  are  needed  in 
such  places  ;  where  peculation  and  fraud  can  be  more  easily  perpetrated 
than  anywhere  else.  For  in  the  far-off  forests  beyond  the  Mississippi, 
where  we  have  exiled  those  unfortunate  tribes,  they  can  perpetrate  their 
crimes  and  their  outrages,  and  no  eye  but  the  Almighty's  sees  them." 

During  the  entire  period  he  resided  in  that  region,  he  was 
unceasing  in  his  efforts  to  prevent  the  introduction  of  ardent  spi- 
rits among  the  Indians  ;  and  though,  for  more  than  a  year,  he 
had  a  trading  establishment  between  the  Grand  River  and  the 
Verdigris,  he  never  introduced  or  trafficked  in  those  destructive 
drinks.  This,  too,  was  at  a  period  when  he  was  far  from  being; 
a  practically  temperate  man  himself.  But,  whatever  might  be 
his  own  occasional  indulgences  during  his  visits  to  Fort  Gibson 
and  other  white  settlements,  he  had  too  much  humanity  and  love 
for  the  Red  men,  ever  to  contribute  to  their  crimes  or  their 
misfortunes  by  introducing  or  trafficking  in  those  damnable 
poisons. 

Cognizant  of  the  frauds  practised  on  these  various  tribes  by 
the  agents  of  the  Government,  he  could  not  endure  such  intoler- 
able acts  of  outrage  upon  the  rights  and  the  sympathies  of  those 
whom  he  could  not  but  esteem  a  generous  and  a  good  people  ; 
and  he  determined  their  conduct  should  be  known  at  the  seat  of 


56  HOUSTON'S    EXEMIES. 

Government,  not  doubting  they  would  be  instantly  removed. 
He  visited  Washington  early  in  1832,  and  made  such  represen- 
tations as  caused  an  investigation  into  their  conduct,  and  not 
less  than  five  agents  and  sub-agents  were  promptly  removed. 

IX. 

These  disgraced  men  were,  some  of  them,  highly  respectable, 
and  they  had  powerful  friends  in  Congress.  Their  dismissal 
from  office  was,  therefore,  the  signal  of  a  general  attack  upon 
Houston  from  every  quarter,  where  mortified  pride  or  disap- 
pointment was  aroused  ;  and  even  to  this  day  these  attacks  are 
made.  Before  leaving  Arkansas,  the  swindlers,  whose  conduct 
he  had  exposed,  had  crowded  the  journals  of  that  region 
with  the  basest  and  most  infamous  libels  against  Houston's  cha- 
racter. He  had  been  the  friend  of  the  despoiled  Red  man  ;  and 
when  he  saw  a  band  of  land  pirates  leagued  together  to  rob  the 
poor  Indian,  his  humanity  was  stirred,  and  he  fearlessly  tore  off 
the  mask  which  covered  these  perpetrators  of  such  high-handed 
injustice.  But  it  was  a  crime  for  which  they  never  forgave  him 
— and  all  that  money,  lavishly  used,  and  friends  in  high 
stations,  who  shared  the  spoils  of  the  robbers,  and  a  venal 
Press,  all  moved  by  untiring  malignity,  could  accomplish,  to 
cover  Houston  with  infamy— was  done. 


At  that  time,  hostility  against  General  Jackson  had  reached 
its  culminating  point.  There  was  a  majority  against  him  in 
Congress,  and  this  majority  were  bent  upon  his  ruin  as  a  public 
man.  All  the  agencies  that  are  resorted  to,  to  crush  a  great 
man  who  is  rising  into  fame,  had  been  tried.  Calumny  had 
exhausted  its  venom,  and  hatred  had  belched  forth  all  its  malig- 


JACKSON      THE      F  E I  E  X  D      OF       HOUSTON.  57 

nity.     But  the  heroic  old  man  had  gone  through  it  all  unscathed, 
and  he  now  sat  calm  and  high  above  the  shafts  of  hie  foes. 


XL 

But  Houston  was  the  sworn  friend  of  the  old  General,  and 
being  a  young  man  he  could  be  more  easily  crushed.  A  despe- 
rate effort  was  made,  to  rally  against  him  all  the  foes  of  General 
Jackson,  and  the  effort  was  successful.  One  charge  which  he 
had  made  against  the  agents,  and  proved  incontrovertibly, 
seemed  to  increase  their  former  malignity  a  hundredfold.  They 
had  been  contractors  for  furnishing  Indian  rations  ;  and  through 
their  injustice  or  delinquency,  some  of  the  Indians  had  died  of 
starvation,  and  to  multitudes  only  a  scanty  and  insufficient  sup- 
ply of  food  had  been  issued.  These  rations  were  issued  at  but 
one  point  in  the  two  Nations  (Creeks  and  Cherokees),  which 
compelled  the  emigrants,  as  they  had  not  had  the  benefit  of  a 
crop,  to  locate  in  the  most  unhealthy  parts  of  the  country,  for 
there  only  their  rations  could  be  obtained.  This  prevented 
their  establishment  and  creation  of  homes  in  the  new  country,  to 
which  they  had  emigrated. 

When  the  mask  was  torn  off  from  this  den  of  iniquity,  by  the 
bold,  humane  hand  of  Houston,  he  was  attacked  and  pursued 
with  ferocious  malignity. 

XI. 

But  it  was  not  enough  to  have  stirred  up  the  Press  of  the 
Nation  against  a  lofty-minded  and  upright  man  :  Now,  all 
Congress  was  to  be  moved  against  him.  It  was  necessary  in 
this  last  desperate  crusade,  to  hit  upon  a  file-leader,  who  had 
distinguished  himself  for  his  malignant  personal  hatred  of 
General  Jackson,  and,  at  the  same  time,  he  must  have  no 

3* 


58  ATTEMPT  TO   KILL  HOUSTON. 

scruples  agaiust  being  the  supple  tool  of  wiser,  but  not  better 
men,  who  pulled  the  wires  behind  the  scenes.  Characters  of 
this  description  were  not  wanting  in  the  Congress  that  waged 
this  THIRD  PUNIC  WAR  against  the  old  man  of  the  Hermitage  ; 
but  the  most  supple,  brazen-faced,  shameless  of  all,  was  a  cer- 
toin  politician,  who  had  been  elected  as  a  friend  of  Jackson. 
He  was  chosen  as  the  best  instrument  they  could  find,  to  use  for 
their  purposes.  In  his  place  in  the  House  of  Representatives, 
he  assailed  Houston,  and  charged  him  with  an  attempt  to  obtain 
a,  fraudulent  contract  for  Indian  Rations,  and  he  boldly  intimat- 
ed that  the  Secretary  of  War,  and  even  General  Jackson 
himself,  were  implicated  in  the  attempt  to  defraud. 

XY. 

A  crisis  had  now  come.  Houston  had  suffered  all  sorts 
of  abuse  before,  and  borne  it  in  silence  :  but  when  he  saw  the 
fame,  and  even  the  integrity  of  Gen.  Jackson,  ruthlessly  assail- 
ed on  his  account,  by  a  member  of  Congress,  he  was  determined 
to  chastise  him  for  his  cowardly  insolence  to  the  President.  He 
knew  Houston's  determination,  and  was  careful  not  so  cross  his 
path.  At  last,  one  evening,  when  he  knew,  by  positive  infor- 
mation, that  Houston  was  not  armed,  he  crossed  over  to  the 
other  side  of  Pennsylvania  Avenue  (where  Houston  was  walk- 
ing), for  the  purpose  of  perpetrating  some  foul  deed  in  the 
dark,  we  have  a  right  to  suppose,  since  it  was  proved  on 
the  trial  tljat  he  was  armed,  and  did  attempt  the  life  of  Hous- 
ton, who  had  no  weapon  about  him  but  a  hickory  cane. 

XYI. 

As  soon  as  Houston  recognized  his  antagonist,  through  the 
moonlight,  he  asked  him  if  his  name  was ,  of  Ohio.  The 


HOUSTON      ON      TRIAL.  59 

answer  had  no  sooner  escaped  his  lips,  than  Houston,  who  knew 
he  had  no  time  to  lose,  since  he  was  unarmed,  levelled  him  to 
the  ground,  and  shivered  his  hickory  cane  upon  his  head.  In 
the  meantime,  he  had  snapped  a  pistol  at  Houston,  but  it  missed 
fire,  or  he  had  been  a  dead  man,  for  it  was  held  to  his  breast. 
Houston  spared  his  life  ;  and  the  politician  crawled  off  to  his 
bed,  which  he  kept  some  days. 

XVII. 

The  chastised  member  now  caused  four  processes  to  be  com- 
menced against  Houston,  by  which  he  expected  to  crush 
and  disgrace  him  for  ever.  He  was  arrested  by  the  sergeant-at- 
arms,  and  brought  before  the  House  of  Representatives,  which 
resolved  itself  into  a  judicial  tribunal,  to  try  him  on  the 
charge  of  violation  of  the  rights  of  one  of  the  members,  whom 
Houston  had  held  responsible  for  words  uttered  in  debate.  The 
court  sat  nearly  thirty  days,  and  no  means  were  spared  to  con- 
demn the  accused  man.  It  was  argued,  and  with  great  ability, 
by  his  friends,  that  the  House  had  no  jurisdiction  in  the  case  ; 
that  by  the  Constitution,  Congress  had  been  made  a  Legislative 
Assembly,  but  clothed  with  no  judicial  powers  over  American 
citizens.  In  this  opinion,  too,  it  is  but  just  to  add,  some  of 
Gen.  Jackson's  political  opponents  concurred.  The  matter 
dragged  on  nearly  a  month  ;  and  as  the  conduct,  the  character, 
and  the  winning  personal  appearance  of  Houston,  were  conti- 
nually gaining  him  friends,  and  the  public  were  becoming 
indignant  that  Congress  should  abandon  the  business  of  the 
country,  to  prosecute  and  lacerate  an  unfortunate  and  self- 
exiled  man,  who  had  bled  in  its  service  ;  even  his  foes  them- 
selves became  tired  of  the  prosecution.  On  the  trial,  Houston 
spoke  in  his  own  defence,  at  great  length,  and  with  consummate 
eloquence  and  ability.  It  was  a  touching  spectacle,  to  see  a  man 


60  THIRTY      DAYS      OF      PUBLIC      TRIAL. 

who  had  been  four  years  a  member  of  that  body,  the  Governor 
of  a  great  State,  the  bosom  friend  of  Gen.  Jackson,  one  who  bore 
on  his  body  the  deep  wounds  received  in  fighting  under  the  flag 
waving  from  the  top  of  the  Capitol,  arraigned  by  party  politicians 
before  their  bar,  for  having,  in  protecting  himself,  while  unarmed, 
from  the  stealthy  attack  of  an  armed  coward,  chastised  a  rene- 
gade demagogue,  who  had  dared  to  charge  the  President  of  the 
United  States  with  a  bold  fraud,  because  he  thought  he  could, 
in  his .  place  in  Congress,  do  it  with  impunity.  Politicians  of  a 
certain 'class  will  at  last  learn,  that  in  their  attempts  to  crush 
those  bold  and  magnanimous  men  who  stand  by  the  masses  of  the 
people,  and  have,  from  the  very  beginning  of  the  Government, 
led  the  popular  majorities — they  are  only  hastening  the  advance- 
ment of  such  men  to  power. 

XVIII. 

What  turned  the  popular  feeling  in  favor  of  Houston  at  the 
time,  and  made  him  dear  to  the  people,  just  in  proportion  as  he 
was  persecuted,  was  the  undeniable  fact  that  he  was  brought  to 
the  rack  and  tortured  there,  because  of  his  enthusiastic  love  for  his 
old  General,  who  was  then  President. 

This  protracted  and  august  trial,  ended  in  a  party  vote  of 
instructions  to  the  Speaker,  to  reprimand  the  prisoner  at  the 
bar  of  the  House.  But  the  reprimand  was  delivered  in  so  cour- 
teous and  delicate  a  manner,  it  carried  with  it  more  of  the  tone 
of  an  approval  than  a  reprimand.  It  was  everywhere  regarded 
as  a  signal  triumph  for  Houston,  since  few  men  ever  had  so 
mighty  a  power  marshalled  against  them. 

XIX. 

The  second  process  was  to  move  for  a  committee  to  be  appoint- 
ed to  investigate  the  truth  of  the  charge  that  member  had  made 


HISACQUITTAL.  61 

against  Houston,  of  fraud  in  procuring  a  contract  for  furnishing 
Indian  rations.  A  committee  was  raised  and  the  demagogue  was 
appointed  chairman,  which  threw  into  his  hands  power  to  crush 
his  enemy,  if  the  fraud  could  be  proved.  Houston,  conscious  of 
his  innocence,  had  procured  this  measure  to  be  adopted  himself. 
And  what  was  the  result  of  this  second  attempt  to  ruin  this 
man,  who  had  come  from  his  distant  exile  only  on  the  humane 
mission — which  an  angel  might  have  undertaken — of  procuring 
justice  for  the  outraged  Indians.  After  a  tedious  and  thorough 
investigation — after  marshalling  every  circumstance  they  could 
to  his  prejudice,  the  committee  was  compelled  to  report  that  not 
the  slightest  evidence  had  appeared  to  sustain  the  charge. 

XX. 

Houston  was  still  triumphant,  and  his  foes  made  another  effort. 
They  introduced  a  resolution  to  exclude  him  for  ever  from  the 
lobby  of  the  House,  where,  as  an  ex-Member  of  Congress,  and 
the  Governor  of  a  State,  he  had  a  right  to  go.  But  this  also 
failed! 

Every  process  that  could  either  injure  or  disgrace  him,  had 
now  been  tried  in  Congress,  and  so  far  from  crushing  him,  he 
had  been  steadily  rising.  The  fourth  and  last  act  in  this  dis- 
graceful drama  then  opened.  At  the  instance  of  this  same 
demagogue,  who,  by  being  flogged  by  Houston,  had  now  won, 
what  was  doubtless  to  him,  a  very  gratifying  notoriety,  he  was 
indicted  and  held  to  bail  in  a  criminal  process  of  $20,000.  He 
could  have  evaded  the  trial  by  leaving  the  District,  but  he  met 
his  enemy  once  more,  and  after  twenty  days  he  was  fined  $500 
and  costs.  But  no  enforcement  of  the  sentence  of  the  Court 
was  ever  attempted.  It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  the  last  act 
but  one  of  Gen.  Jackson's  administration,  was  to  remit  the 
fine. 


62  HOUSTON     RETURNS     TO     THE    FORESTS. 

XXL 

Seldom,  if  ever,  in  the  history  of  this  country,  has  so  malig- 
nant a  persecution  been  waged  against  a  public  man.  Seldom, 
in  the  history  of  the  world,  has  a  man  been  able  to  withstand  so 
mighty  a  conspiracy.  But  Houston  came  off  triumphantly. 
During  this  entire  period  of  attack  and  abuse,  he  had  displayed 
no  cowardice  nor  shunned  the  most  searching  scrutiny.  He  had 
bared  his  breast  to  his  foes,  and  invited  their  weapons.  And 
now,  when  they  had  given  over  the  contest,  and  retired  from  it 
loaded  with  mortification  and  contempt,  this  hunted  and  perse- 
cuted man  deliberately  abandoned  once  more  the  haunts  of  civil- 
ization, and  went  voluntarily  where  his  foes  never  could  have 
driven  him — back  to  his  exile. 

XXII. 

He  returned  by  the  way  of  Tennessee,  and  wherever  he  went 
he  was  received  with  every  demonstration  of  regard.  Years  had 
passed  since  other  painful  occurrences  had  taken  place — and 
with  them  had  passed,  too,  the  storm  they  had  raised.  Reason 
had  resumed  it  sway  over  the  public  mind,  and  a  strong  desire 
was  manifested  that  he  should  again  take  up  his  abode  in  Ten- 
nessee. The  recent  persecutions  he  had  just  passed  through, 
had  only  won  for  him  a  deeper  sympathy  than  ever,  and  all  the 
pride  of  the  State  was  aroused  to  protect  and  honor  the  man  it 
had  lost.  But  he  could  not  be  dissuaded  from  his  purpose  of 
returning  once  more  to  the  forest.  A  sight  of  the  spot  where 
he  had  seen  the  bright  hopes  that  had  greeted  his  early  man- 
hood, crushed  in  a  single  hour,  only  awakened  associations  he 
wished  to  forget;  and  he  once  more  turned  his  face  towards  the 
distant  wigwam  of  the  old  Indian  Chief,  where,  after  a  year  of 
persecution  from  Christian  men,  he  found  repose  by  the 


THE      H  K  A  R  7  II  -  S  T  0  X  E      OF      A     SAVAGE      KING.       63 

hearth-stone  of  a  savage  King — a  biting  satire  upon  civilized 
life. 

XXIII. 

It  is  not  difficult  to  imagine  the  effect  that  such  unrelenting 
persecution  must  have  produced  upon  a  sensitive,  a  proud  and  a 
magnanimous  man.  He  had  escaped  civilized  life,  and  gone 
where  its  pestiferous  and  calumny-loaded  breath  could  not  reach 
him. 

He  had  no  more  ambition  to  gratify.  Posts  of  honor  and 
emolument  proffered  by  Gen.  Jackson,  he  rejected — for  he  would 
never  suffer  the  foes  of  the  old  Warrior  and  Statesman  to  heap 
opprobrium  upon  his  name,  for  showing  favor  to  a  proscribed 
man. 


64  TEXAS     THE     NEW     FIELD. 


SECTION   SIXTH. 

TEXAS THE       NEW      FIELD. 

I. 

.y 

His  intention  was  now  to  become  a  herdsman,  and  spend  the 
rest  of  his  life  in  'the  tranquillity  of  the  prairie  solitudes.  A 
fondness  for  rural  pursuits  was  now  the  only  passion  he  had  to 
gratify.  Leaving  his  wigwam,  which  was  situated  on  the  mar- 
gin of  a  prairie  between  the  Yerdigris  and  the  Grand  River,  a 
short  distance  from  its  junction  with  the  Arkansas,  he  set  out 
on  the  1st  of  December,  1832.,  with  a  few  companions,  through 
the  wilderness  to  Fort  Towson.  At  Nacogdoches  he  reported 
himself  to  the  authorities,  and  a  few  days  after  went  on  to  San 
Felipe  de  Austin,  the  seat  of  government  of  Austin's  Colony  ; 
after  reporting  to  the  authorities,  he  prosecuted  his  journey  to' 
San  Antonio  de  Bexar. 

Here  he  held  an  interview  with  a  delegation  of  the  Camanche 
Indians  on  a  visit  to  that  place.  In  all  his  intercourse  with  the 
authorities  and  citizens,  his  conduct  was  marked  by  great 
respect  for  law  and  the  institutions  of  the  country.  After  some 
days  he  returned  with  two  companions  to  San  Felipe  de  Austin. 
At  Nacogdoches  he  was  now  warmly  solicited  to  establish  his  per- 
manent residence,  and  allow  his  name  to  be  used  as  candidate  for 
election  to  a  Convention  which  was  to  meet  in  the  following  April.* 

*  In  1832,  in  view  of  the  probable  necessity  of  revolutionizing  Texas,  the  people  of  the 
country  openly  and  generally  expressed  themselves  in  favor  of  inviting  either  Houston 
or  Carroll  to  come  among  them,  and  head  any  revolutionary  movement  that  might  be 
determined  on. 


FIRST     CIVIC     LIFE     INTEXAS.  65 

II. 

He  was  now  slow  to  yield  to  their  request,  for  his  purpose 
had  been  formally  settled  to  abandon  public  life  and  enjoy  the 
repose  and  solitude  of  a  forest  home.  But  a  single  glance  at 
the  resources  of  this  new  country,  and  the  character  and  condi- 
tion of  its  population,  satisfied  him  that  a  great  destiny  awaited 
them,  and  in  imagination  he  already  saw  a  new  commonwealth 
rising  into  power.  He  was  still  in  the  morning  of  life — here 
was  a  new  field  for  achievement,  where  all  the  bold  elements  of 
his  character  could  find  full  play.  Once  embarked  on  the 
stream  of  a  revolution,  the  world  would  learn,  at  last,  the  cha- 
racter of  the  man  it  had  hunted  from  society,  and  history  and 
time  would  pronounce  his  eulogy.  Sober  reflection  convinced 
him  that  his  public  life  was  hardly  yet  begun,  and  he  permitted 
them  to  use  his  name  for  the  suffrages  of  the  people,  who  seem- 
ed at  once  to  recognize  his  great  qualities  as  a  civil  and  military 
leader. 

III. 

While  the  election  was  going  on,  he  returned  to  Natchitoches, 
in  Louisiana,  and  made  a  report  to  the  Government  of  the 
United  States.  Its  origin  is  supposed  to  have  been  in  the  fact 
of  his  having  been  requested  by  Gen  Jackson  to  ascertain  the 
disposition  of  the  Camanches  to  make  peace  with  our  Govern- 
ment, and  to  prevail  upon  a  delegation  of  that  numerous 
and  warlike  nation  to  visit  Fort  Gibson  on  the  Arkansas,  and 
afterwards  proceed  to  Washington.  Gen.  Jackson  thought  that 
the  emigration  of  the  Choctaws,  the  Chicasaws,  and  the  Creeks, 
would  be  promoted  by  a  Treaty  of  Peace  with  the  Camanches, 
whose  power  and  hostile  disposition  they  dreaded,  in  establishing 
themselves  in  their  new  home.  As  this  was  a  confidential  mis- 
sion, little  is  known  of  its  history.  But  it  is  certain  that  in 


6  FIRST      CONVENTION      IN      TEXAS. 

Houston's  interviews  with  the  Caraanches  at  Bexar,  the  objects 
were  accomplished  which  had  been  contemplated  by  the  mission. 
On  his  return  to  Xacogdoches,  he  learned  that  during  his 
absence  he  had  been  elected  by  a  unanimous  vote.  He  took  up 
his  residence  among  his  new  constituents,  who  had  extended 
towards  him  so  generous  a  greeting. 

IT. 

This  Convention,  which  was  composed  of  more  than  fifty 
members,  assembled  at  San  Felipe  de  Austin,  the  first  of  April, 
1833.  It  was  the  first  deliberate  assembly  made  up  of  men 
descended  from  the  Anglo-Saxon  race,  which  had  ever  assembled 
within  the  limits  of  the  ancient  dominions  of  Cortez,  and  the 
first  step  in  that  stupendous  movement,  which  has  already  swept 
across  the  Cordillera  Mountains  to  the  green  shores  of  the 
Pacific,  where  thousands  of  young  riflemen  from  New  York  and 
New  England  have  gone  to  plant  fortresses  of  protection,  and 
institutions  of  learning,  like  those  which  are  now  overshadowing 
the  crumbling  despotisms  of  two  hemispheres. 

The  Convention  met  in  a  rude,  narrow  apartment  —  as  the 
first  colonists  of  the  Grecian  States  are  said  to  have  organized 
those  famous  Republics  of  antiquity,  under  rude  tents  in  the 
forests,  robed  in  the  skins  of  wild  beasts.  But  there  were  men 
there,  whose  deliberations  involved  the  fate  of  many  millions. 


As  the  delegates  had  their  own  expenses  to  pay,  they  pro- 
ceeded forthwith  to  the  business  which  had  called  them  together, 
and  in  thirteen  days,  they  completed  one  of  the  best  models 
extant,  for  a  State  Constitution.  It  was  signed  by  the  mem- 
bers, and  a  Memorial  adopted  by  the  Convention.  Stephen  F. 


FIRST     COLLISION      WITH      SANTA     ANNA.          67 

Austin,  William  H.  Wharton,  President  of  the  Convention,  and 
James  B.  Miller,  were  appointed  commissioners  to  bear  the  Con- 
stitution and  Memorial  to  the  Supreme  Government  of  Mexico, 
and  obtain  the  recognition  of  Texas  as  one  of  the  States  of  the 
Confederacy.  The  Memorial  set  forth  various  reasons  why 
Texas  should  become  one  of  the  States  of  Mexico ;  amongst 
others,  that  it  would  enable  her  to  negotiate  terms  with  the 
hostile  Indian  tribes,  and  secure  their  rights  to  land  previously 
promised  by  the  General  Government.  Encroachments  had 
been  made  on  the  Indian  territory,  subsequent  to  the  rupture 
between  the  colonists  and  the  Mexican  soldiers,  stationed  at 
Nacogdoches,  Yelasco,  and  Anahuac.  This  rupture  had  taken 
place  in  the  summer  of  1832,  in  consequence  of  a  difference 
between  Bustamente  and  Santa  Anna.  The  former  had 
attempted  to  subvert  the  Constitution  of  1824,  and  the  military 
throughout  Texas  had  pronounced  in  his  favor.  Santa  Anna 
declared  himself  the  friend  and  supporter  of  the  Constitution, 
and  the  colonists  siding-with  him  in  the  civil  revolution,  which 
had  begun  in  Mexico  and  spread  to  Texas,  had  expelled  the 
military,  whose  usurpations,  up  to  that  time,  had  been  submitted 
to  without  murmuring.  Santa  Anna  was  now  in  power,  and  the 
colonists  doubted  not  that  Austin  and  his  colleagues  would  be 
received  with  favor,  and  their  Constitution  ratified  by  the 
Federal  authorities. 

VI. 

Austin  alone  finally  went  to  the  city  of  Mexico.  He  was 
received  with  some  formality,  but  little  encouragement  was 
given  to  his  mission.  In  the  meantime  Santa  Anna  had  resolved 
on  establishing  a  military  despotism,  which  was  the  only  reason 
that  could  have  been  urged  against  accepting  the  Constitution. 

In  the  formation  of  that  instrument,  the  greatest  care  had 
been  taken  to  render  it  entirely  acceptable  to  the  Central 


68  THE      CONSTITUTION      OF     TEXAS. 

Government.  In  the  organization  of  the  States  of  Mexico, 
under  the  Federal  Constitution  of  1824,  the  Provinces  of  Texas 
and  Coahuila  formed  one  State,  but  the  right  had  been  reserved 
to  Texas,  of  constituting  herself  a  distinct  State  when  her 
population  would  justify  the  measure.  The  Federal  Govern- 
ment and  Coahuila  had  for  some  time  pursued  towards  Texas  a 
policy  which  rendered  it  necessary  for  her  to  become  a  separate 
State  as  soon  as  possible.  They  had  granted  away  her  territory 
in  large  tracts,  under  the  pretence  of  raising  funds  to  enable 
Mexico  to  defend  her  frontiers  against  the  Indians,  but  she  had 
never  appropriated  one  dollar  to  that  object.  For,  whenever 
the  Central  Administration  stationed  any  troops  in  Texas,  it 
was  in  the  towns  nearest  to  the  sea-board,  where  no  hostile 
attack  from  the  savages  could  be  apprehended.  Here,  with  a 
military  force  to  overawe  the  citizens,  a  support  of  the  Govern- 
ment, which  would  never  otherwise  have  been  conceded,  could  be 
extorted.  The  Frontiers  were  left  without  protection,  and  the 
colonists  were  obliged  to  protect  themselves  as  best  they  could, 
against  the  'hostile  incursions  of  fifteen  or  twenty  tribes  of 
Indians. 

YII. 

We  have  already  said  that  great  care  was  taken  to  render  the 
new  Constitution  acceptable  to  the  Federal  Government. 
Mexico,  for  example,  had  no  banks.  In  the  Convention,  a 
measure  had  been  brought  forward,  and  an  article  proposed  to 
be  inserted,  authorizing  the  Legislature  of  the  State  of  Texas  to 
create  a  bank  or  banks.  This  measure  was  introduced  by 
Branch  T.  Archer,  and  supported  by  the  principal  men  in  the 
Convention.  Houston  was  the  only  speaker  who  opposed  the 
policy.  In  principle  he  was  opposed  to  any  system  of  banking, 
except  one  whose  powers  could  be  brought  within  very  narrow 
limits;  and  he  did  not  believe  a  more  fatal  precedent  could  be 


HOUSTON'S    POLICY    FOR    TEXAS.  69 

established  in  the  infancy  of  the  new  State.  The  exigencies  of 
cupidity  and  of  business  would  prove  stronger  than  the  enact- 
ments of  law,  and  he  was  persuaded  that  no  sound  system  of 
banking  could  be  hoped  for  in  so  new  a  community. 

But  he  was  opposed  to  the  measure  also,  on  the  ground  of 
policy.  It  would  be  a  valid  reason,  if  inserted,  for  Mexico  to 
reject  the  Constitution,  since  it  would  be  an  innovation  upon  the 
Legislation  of  the  General  Government,  and  he  was  deeply 
anxious  to  preserve  harmony,  and  wished  Texas  to  defer  to  the 
prejudices  and  institutions  of  Mexico,  rather  than  excite  her 
jealousy  by  any  of  these  new  movements,  which  would  at  least 
be  likely  to  excite  suspicion,  if  not  positive  alarm.  Houston 
spoke  on  this  subject  with  great  eloquence  and  convincing  power. 
He  caused  the  article  in  dispute  to  be  stricken  out,  and  one 
inserted  prohibiting  the  establishment  of  all  banks  and  banking 
Corporations,  for  a  period  of  ninety-nine  years,  which  passed  the 
Convention  by  a  large  majority. 

tin. 

This  was  the  first  illustration  Houston  gave  of  that  wise  and 
profound  policy,  which  guided  all  his  counsels  during  the  long 
struggle  Texas  was  obliged  to  pass,  before  she  could  be  admitted 
to  the  full  prerogatives  of  an  American  commonwealth.  We 
shall  have  occasion  to  remark  the  difference  between  his  policy, 
and  that  of  other  public  men,  who  figured  on  the  same  scene. 
All  new  States  are  infested,  more  or  less,  by  a  class  of  noisy, 
second-rate  men,  who  are  always  in  favor  of  rash  and  extreme 
measures.  But  Texas  was  absolutely  overrun  by  such  men. 
There  seemed  to  be  few  of  that  class  who  give  character  to  the 
institutions  of  new  States,  which  spring  suddenly  into  power, — 
men  who  are  brave  enough  for  any  trial,  wise  enough  for  any 
emergency,  and  cool  enough  for  any  crisis.  But  fortunately, 


tO  AUSTIN      IMPRISONED. 

Texas  had.  some  such  men,  and  she  had  a  leader  she  depended 
on  in  the  camp,  and  a  Counsellor  she  relied  on  in  the  Senate. 
It  is  exceedingly  doubtful  what  would  have  been  her  fate,  but 
for  him.  And  yet,  we  shall  perceive,  as  we  trace  down  Hous- 
ton's history,  involving,  as  it  necessarily  does,  the  history  of 
Texas,  that  all  his  difficulties  and  all  the  dangers  of  the  State, 
and  the  sufferings  and  sacrifices  of  her  people,  grew  out  of  the 
rash  and  headstrong  movements  of 'a  few  men,  whose  judgments 
and  counsels  were  generally  precipitate,  and  ended,  when  fol- 
lowed, in  embarrassing  the  State,  or  plunging  it  into 
danger. 

IX. 

Those  who  were  present  in  the  Convention,  have  always 
attributed  to  Houston  the  moulding  influence  which  controlled 
the  action  of  the  Assembly,  and  gave  tone  to  the  political  feel- 
ings and  events  that  followed.  They  are  also  just  as  confident 
in  the  belief,  that  if  restless  and  ambitious  spirits,  who  will 
"  rule  or  rend,"  had  been  willing  to  follow  Houston's  wise  coun- 
sels, the  Independence  of  Texas  would  have  been  achieved 
without  much  sacrifice  of  blood  or  treasure.  We  shall  see  how 
he  at  last  triumphed,  and  how  much  sacrifice,  care,  and  endur- 
ance, it  cost  him  and  his  country. 


But  to  return  to  Austin,  whom  we  left  in  Mexico,  and  in 
trouble.  Finding  his  application  fail,  he  concluded  to  return  to 
Texas.  On  his  way  home,  he  was  pursued  by  order  of  the 
Government,  taken  back  to  the  Capital,  and  thrown  into  a 
dungeon,  where  he  dragged  out  many  months  of  gloom  and  suf- 
fering. He  was  an  amiable,  enlightened,  excellent  man,  and  a 


PUBLIC      MEETINGS      IN      TEXAS.  11 

pure  patriot.  He  was  beloved  and  respected  by  the  colonists, 
and  his  fame  and  virtues  will  be  long  cherished  by  the  Texans. 
During  his  imprisonment,  stories  of  his  sufferings  reached  Texas, 
and  everywhere  they  produced  a  deep  sensation.  The  indig- 
nation of  the  colonists  burst  forth  like  the  rage  of  a  single  man. 
There  was,  at  that  time,  only  one  press  in  Texas  [at  Brazoria], 
but  it  gave  utterance  to  the  wrongs  of  the  people  ;  and  although 
few  in  numbers  (for  the  entire  population  of  Texas  did  not 
exceed  20,000  souls),  yet,  instead  of  exercising  discretion,  they 
spoke  freely  of  the  wrongs  they  endured,  and  the  rights  guaran- 
teed to  them  under  the  Constitution  of  1824.  Houston  dis- 
couraged such  unrestrained  ebullitions  of  feeling,  since  they 
would  be  likely  to  plunge  Texas  into  a  bloody  struggle  with 
Mexico,  before,  she  was  prepared  for  it — while  he  was  as  anxious 
as  any  man,  for  the  day  of  her  political  redemption. 


XI. 

Austin  had  been  cast  into  prison,  with  no  definite  accusation 
alleged  against  him,  and  without  even  the  form  of  a  trial.  At 
length  he  was  liberated  by  Santa  Anna,  and  permitted  to  return 
home.  He  had  great  confidence  in  Austin,  for  he  had  shown 
himself  a  friend  of  order  on  all  occasions  in  Texas,  and  loyal  to 
the  principles  recognized  at  the  time.  He  had  first  migrated  to 
that  country  with  300  families,  as  colonists — and  thus  intro- 
duced the  materials  of  that  vast  political  structure,  which  was 
subsequently  wrought  into  form  and  beauty.  When  he  returned 
to  Texas,  he  found  the  public  mind  inflamed,  and  indignation 
had  been  expressed  in  municipal  meetings.  But  when  public 
feeling  was  subsiding,  and  few,  if  any,  orderly  men  were  thinking 
of  extreme  measures,  Santa  Anna  showed  clearly  that  nothing 
short  of  absolute  power  would  satisfy  him. 


12  SANTA    ANNA'S    TYRANNY. 

XII. 

The  colonists  were  alarmed,  and  precautionary  measures  were 
taken.  They  were  ruled  by  Mexican  laws,  and  governed  by 
officers  who  followed  blindly  Mexican  edicts.  Rumors  were 
constantly  reaching  Texas,  that  the  colonists  were  laboring 
under  the  disapprobation  of  the  Mexican  government.  The 
commerce  of  Texas,  had  been  placed  under  restrictions  of  the 
most  oppressive  character,  and  the  worst  men  had  been  set  over 
the  administration  of  the  customs.  Taxation  had  become 
oppressive.  The  people  had  been  baffled  in  all  their  attempts 
to  secure  justice,  and  large  sums  of  money  had  been  extorted 
from  them  in  obtaining  titles  to  the  lands  they  had  improved, 
and  which  had  been  guaranteed  to  them  by  the  Mexican 
government.  An  edict  of  Santa  Anna  had  demanded  of  the 
people,  the  surrender  of  their  private  arms.  This  struck  them 
like  an  eledric  shock.  It  not  only  exposed  their  wives  and 
children  to  the  fury  of  hostile  Indians,  but  to  all  the  horrors  of 
starvation — for  many  families  depended  upon  wild  game  for 
daily  subsistence. 

XIII. 

At  Gonzales,  there  was  a  piece  of  artillery  for  the  defence  of 
the  place,  which  was  called  into  almost  weekly  requisition  by 
the  incursions  of  the  Indians.  It  was  the  capital  of  Dewitt's 
Colony,  situated  on  the  eastern  bank  of  the  Guadalupe,  about 
seventy  miles  east  of  Bexar.  In  obedience  to  Santa  Anna's 
edict,  Ugartchea,  a  Colonel  in  the  Mexican  army,  in  command 
of  several  hundred  dragoons,  marched  to  Gonzales,  from  Bexar, 
to  carry  off  the  four-pounder.  The  colonists  flocked  together 
for  the  rescue  of  the  little  field-piece.  Some  skirmishing  took 
place,  without  any  serious  consequences  at  the  moment.  But  a 
great  point  had  been  won — the  first  shot  had  been  fired  by  the 


TEXAS   PREPARES   FOR  THE   STRUGGLE.    73 

Mexican  army,  and  the  swords  drawn  that  day,  were  to  be 
returned  no  more  to  their  scabbards,  till  the  last  link  in  the 
Mexican  fetters,  which  had  bound  the  youthful  form  of  Texan 
Liberty,  had  been  snapped  asunder,  and  she  stood  erect  among 
the  nations. 

XIV. 

• 

Austin  arrived  at  the  scene  of  the  struggle,  and  was  elected 
General  of  the  Forces.  The  insurgents  not  only  rescued  their 
four-pounder,  but  resolved  to  pursue  the  enemy  to  Bexar, 
and  drive  the  base  myrmidons  of  the  Mexican  tyrant  from  their 
soil.  A  general  alarm  was  spread  to -the  banks  of  the  Sabine. 
Eastern  Texas  had  hitherto  been  disposed  to  remain  tranquil, 
supposing  all  might  not  be  so  bad  as  rumor  proclaimed  it ; — 
but  the  torch  of  war  had  now  been  lighted,  and  Texas  rose 
everywhere  like  a  single  man. 

Committees  of  Yigilance  and  Safety,  had  been  constituted  in 
the  Municipalities  of  San  Augustine  and  JSTacogdoches,  and 
a  partial  organization  of  the  militia  under  their  direction,  had 
taken  place.  In  the  meantime,  Houston  had  been  chosen 
General  of  Texas,  east  of  the  Trinity.  An  invitation  had  been 
given  by  the  people  of  the  county  of  Brazoria,  and  responded  to 
by  other  Municipalities,  to  elect  delegates  to  meet  in  a  General 
Consultation,  to  devise  means  of  safety,  in  the  event  of  danger  : 
for  they  had  now  become  pretty  well  satisfied  that  they  had 
little  to  hope  for  from  the  despot  of  Mexico. 


XV. 

Austin  had  proceeded  on  to  Bexar  with  his  forces,  and  invested 
it.  The  colonists  marched  to  him  from  all  sections  of  the  Pro- 
vince, till  eight  hundred  armed  men  joined  his  standard.  These 

4 


THE      PATRIOT      AUSTIN. 

events  occurred  in  October,  1835.  The  Consultation  was  to 
meet  early  in  that  month  at  Washington  and  at  the  specified  time, 
fifty-six  delegates  assembled.  At  their  first  meeting,  they  con- 
ferred, and  changed  the  place  of  deliberation  to  San  Felipe, 
where  they  received  an  invitation  from  Gen.  Austin  to  repair  to 
Bexar,  pledging  himself,  if  they  complied,  that  he  would  reduce 
the  place  in  three  days.  After  his  advance  upon  Bexar,  citizens 
residing  near  Matagorda  and  Victoria",  formed  a  company,  and 
under  the  command  of  Captain  Collinsworth,  reduced  Goliad, 
and  maintained  possession  of  the  town.  On  the  first  meeting  of 
the  Consultation,  General  Austin  wrote  to  Houston,  to  send  on 
his  Division  of  troops.  Houston  took  from  his  pocket  the  last 
five  dollars  he  had  in  the  world,  and  put  it  into  the  hand  of  a 
good  rider,  with  dispatches  to  his  Division,  and  in  a  short  time 
the  Redlanders  were  rapidly  mustering  for  the  scene  of  war. 
Immediately  after  having  received  the  invitation  of  General 
Austin,  Houston,  with  the  major  part  of  the  Consultation,  set 
out  without  delay  for  Austin's  Camp,  at  the  Salado,  within  three 
miles  of  Bexar. 

XYI. 

Soon  after  their  arrival,  General  Austin,  in  whose  pure  and 
lofty  mind,  love  of  country  outweighed  all  considerations  of  per- 
sonal aggrandizement,  feeling  diffident  to  lead  an  army  at  such  a 
time,  proposed  to  surrender  his  command  to  Houston.  Houston 
most  positively  declined  his  magnanimous  offer,  alleging,  among 
other  reasons,  that  the  troops,  then  in  the  field,  were  either  those 
who  had  elected  Austin  as  their  commander,  or  -had  marched  to 
the  camp  in  obedience  to  his  requisition:  and  he  believed  it 
would  furnish  a  pretext  for  the  seditious  and  disaffected  to  aban- 
don the  service,  and  defeat  the  objects  of  the  campaign.  But 
lie  frankly  offered  to  render  General  Austin  any  aid  in  his 
power,  in  organizing  or  drilling  his  command. 


PROVISION  A- L     DECLARATION     OF     INDEPENDENCE.  75 

A  Council  of  War  was  held  in  the  camp,  to  which  the  principal 
officers  and  members  of  the  Consultation  were  invited.  A  ques- 
tion arose  as  to  the  propriety,  or  rather  necessity,  of  forming  a 
Provisional  Government,  which  could  be  done  only  by  the 
re-assembling  of  the  members  of  the  Consultation  at  San  Felipe. 
In  this  exigency,  the  Council  of  War  determined  to  refer  the 
subject  to  the  Army.  The  following  day  the  troops  were  drawn 
up,  and  their  vote  taken.  They  were  unanimous  in  the  opinion 
that  the  Consultation  ought  to  re-assemble  and  form  a  Provi- 
sional Government,  and  devise  ways  and  means  for  maintaining 
the  army  then  in  the  field;  and  adopt  such  measures  as  would 
give  Texas  credit  abroad. 

XYIL 

After  General  Austin  had  marched  the  army  some  ten  or 
twelve  miles  below,  to  the  Mission  of  Espada,  the  members  of 
the  Consultation  repaired  to  San  Felipe,  where  they  re-organ- 
ized, and  once  more  opened  their  deliberations.  They  made  a 
Provisional  Declaration,  exhorting  all  Mexicans  to  unite  in 
maintaining  the  Constitution  of  1824;  and  pledged  their  lives, 
property,  and  sacred  honor,  in  support  of  its  principles.  They 
established  an  organic  law  for  the  Provisional  Government  of 
the  Province,  and  organized  a  temporary  administration  for  it. 
Houston  was  one  of  the  Committee  to  frame  the  Declaration. 
A  disposition  existed  on  the  part  of  the  members  of  the  Com- 
mittee, to  make  a  Declaration  of  absolute  Independence,  and 
such  a  resolution  was  adopted.  Considering  this  movement 
premature  and  ill-judged,  he  got  a  member  of  the  majority  to 
move  a  reconsideration  of  the  vote.  By  one  of  the  ablest 
efforts  of  his  life,  he  carried  his  point:  and  on  the  trial,  there 
was  found  to  be  a  considerable  majority  in  favor  of  the  Pro- 
visional Declaration. 


76  HOUSTON'S    INDIAN    COSTUME. 

XVIII. 

These  deliberations  were  held  in  a  little  framed  building  of 
one  floor — without  ceiling  or  plaster — whose  only  apartment 
was  the  narrow  room  where  they  assembled.  Houston,  as  was 
his  custom  in  those  days,  was  dressed  in  buckskin  breeches,  and 
a  Mexican  blanket.  But  the  appearance  of  the  room,  and  the 
costume  of  the  members,  had  little  to  do  with  their  delibe- 
rations. In  regard  to  this  freak  of  Houston,  of  dressing  for 
years,  a  la  sauvage,  General  Jackson  is  reported  to  have  said,  he 
"  thanked  God  there  was  one  man,  at  least,  in  Texas,  who  was 
made  by  th«  Almighty,  and  not  by  a  tailor."  When  Houston 
took  up  his  abode  in  the  forests,  he  assumed  the  simple  and 
picturesque  costume  of  the  proud  race  among  whom  he  dwelt ; 
that  portion  of  the  world,  which  had  poured  gall  into  his 
lacerated  bosom,  and  finally  hunted  him  into  the  forests,  now 
invaded  the  solitude  of  his  new  home.  One  of  his  crimes  was, 
that  he  had  become  an  Indian — even  in  his  dress.  Certainly 
these  men  "  the  tailors  had  made" — and  he  must  have  been  an 
outlaw,  whose  dress  was  more  like  a  Roman  Senator's  than  the 
dandy's  of  Broadway. 

Some  of  Napoleon's  officers  were  once  laughing,  on  the  morn- 
ing of  one  of  his  great  battles,  at  the  gay  dress  of  Murat  as  he 
rode  by,  decked  in  ribbons  and  plumes. 

"  You  may  smile,  Messieurs,"  said  Napoleon,  "  at  my  dandy 
Marshal,  but  take  care  that  when  the  columns  are  shot  down 
to-day,  you  keep  your  eye  upon  him — for  where  you  see  Murat's 
gaudy  plumes,  there  will  be  the  hottest  of  the  fight.  Let 
a  hero  have  one  folly,  gentlemen."  Diogenes  lived  in  a  tub, 
but  from  all  accounts,  the  world  felt  a  good  deal  more  disturbed 
about  it  than  the  old  philosopher  himself. 

Yes,  Houston,  the  adopted  son  of  an  Indian  Chief,  wore  the 
dress  of  his  tribe  ;  but  he  carried  a  brave  heart  under  his 


COMMANDER      IN      CHIEF.  T1 

blanket.  He  refused  to  be  a  candidate  for  any  office  ;  what  he 
could  do,  however,  he  was  ready  to  do.  A  Governor  and  Lieu- 
tenant-Governor were  elected.  A  Council  was  also  created — 
one  member  from  each  Municipality — and  the  requisite  number 
of  officers  appointed  for  the  administration  of  such  a  govern- 
ment. The  Council  was  to  continue  in  session  till  they  should 
be  superseded  by  officers  elected  by  the  people.  Measures  were 
also  taken  for  raising  a  Regular  Army,  and  organizing  the 
militia. 

XIX. 

Another  event  took  place,  which  decided  the  fate  of  Texas. 
The  man  in  buckskin,  and  the  Mexican  blanket,  was,  with  only 
one  dissenting  voice  among  more  than  fifty  members,  elected 
COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  OF  THE  ARMIES  OF  TEXAS. 

There  was  no  alternative  for  Houston  but  to  accept  the 
office.  There  was  no  one  else  gifted  with  those  great  qualities 
which  nature  lavishes  on  men  born  to  command.  He  accepted 
the  appointment,  and  proceeded  to  appoint  his  staff,  and  draw 
up  the  necessary  bills  for  the  organization  of  the  Army,  and  the 
appointment  of  the  officers  of  the  line — embracing  a  competent 
organization  of  the  forces  to  be  raised. 

XX. 

Texas  had  not  a  dollar  at  this  time  ;  and  previous  to  Hous- 
ton's election,  Commissioners  had  been  appointed  to  visit  the 
United  States  to  forward  her  interests,  and  procure  a  loan  to 
sustain  her  under  the  pressure  of  her  bold  undertaking.  Austin, 
Wharton,  and  Archer,  were  appointed  Commissioners,  and  they 
were  already  on  their  way.  Houston's  hopes  of  money  were  not 
sanguine.  He  regarded  Texas  as  thrown  upon  her  own  re- 
sources, and  such  aids  as  could  be  afforded  by  individuals  whom 


78  A     PROCLAMATION. 

the  spirit  of  patriotism  might  inspire  with  generosity.  At 
that  moment,  there  were  few  men  in  the  United  States  who  had 
any  adequate  conception  of  the  importance  of  those  early  move- 
ments, or  dreamed  of  the  results  that  were  to  follow.  Even 
now,  as  these  grand  events  of  the  last  twenty  years  pass  in 
review  before  us,  we  seem,  in  the  soberness  of  solitary  reflection, 
to  be  tracing  the  progress  of  one  of  the  States  of  Antiquity. 
But  there  are  few  men  who  understand  great  social  or  political 
changes,  till  they  have  become  matters  of  history.  We  shall,  in 
the  sequel;  glance  at  some  of  the  causes  which  have  operated  to 
cloud  and  prejudice  the  minds  of  the  people  of  this  country  on 
the  entire  subject  of  Texas. 

XXI. 

In  the  meantime,  General  Houston  issued  a  proclamation, 
inviting  five  thousand  volunteers  to  unite  in  the  cause  of  Texas. 
The  Army  still  remained  in  the  field  under  Burleson,  who  had 
succeeded  to  the  command,  after  General  Austin  had  left  for 
the  United  States.  He  was  an  early  settler  of  Texas,  and  a 
good  man  ;  but  destitute  of  those  great  qualities  which  fit  men 
for  military  control.  Before  General  Austin  left  the  army, 
Fannin  and  Bowie,  with  about  one  hundred  men,  encountered 
five  hundred  Mexicans  at  the  Mission  Conception.  The  action 
was  sustained  gallantly  by  the  Americans,  and  the  Mexicans 
retreated,  leaving  some  dead  on  the  field,  and  carrying  with 
them  many  wounded.  The  victors  then  marched  to  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Bexar,  and  posted  themselves  above  the  town. 
Colonel  Benj.  R.  Milam,  who  had  then  no  command  in  the 
Army,  proposed  that  volunteers  should  turn  out,  who  were 
willing  to  enter  the  town  of  Bexar,  and  storm  the  place. 
About  two  hundred  flocked  to  his  banner  ;  and  led  by  the  gal- 
lant Milan,  whose  chivalry  entitled  him  to  the  confidence 


CAPITULATION      OF      THE      ALAMO.  79 

of  such  brave  men,  entered  the  town  at  night  ;  and  taking  pos- 
session of  certain  buildings,  made  their  way  with  crowbars 
through  the  walls,  from  house  to  house.  After  performing  acts 
of  singular  bravery  for  several  days,  the  heroic  Milam  fell,  his 
head  pierced  by  a  rifle-ball  ;  and,  shortly  after  their  leader's 
death,  the  troops  got  entire  possession  of  the  town,  and  the 
Alamo  (the  enemy's  fortress)  capitulated. 

XXII. 

A  singular  spectacle  was  presented  on  the  morning  of  the 
capitulation.  Not  less  than  eleven  hundred  Mexican  soldiers, 
passed  before  a  little  band  of  less  than  two  hundred  Texans,  and 
laid  down  their  arms.  They  were  released  on  their  parole 
of  honor,  and  marched  to  Mexico  by  General  Cos.  This  same 
General  violated  his  faith,  and  fought  at  San  Jacinto.  The 
colonists  were  now  generally  discharged,  and  marched  to  their 
homes,  with  the  exception  of  the  gallant  Company  which  had 
reduced  the  Alamo.  During  the  siege  of  Bexar,  a  Company  called 
the  New  Orleans  Greys,  under  Captain  Morris,  and  another 
Company  from  Mobile,  under  Captain  Breeze,  had  arrived,  as 
volunteers  from  the  United  States.  They  bore  a  gallant  part 
in  the  siege,  and  every  man  engaged  in  the  town,  deserved  and 
secured  renown. 

XXIII. 

While  the  troops  were  before  Bexar,  a  Dr.  Grant  arrived,  and 
joined  the  Army.  He  had  been  concerned  with  an  English  Mining 
Company,  at  Parras,  but  he  had  fallen  under  the  displeasure  of 
the  Mexican  Government,  and  was  obliged  to  fly.  He  was  a 
Scotchman  by  birth,  but  did  not  seem  to  possess  much  of  the 
methodical  shrewdness  which  characterizes  that  nation.  He 
was  a  man  of  much  more  than  ordinary  capacity,  but,  in  all 


80  THE      SPIRIT     OP       FACTION. 

military  affairs,  seemed  to  be  destitute  of  judgment  and  discre- 
tion. As  one  of  the  aids  of  General  Austin,  he  claimed  the 
command  of  the  troops  remaining,  after  Burleson  had  retired 
with  most  of  the  Army.  He  immediately  projected  the  inva- 
sion of  Matamoras,  for  he  entertained  a  single-hearted  hatred 
of  the  Mexicans,  and  he  induced  the  New  Orleans  Greys,  and 
Capt.  Breeze's  Company  from  Mobile,  to  join  him  in  the  expedi- 
tion. These  two  Companies  accordingly  took  up  their  march  for 
Matamoras,  by  the  way  of  Goliad.  At  the  same  time,  Grant 
opened  a  correspondence  with  the  General  Council,  which 
unfortunately  at  the  time  contained  some  men  of  capacity  utter- 
ly destitute  of  moral  principle,  and  carrying  on  machinations 
which  were  in  the  end  to  terminate  most  disastrously  for  Texas. 
The  members  of  the  Military  Committee  of  the  General  Council 
coincided  with  Grant's  plan  of  attack  upon  Matamoras,  and 
thought  it  necessary,  in  effecting  its  capture,  to  destroy  Hous- 
ton's influence,  and  create  a  power  that  would  supersede  him. 

XXIY. 

In  the  appointment  of  his  staff,  General  Houston  had  chosen 
J.  W.  Fannin,  Jr.,  his  Inspector  General.  He  had  held  com- 
mand at  the  battle  of  the  Mission  of  Conception,  and  arriving  at 
the  Council  of  San  Felipe,  Houston,  who  felt  that  he  deserved 
an  appointment  in  the  line  of  the  Army,  obtained  for  him  the 
Colonelcy  of  the  Regiment  of  Artillery,  which  placed  him  next 
in  command  to  himself. 

The  Council — to  effect  their  designs  without  reference  to  the 
safety  of  the  country — thought  proper  to  direct  the  head- 
quarters of  the  army  to  be  established  at  Washington,  fifty 
miles  distant  from  the  sessions  of  the  Council.  This,  of  neces- 
sity, removed  Houston's  station,  and  it  was  evident  they  believed 
the  success  of  their  intrigues  depended  upon  getting  him  as 


MUSTERING      AN      ARMY.  81 

far  off  as  possible.  About  the  middle  of  December,  he  repaired 
to  Washington,  and  continued  there,  engaged  in  his  arduous 
duties.  Meantime  he  had  assigned  the  officers  of  the  Regular 
Army  to  their  several  recruiting  stations,  and  directed  them  to 
make  such  reports  as  would  enable  him,  at  any  time,  to  know 
the  number  and  condition  of  the  regular  force. 

Fannin  was  ordered  to  Brazoria,  the  principal  recruiting 
rendezvous,  and  Houston  supposed,  of  course,  that  his  orders 
would  be  carried  out  with  a  strict  regard  for  his  authority. 
But  his  dispatches  were  utterly  disregarded.  At  this  time, 
letters  were  circulated  through  the  country,  to  create  a  suspi- 
cion, that  Houston's  design  was  to  establish  a  military  govern- 
ment, by  raising  five-thousand  volunteers,  through  the  sanction 
of  the  General  Council. 

XXY. 

Houston  bore  this  in  silence,  but  endeavored  to  counteract  it 
by  the  efficiency  of  his  conduct.  About  the  1st  of  January, 
he  received  orders  from  Governor  Smith, — who  had  detected 
the  secret  intrigues  of  the  council,  with  Grant,  Fannin,  and 
others,  to  repair  to  San  Felipe,  while  the  General  had  been  at 
Washington.  Colonel  Ward's  command  from  Georgia,  and  the 
Alabamians,  had  arrived  at  the  mouth  of  the  Brazos.  Houston 
had  taken  precautions,  and  issued  his  orders  for  all  troops  that 
might  arrive  in  the  country  ;  requiring  them  to  report  to  the 
Governor  as  nominal  Commander-in-Chief,  and  to  himself  as 
Commander  of  the  Army,  on  their  arrival.  Fannin  being  in  the 
neighborhood  of  the  United  States  volunteers  when  they  landed, 
paid  no  attention  to  the  orders  of  General  Houston  ;  and  aban- 
doning his  post  as  an  officer  of  the  Regular  Army,  became  a 
candidate  for  the  Colonelcy  of  the  regiment  that  was  to  be 
formed,  by  the  union  of  the  Georgia  and  Alabama  troops. 

4* 


82        HOUSTON 'S      PLANS      FOR     THE      CAMPAIGN. 

Governor  Smith  no  sooner  detected  the  treasonable  conspiracy 
of  the  Council,  than  he  manifested  the  highest  disapprobation  of 
their  conduct,  and  of  course  excited  their  hottest  displeasure. 
Fannin  treated  all  General  Houston's  dispatches  with  cool  con- 
tempt, and  looked  only  to  the  orders  of  the  Council.  He  had 
made  known  to  them  his  desire  to  be  elected  Colonel  of  the  new 
Regiment  ;  and  in  accordance  with  their  views,  he  was  chosen 
to  the  new  post,  Ward  being  put  second  in  command.  They 
were  then  ordered  to  sail  from  Yelasco,  to  Copano,  and  thence 
to  march  to  Refugio  Mission,  twenty  miles  distant  from  their 
landing,  where  Grant  was  to  join  them  with  his  command,  on 
their  way  to  Matamoras. 

XXYI. 

In  obedience  to  his  orders,  Houston  reported  to  the  Governor 
at  San  Felipe  ;  and  was  ordered  to  repair  to  Refugio,  where  a 
juncture  of  the  troops  was  to  be  effected.  He  returned  forth- 
with to  Washington  ;  and  after  arranging  matters  at  head- 
quarters, proceeded  to  the  execution  of  the  Governor's  orders. 
He  reached  Goliad  about  the  middle  of  January,  1836,  and 
found  Grant  and  his  troops  on  the  eve  of  departure  for  Refugio. 
General  Houston  made,  known  to  the  troops  the  orders  under 
which  he  was  acting,  and  urged  obedience  to  his  authority. 
Ignorant  of  the  extent  to  which  the  Council  had  gone  in 
thwarting  his  intentions  to  save  the  country  by  routing  the 
enemy  on  their  first  engagement,  and  knowing  it  was  impossible 
for  the  troops  at  Bexar  to  maintain  the  place,  he  dispatched 
Colonels  Bowie,  and  Bonham  (of  South  Carolina)  on  the  15th 
of  January,  with  an  escort  to  Bexar,  directing  the  commanding 
officer  to  blow  up  the  Alamo,  and  fall  back  to  Gonzalez  on 
the  Guadalupe,  which  he  intended  to  make  the  line  of 
defence. 


OPOSITION      TO      OVERCOME.  83 

XXYII. 

Grant  and  Morris  refused  obedience  to  the  orders  of  the 
Governor,  while  Houston  was  left  without  the  power  of  account- 
ing for  their  extraordinary  conduct.  He  marched  with  them 
twenty-five  miles  to  Refugio  Mission,  leaving  a  few  Regulars 
to  maintain  the  post  at  Goliad,  with  no  subsistence  but  the 
cattle  of  the  country.  He  arrived  at  Refugio,  but  no  intelli- 
gence had  come  of  Fannin's  landing. 

The  Governor,  refusing  to  concur  in  their  lawless  measures, 
had  been  deposed  by  the  Council — although  under  the  Organic 
Law,  which  required  a  certain  number  to  constitute  the 
Council  or  transact  business,  they  had  ceased  to.be  a  lawful 
Body.  The  conduct  of  the  stormy  spirits  in  that  Council,  had 
disgusted  and  enraged  their  more  patriotic  and  rational  col- 
leagues ;  and  unwilling  to  concur  in  their  high-handed  and 
treacherous  movements,  they  had  withdrawn,  reducing  their 
ambitious  associates  to  an  incompetent  number.  But  they 
were  nevertheless  determined  to  brave  it  out,  and  "rule  or 
rend." 

'       XXYIII. 

Houston  did  not  wish  to  be  the  cause  of  insubordination,  for 
he  was  aware  that  it  would  require  all  the  harmony  and  union 
possible,  to  save  the  country.  Yet  knowing  that  all  the  troops 
from  the  United  States  had  left  with  the  expectation  of  serving 
under  himself,  he  used  every  persuasive  he  thought  convincing, 
against  the  expedition  to  Matamoras  ;  and  then  resolved  to 
return  and  report  in  person  to  the  Governor.  The  only  object 
of  the  Council  in  directing  the  campaign  upon  Matamoras,  was 
to  command  the  revenues  of  the  place.  Houston  at  once  dis- 
covered the  absurdity  of  such  a  plan,  since  the  possession  of 


84  A   DARK   FUTURE. FOB  TEXAS. 

Matamoras  by  an  enerny,  would  cut  off  all  intercourse  with  the 
interior,  and  prevent  all  communication  with  the  sea  ;  and  he 
had  forecast  enough  to  know,  that,  if  an  army  could  reach 
Matamoras  without  opposition,  they  could  not  keep  it  a  single 
week,  with  a  force  of  only  seven  hundred  men.  But  they  could 
never  reach  the  sight  of  its  walls.  They  had  an  area  of  several 
hundred  miles  to  pass,  with  no  means  of  transportation — they 
had  not  three  days  of  breadstuffs,  and  the  men  were  unprovided 
in  every  respect  for  a  campaign. 


XXIX. 

Houston  remonstrated  with  the  officers  in  a  friendly  manner  ; 
representing  the  great  difficulties  they  would  have  to  encounter 
— the  futility  of  the  project — and  the  disasters  attendant  on  a 
failure.  So  careful  was  he  to  avoid  exciting  sedition  among  the 
troops,  who  bowed  very  reluctantly  to  the  command  of  any 
other  General — that  he  set  out  from  Refugio  in  the  night,  with 
a  few  of  his  staff,  for  San  Felipe. 

On  the  road  he  received  news  that  the  Council  had  deposed 
the  Governor,  and  superseded  his  own  Authority — also,  letters 
of  Colonel  Fannin,  which  had  been  published,  showing  his 
reliance  on  the  Council,  and  disregarding  all  other  authorities. 
This  opened  Houston's  eyes  to  the  true  situation  of  the  country, 
and  he  saw  that  unless  something  was  done,  without  delay,  to 
repair  the  evil,  and  to  prepare  the  nation  for  the  trying  struggle 
she  must  pass,  in  wading  through  a  Revolution — all  would  be 
lost.  The  hopes,  which  had  greeted  the  first  dawning  of  Anglo- 
Saxon  Liberty  in  the  fair  Province  of  New  Estramadura, 
seemed  likely  to  be  extinguished,  and  it  is  not  strange  that 
a  man  who  had  been  prevailed  on  to  exchange  the  tranquillity 
of  a  forest  life — where  he  could  find  repose  from  persecution — 


PERSECUTION.  85 

to  mingle  in  the  struggles  of  a  Nation  emerging  into  a  free 

existence,   should,   when   he   saw  himself    still   hunted  down 

by  malignant  rivals,   and  his   hopes   clouded,   feel  his  great- 
heart  dejected  by  sadness. 

XXX. 

But  men  whom  God  raises  up  to  become  leaders  of  Nations, 
cannot  be  crushed — in  the  midst  of  their  adversities  they  may 
seem,  for  a  moment,  to  bow  before  the  blast,  yet  they  never 
despair.  For  not  more  sure  was  Columbus  to  surmount  at  last 
all  opposition,. and  plant  his  feet  upon  the  green  shores  of  the  New 
World,  than  are  such  men  in  the  end,  to  overcome  all  their  foes 
and  triumph  over  even  the  malignity  of  fortune.  All  the  way 
to  San  Felipe,  he  was  troubled  by  the  most  painful  suspense — 
whether  to  withdraw  once  more  from  the  treacheries  and  persecu- 
tions of  the  world,  and  bury  himself  deep  in  the  solitude  of  nature, 
and  pass  a  life  of  communion  with  the  Great  Spirit,  and  his 
beautiful  creations — or  whether  he  should  boldly  mark  out  a 
track  for  himself,  and  in  leading  a  new  people  to  Independence, 
trample  down  all  opposition.  During  most  of  the  day  he  rode 
along  in  silence,  and  none  of  his  companions  disturbed  his  reve- 
ries. Towards  evening  he  addressed  them — he  made  a  rapid  but 
clear  survey  of  events  that  had  passed — contemplated  the  present 
state  of  affairs,  and  dwelt  with  enthusiasm  upon  the  future  pro- 
spects of  Texas.  He  seemed  to  read  her  future,  as  the  prophets 
did  the  unwritten  history  of  Judah.  He  had  fixed  his  purpose, 
and  the  world  could  not  move  him.  After  making  an  official 
report  to  the  Governor,  he  proceeded  with  his  Aide-de-Camp, 
Major  Hockley,  to  the  Cherokee  Nation — in  pursuance  of  instruc- 
tions received  from  the  Consultation — to  form  Treaties  with  them 
and  other  tribes.  He  met  the  Indians  in  Council — and  having 
been  returned  as  a  delegate  to  the  Convention  which  was  to 


86  THE      2D      OF     MARCH,      1836. 

meet  in  Washington  on  the  1st  of  March,  be  arrived  there  the 
day  previous.  The  Convention  assembled  and  organized — the 
following  day,  the  2d  of  March,  1836,  the  DECLARATION  OF 
INDEPENDENCE  was  adopted  and  signed. 


THE  DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE.    87 


SECTION  SEVENTH. 

THE   GENERAL. 
J. 

THE  Declaration  of  Independence,  for  which  public  feeling 
had  been  precipitately  matured,  was  adopted  unanimously,  and 
hailed  throughout  Texas  with  joy  and  acclamation.  So  was  it 
received,  too,  by  the  people  of  the  United  States,  wherever  they 
had  even  a  faint  conception  of  the  issue  made  in  the  struggle,  or 
the  vast  magnitude  of  the  consequences  that  were  to  follow. 

II. 

But,  from  the  hour  the  news  that  Texas  had  declared  herself 
free  and  independent  reached  the  United  States,  a  feeling  of 
hostility  was  excited  against  the  Infant  Republic,  without 
a  parallel  in  the  history  of  the  world.  Losing  sight  of  the 
grand  moral  results  that  were  to  flow  from  that  event,  and 
unmindful  even  of  the  hour  of  our  own  need,  when  we 
extended  our  feeble  hands  to  France  for  help,  a  loud  burst  of 
indignation  went  up  from  a  thousand  newspapers,  and  every- 
where the  Declaration  of  Texan  Independence  was  declared  to 
be  an  act  of  high-handed  robbery,  perpetrated  by  a  band  of  bold 
outlaws.  To  hare  emigrated  to  that  part  of  the  world,  was 
enough  to  brand  a  man  with  infamy  ;  and  those  who  gave 
the  little  they  could  afford,  to  help  on  the  struggle,  cast  their 
mite  into  the  Texan  Treasury  in  silence.  All  recollection  of 


88         THE  BRAVE  MEN  IN  THE  ALAMO. 

our  fathers,  and  the  days  of  their  dark  struggles,  seemed  to  be 
as  completely  obliterated  from  the  memory  of  many  of  our  coun- 
trymen, as  though  they  had  been  swept  by  the  waters  of  obli- 
vion. We  forgot  that  many  of  the  men  who  were  fighting 
those  battles,  were  descended  from  the  early  settlers  of  James- 
town and  Plymouth  ;  that  hearts  were  nerved  there  for  the 
defence  of  liberty,  whose  fathers  had  poured  out  their  blood  at 
Yorktown,  and  Saratoga,  and  Bennington,  and  Bunker's  Hill  ! 
And  who  were  the  men  who  joined  in  this  ten  years'  crusade 
against  the  liberties  of  a  Sister  Republic  ?  And  how  would  the 
victors  of  San  Jacinto  have  been  laughed  by  them  in  scorn, 
away  from  our  altars  of  confederate  freedom,  if  they  had  not 
themselves  been  crushed  by  the  simultaneous  rising  of  an  indig- 
nant people  at  the  Elections  which  soon  followed. 


III. 

Some  days  before  the  Declaration  was  adopted,  letters  had 
been  received  from  Travis,  in  command  of  the  Alamo,  at  Bexar, 
notifying  the  people  of  Texas, — for  there  were  then  no  chief  autho- 
rities of  the  country — that  he  was  invested  by  a  numerous  force 
in  the  Alamo,  calling  loudly  for  help.  Houston,  it  will  be 
remembered,  anticipating  this  very  result,  had  given  orders  to 
the  commanding  officer  to  abandon  and  blow  up  the  Alamo;  but 
his  orders  had  been  disobeyed  by  the  officer,  and  treated  with 
contempt  by  the  General  Council,  who  had  ordered  the  com- 
mander to  defend  the  place  to  the  last,  promising  to  reinforce 
him.  And  now  the  brave  men  in  the  Alamo  were  to  atone  for 
the  treachery  and  low  ambition  of  a  few  selfish  men.  The  pro- 
mised reinforcement  was  limited  to  thirty  men,  making  Travis' 
whole  effective  force  not  more  than  one  hundred  and  eighty-five, 
and  without  a  month's  provisions — dejached  from  all  Texan 


ALETTER     FROM     COL.     TRAVIS.  89 

settlements  more  than  seventy  miles,  and  the  intervening  terri- 
tory swept  by  the  Mexican  cavalry. 

IY. 

As  the  Provisional  Government,  by  which  Houston  had 
been  elected  Commander-in-Chief,  had  ceased  when  the  Conven- 
tion assembled,  he  resigned  his  Major-Generalship.  But,  there 
was  no  other  man  in  Texas  to  whom  the  people  could  look  in 
this  emergency.  The  Convention  went  into  the  election  of 
a  Commander-in-Chief,  and  out  of  fifty-six  votes,  Houston,  who 
was  not  present,  received  all  but  one  vote.  Texas  had  no  organ- 
ization of  forces,  and  the  few  gallant  men  from  Georgia  and 
Alabama  in  the  field,  were  detached  beyond  the  southern  settle- 
ments, under  the  command  of  a  man  who  had  treated  the  orders 
of  the  Commander-in-Chief  with  contempt.  The  treatment 
Houston  had  received  from  the  Council  was  known,  and 
the  people  feared  he  would  decline  the  office.  A  deep  gloom 
now  hung  over  the  public  mind.  Apprehension  andtalarm  were 
written  on  every  face,  and  the  conviction  became  almost  univer- 
sal, that  the  cause  of  Texan  Independence  was  lost,  unless 
Houston  would  accept  the  command  of  the  Army.  Impressed 
with  the  general  feeling,  and  stirred  by  the  heroic  spirit 
which  has  always  guided  him,  he  resolved  to  peril  every- 
thing, and  stake  life  itself  upon  the  issue.  He  accepted  the 
command. 

Y. 

On  Sunday,  the  6th  of  March,  a  letter  was  received  from  Col. 
Travis,  addressed  to  the  President  of  the  Convention,  brought 
by  the  last  express  that  ever  left  the  Alamo.  The  intelligence 
it  conveyed  was  no  sooner  known,  than  an  electric  terror  flashed 
through  the  community.  The  members,  and  a  crowd  of  spec- 


90  HOUSTON     IN    THE      CONVENTION. 

tators,  rushed  to  the  Hall  of  the  Convention,  the  President  to 
his  chair,  the  members  to  their  seats,  without  summons  or  signal. 
The  President  rose,  and  announced  the  receipt  of  a  document  of 
"  the  most  important  character  ever  received  by  any  assembly  of 
men."  He  then  read  a  letter  from  Col.  Travis,  of  the  most 
thrilling  character.  It  was  written  in  all  the  fervor  of  patriotic 
and  devoted  courage;  but  it  breathed  the  language  of  despair. 
Robert  Potter  rose,  and  moved  that  "  the  Convention  do  imme- 
diately adjourn,  arm,  and  march  to  the  relief  of  the  Alamo." 
Houston,  feeling  that  the  next  movement  made  in  the  Conven- 
tion would  be  likely  to  decide  the  fate  of  Texas,  determined 
what  should  be  done  by  the  Convention,  as  well  as  by  himself. 


VI. 

All  eyes  were  turned  upon  him,  and  as  he  rose  from  his  seat, 
it  would  seem  that,  for  a  moment,  every  heart  in  the  assembly 
stopped  beating.  He  opposed  the  motion,  and  denounced  it  as 
madness,  worse  than  treason,  to  the  people:  They  had,  to  be 
sure,  declared  themselves  independent,  but  they  had  yet  no 
organization.  There  must  be  a  government,  and  it  must  have 
organic  form — without  it,  they  would  be  nothing  but  outlaws, 
and  could  hope  neither  for  the  sympathy  nor  respect  of  mankind. 
He  spoke  nearly  an  hour,  and  his  appeal,  if  he  ever  was  elo- 
quent, was  eloquence  itself.  He  admonished  the  Convention  of 
the  peril  of  the  country;  he  advised  them  to  sit  calmly,  and 
firmly  and  coolly  pursue  their  deliberation;  to  be  wise  and 
patriotic;  to  feel  no  alarm,  and  he  pledged  himself  instantly  to 
repair  to  Gonzalez,  where  he  had  heard  that  a  small  corps  of 
militia  had  rallied,  and  interpose  them  between  the  Convention 
and  the  enemy;  and  while  they  chose  to  sit  in  Convention,  the 
Mexicans  should  never  approach  them  unless  they  marched  over 


THE     FALL     0  F    THE     ALAMO.  91 

his  dead  body.     In  the  meantime,  if  mortal  power  could  avail, 
he  would  relieve  the  brave  men  in  the  Alamo. 


VII. 

Houston  stopped  speaking,  and  walked  immediately  out  of 
the  Convention.  In  less  than  an  hour  he  was  mounted  on  his 
battle-horse,  and  with  three  or  four  brave  companions  was  on 
his  way  to  the  Alamo.  Men  looked  upon  it  as  an  idle  and  des- 
perate attempt,  or  surely  more  would  have  followed  him.  The 
party  rode  hard  that  day,  and  only  stopped  late  at  night,  to 
rest  their  horses.  They  were  now  in  the  open  prairie.  At 
break  of  day,  Houston  retired  some  distance  from  the  party,  and 
listened  intensely,  as  if  expecting  a  distant  signal.  Col.  Travis 
had  stated  in  his  letters,  that  as  long  as  the  Alamo  could  hold 
out  against  the  invaders,  signal  guns  would  be  fired  at  sunrise. 
It  is  a  well  authenticated  fact,  that  for  many  successive  days, 
these  guns  had  been  heard  at  a  distance  of  over  one  hundred 
miles  across  the  prairie — and  being  now  within  the  reach  of  their 
sound,  Houston  was  anxiously  waiting  for  the  expected  signal. 
The  day  before,  like  many  preceding  it,  a  dull,  rumbling  mur- 
mur had  come  booming  over  the  prairie  like  distant  thunder.  He 
listened  with  an  acuteness  of  sense,  which  no  man  can  understand 
whose  hearing  has  not  been  sharpened  by  the  teachings  of 
the  dwellers  of  the  forest,  and  who  is  awaiting  a  signal  of  life  or 
death  from  brave  men.  He  listened  in  vain.  Not  the  faintest 
murmur  came  floating  on  the  calm,  morning  air.  He  knew  the 
Alamo  had  fallen,  and  he  returned  to  tell  his  companions.  The 
event  confirmed  his  convictions,  for  the  Alamo  had  fired  its  last 
gun  the  morning  he  left  Washington;  and  at  the  very  moment 
he  was  speaking  in  the  Convention,  those  brave  men  were  meet- 
ing their  fate. 


92  HOUSTON'S   POLICY. 

VIII. 

After  returning  to  his  companions,  who  were  preparing 
to  pursue  their  march,  he  wrote  a  letter  to  the  Convention 
recommending  them  to  adopt  a  resolution  declaring  Texas  a 
part  of  Louisiana  under  the.  Treaty  of  2803.  His  suggestion 
was  not  adopted,  but  if  he  had  been  there  to  enforce  it  by  his 
commanding  eloquence,  it  would  doubtless  have  been  passed- — 
for  in  those  deliberative  assemblies  he  was  as  absolute  as  ever 
Cromwell  was  in  the  Hump  Parliament,  with  a  thousand 
bayonets  at  his  back.  In  this  case,  too,  he  would  have  had  the 
the  means  of  conviction  in  the  policy  he  proposed.  Such  a 
measure  would  have  won  for  them  the  sympathies  of  Legisla- 
tures, as  well  as  peoples.  They  would  not  then  have  been 
regarded  as  a  separate  people.  It  would  have  matured  the 
Republic  and  its  institutions  ;  it  would  have  shortened  the 
period  of  her  struggles.  Neither  the  question  of  recognition  nor 
annexation  would  have  been  raised — she  would  have  been 
adopted  at  once.  Houston  looked  at  the  whole  matter  with 
the  eye  of  a  statesman,  and  the  heart  of  a  soldier.  He  knew 
that  Mexico  would  have  withdrawn  at  once,  from  the  conflict,  if 
Texas  had  at  once  been  constituted  a  part  of  Louisiana. 

IX. 

If,  then,  it  be  asked,  why  Mexico,  at  last,  not  only  made  war 
upon  Texas,  after  the  Great  Powers  recognized  her  indepen- 
dence, but  against  the  United  States  after  annexation,  we 
answer,  that  there  is  no  man  who  knows  enough  about  this 
subject  to  qualify  him  to  hazard  an  opinion,  who  does  not  under- 
stand and  believe,  that  Mexico  was  emboldened  to  provoke  the 
war,  only  because  of  the  long,  powerful,  persevering,  and 
desperate  hostility  with  which  a  thousand  newspapers  and 


i 


THE  LAST  GUN  FROM  THE  ALAMO.        93 

a  thousand  public  men,  in  this  country,  resisted  the  annexation. 
These  presses  and  these  public  men  held  the  very  same  language, 
and  displayed  the  very  same  spirit  towards  Texas,  that  Santa 
Anna,  and  Bravo,  and  Bustamente,  and  Almonte,  and  Herrera, 
and  Paredes,  and  their  hireling  presses  exhibited.  In  fact,  the 
hopes  of  these  military  despots  all  rested  upon  the  efforts  of  the 
enemies  of  Texas  in  the  United  States,  and  not  upon  their  popu- 
larity at  home,  or  the  power  of  their,  cannon,  or  the  justice  of 
their  cause.  In  New  York  and  Philadelphia,  and  Boston,  they 
stationed  their  most  trustworthy  and  confidential  agents  ;  here 
they  expended  their  money,  and  here  their  battles  were  fought. 
Who  of  those  bold  impudent  tyrants  would  have  dared  to  tread 
upon  a  single  fold  of  the  mantle  that  wrapped  the  youthful 
form  of  Texan  Liberty,  if  its  very  name  had  not  been  made  a 
by-word  among  the  children  of  the  Heroes  of  "76  ?  It  is  known 
that  Paredes  never  apprehended  £uy  danger  of  being  brought  to 
battle  ;  he  never  expected  he  would  be  called  on  to  make  good 
his  braggart  threats.  And  later,  when  this  mad  hostility  against 
Texas  had  been  frowned  down  by  the  American  people,  its 
grand  movers  were  glad  enough  of  the  first  chance  offered  to 
redeem  their  American  character.  They  threw  off  the  Mexican 
disguise,  voted  the  ten  millions  and  the  fifty  thousand  volunteers 
with  loud  huzzas,  threw  up  their  caps  to  the  hero  of  Palo  Alto 
and  La  Resaca  de  la  Palma,  and  made  him  President  of  the 
United  States. 


The  Alamo  had  fired  its  last  gun,  and  its  brave  defenders  had 
met  their  fate.  But  Houston  proceeded  to  Gonzalez,  although 
not  a  man  joined  him  on  the  road.  On  setting  out  from  the 
Convention,  he  dispatched  an  express  to  Fannin,  directing  him 
to  form  a  junction  with  him  on  the  Cibolo,  a  small  river  between 


94  THE     MASSACRE     OF    THE     ALAMO. 

Gonzalez  and  San  Antonio,  intending  with  the  united  forces  to 
march  to  the  relief  of  the  Alamo.  About  the  10th  of  March, 
(1836)  he  reached  Gonzalez,  where  he  found  374  men.  They 
were  without  organization,  and  destitute  of  supplies — they  were 
neither  armed  nor  clad  for  the  campaign.  He  at  once  had  them 
assembled  and  organized,  the  men  electing  their  own  officers. 
Scouts  who  had  been  dispatched  to  the  neighborhood  of  San 
Antonio,  returned  about  the  time  of  Houston's  arrival,  under 
the  impression  that  the  Alamo  had  fallen.  This  created  some 
sensation  among  the  troops,  and  immediately  afterwards  two 
Mexicans,  whose  families  had  resided  among  the  American 
colonists,  came  in  from  the  region  of  San  Antonio  and  confirmed 
the  general  apprehension.  Houston,  who  was  satisfied  that 
their  statement  was  correct,  had  it  written  down.  It  repre- 
sented that  the  Alamo  had  been  taken  on  the  morning  of  the 
6th  of  March,  and  every  human  being  in  it  slaughtered,  except 
a  woman,  her  child,  and  a  negro  ;  that  after  their  slaughter, 
the  dead  had  been  dragged  out  and  piled  together  with  wood,  in 
one  vast  hecatomb,  and  burned  to  ashes  ! 

XL 

When  the  news  of  this  act  of  cold-blooded  barbarity  flew 
through  the  colonies,  it  stirred  up  a  spirit  that  would  never  sleep 
again.  But  the  day  of  vengeance  was  rapidly  corning — the 
hour  of  San  Jacinto  was  not  far  off.  Houston  immediately  sent 
another  express  to  Eannin  (March  llth),  apprising  him  of  the 
fall  of  the  Alamo,  and  ordering  him  to  evacuate  Goliad,  blow  up 
the  fortress,  and  fall  back  without  delay  upon  Victoria  and  the 
Guadalupe.  This  would  unite  all  the  forces  then  in  the  field, 
which  Houston  regarded  as  the  only  means  of  saving  Texas. 
Pannin's  force,  the  General  estimated  at  over  500,  and  once 
joined  to  his  own,  the  army  would  number  at  least  900  effective 


MRS.   DICKINSON'S   STORY.  95 

men,  since  Fannin  had  a  fine  supply  of  arms  brought  from  the 
United  States. 

XII. 

This  order  reached  Fannin  some  eight  days  before  he 
attempted  a  retreat ;  indeed  he  did  not  attempt  it  at  all,  till  he 
had  been  surrounded  by  the  Mexicans  several  days.  In  reply 
to  the  orders  of  the  commander-in-chief,  Fannin  sent  an  express, 
saying  he  had  held  a  council  of  war,  and  had  concluded  to 
defend  the  place,  and  had  named  it  Fort  Defiance.  He  also 
said,  he  was  prepared  to  abide  the  consequences  of  disobeying 
his  orders.  The  sequel  showed  but  too  well  how  prophetic  was 
the  glance  Houston  cast  over  the  future. 

XIII. 

On  the  twelfth  (we  believe)  of  March,  about  eight  o'clock  in 
the  evening,  Mrs.  Dickinson  arrived  with  her  child  at  Gen. 
Houston's  camp,  accompanied  by  two  negro  guides,  sent  to 
attend  her  by  Santa  Anna,  and  also  to  bring  a  proclamation  of 
pardon  to  the  insurgent  colonists,  if  they  would  lay  down  their 
arms.  The  proclamation  was,  of  course,  treated  as  such  papers 
had  been  by  our  fathers,  when  they  were  sent  to  their  camps  of 
suffering  by  the  myrmidon  generals  of  a  British  king.  Mrs. 
Dickinson  was  the  wife  of  one  of  the  brave  officers  whose  bones 
had  crumbled  on  the  sacrificial  pyre  of  the  Alamo.  Houston 
was  walking  alone,  a  few  hundred  yards  from  the  camp,  at  the 
moment  this  stricken  and  bereaved  messenger  arrived.  He 
returned  soon  after,  and  found  that  her  fearful  narrative  of  the 
butchering  and  burning,  with  some  of  the  most  stirring  details 
of  that  dark  tragedy,  had  already  struck  the  soldiers  with  a 
chill  of  horror ;  and  when  she  told  them  that  5,000  men  were 
advancing  by  forced  marches,  and  their  artillery  would  soon  be 


96  PANIC     IN     TEXAS. 

heard  at  Gonzalez,  the  wildest  consternation  spread  through  the 
camp.  Their  alarm  soon  reached  a  pitch  of  desperation.  Some 
were  stunned  with  silence — others  were  wild  with  lamentations 
— and  even  officers  had  set  fire  to  their  tents. 


XIV. 

When  Houston  came  up,  he  ordered  silence,  and  the  fires  to 
be  extinguished.  He  then  addressed  the  soldiery  in  the  most 
fervid  manner,  and  they  all  gathered  around  him,  except  a  few 
who  had  at  the  first  impulse  fled  for  their  horses.  He  detached 
a  guard  instantly  to  intercept  fugitives,  and  more  than  twenty 
were  brought  back  to  the  camp.  But  a  few  good  runners  made 
their  escape  to  the  settlements,  and  carried  panic  in  every 
direction. 

XV. 

The  General  announced  to  his  comrades  that  he  should  that 
night  fall  back  to  a  more  secure  position,  as  they  were  in  a  bend 
of  the  river,  where  the  enemy,  by  crossing,  could  cut  off  all 
possible  retreat.  Accordingly,  about  eleven  o'clock  that  night, 
Houston  ordered  every  light  in  Gonzalez  to  be  extinguished, 
and  leaving  a  rear-guard  with  orders  to  use  the  utmost  vigilance, 
and  give  information  of  the  first  approach  of  the  enemy,  he 
ordered  the  camp  to  be  struck,  and  the  little  band  took  up  their 
line  of  march  in  good  order.  On  reaching  Gonzalez,  feeling 
assured  that  the  disasters  which  finally  followed,  were  inevitable, 
he  had  ordered  all  the  women  and  children  to  be  transported  to 
the  interior  settlements ;  for  throughout  the  entire  Texan 
struggle,  he  was  resolved  that  the  helpless  should  never  be  left 
to  the  tender  mercies  of  the  Mexicans.  Before  the  crisis  came, 
he  hoped  the  transports  would  return,  but  in  this  he  was  disap- 


THE     MARCH.  97 

pointed,  and  that  night  the  entire  army  was  followed  by  only 
one  baggage  waggon,  which  was  drawn  by  four  oxen. 

XVI. 

He  continued  his  inarch  that  night  to  Peach  Creek,  ten 
miles  from  Gonzalez,  and  halted  to  refresh  the  troops.  He 
was  there  met  by  a  reinforcement  of  a  hundred  men,  which 
increased  his  army  to  upwards  of  four  hundred  and  fifty.  The 
fugitives  from  Gonzalez  had  met  this  company  and  given  them 
the  news  from  the  Alamo,  and  so  anxious  had  they  become, 
that  nearly  one  quarter  of  them  had  left  their  officers  to  hurry 
on  to  the  camp.  About  day-break,  an  hour  after  the  arrival 
of  the  army  at  the  Creek,  an  explosion  was  heard  in  the  di- 
rection of  Gonzalez.  It  produced  an  electrical  effect  upon  the 
army,  and  many  exclaimed  it  was  the  enemy's  cannon.  An- 
other and  a  third  explosion  were  heard  in  quick  succession. 
Houston  afterwards  said,  that  they  were  the  most  agreeable 
sounds  he  had  ever  heard.  On  the  march  that  night,  he  was 
informed  that  several  barrels  of  intoxicating  liquors,  left  in  a 
store  at  Gonzalez,  had  been  poisoned  by  arsenic,  and  he  de- 
nounced it  as  a  monstrous  act,'  and  not  to  be  justified  even  by 
the  barbarities  of  their  savage  foe.  Understanding  at  once  the 
cause  of  the  explosions,  Houston  quieted  their  apprehensions  by 
announcing  the  reason.  It  has  been  stated  that  Houston  had 
ordered  the  town  of  Gonzalez  to  be  reduced  to  ashes  ;  but 
credible  men  who  were  there,  declared  that  the  charge  was  not 
only  false,  but  that  he  was  angry  when  he  heard  the  fact.  The 
gallant  Captain  Karnes,  who  had  been  left  in  command  of  the 
rear-guard,  believing  its  destruction  would  be  an  annoyance  to 
the  enemy,  and  deprive  them  of  the  merchandise  and  other  sup- 
plies, had  set  the  town  on  fire.  After  a  halt  of  three  hours,  the 
army  continued  their  march  to  the  Brazos.  At  the  LaBaca  he 

5 


98  A     LUSTRE    TO    THE     SETTING     SUN. 

received  the  letter  from  Colonel  Fannin,  which  has  already  been 
referred  to,  and  he  is  said  to  have  turned  to  his  aide-de-camp, 
Major  Hockley,  and  pointing  to  the  little  band  which  seemed 
but  a  speck  on  the  vast  prairie,  said  ;  "  Hockley,  there  is  the 
last  hope  of  Texas.  We  shall  never  see  Fannin  nor  his  men — 
with  these  soldiers  we  must  achieve  our  independence,  or  perish 
in  the  attempt."  It  was  a  sad  and  gloomy  march.  Over  the 
fatal  tragedy  of  the  Alamo  seemed  to  come  the  dirge  of  500 
more  devoted  men. 

XVII. 

Towards  evening,  they  perceived,  at  a  distance,  a  small  mov- 
ing mass  in  advance,  which  soon  proved  to  be  a  company  of 
some  thirty  volunteers,  from  the  Brazos,  under  Captain  Splann. 
Even  this  diffused  some  cheerfulness,  and  added  to  the  lustre  of 
the  setting  sun  an  additional  ray. 

At  night  they  encamped  on  the  La  Baca,  where  Houston 
created  a  volunteer  aide-de-camp  of  Major  Wm.  T.  Austin,  and 
dispatched  him  to  the  settlements  of  the  Brazos,  to  meet  him 
with  supplies  of  cannon,  &c.,  on  the  Colorado,  where  he  intended 
to  make  a  stand  against  the  enemy.  A  person  present  has 
given  a  graphic  account  of  a  scene  that  occurred  that  night  in  a 
little  shantee.  Hockley  was  sitting  on  a  block,  writing  out  the 
orders  for  Austin,  as  they  were  dictated  by  General  Houston, 
who  was  feeding  a  little  fire  with  oak  splinters,  to  furnish  the 
only  light  their  extremities  allowed. 

XYIII. 

On  the  assurance  of  Austin  that  supplies  could  be  obtained, 
Houston  had  directed  him  to  bring  not  less  than  seven  pieces  of 
mounted  cannon,  with  mules  sufficient  for  draught,  and  at  least 
twelve  good  horses  for  his  spies,  with  ammunition  sufficient  for 


"HOCKLEY  WAS  SITTING  ON  A  BLOCK,  WRITING  OUT  THE  ORUKRS  FOU  AUSTIN. 
AS  THEY  WERE  DICTATED  BY  GEN.  HOUSTON.  WHO  WAS  KEEUIXO  A  LITTLE  FIRK 
WITH  OAK  SPLINTERS,  TO  FURNISH  THE  ONLY  I.ICI1T  THEIR  EXTREMITIES  AL- 
LOAVE1>/'  pillfO  98. 


HOUSTON'S   HUM  A  x  i  T  Y  .  99 

the  artillery.  The  inarch  was  continued  to  the  Nayidad — where 
intelligence  reached  him  that  a  blind  woman  and  her  seven 
children  had  been  passed  by,  and  were  not  apprised  that  the 
enemy  was  approaching.  The  General  immediately  detached  a 
company  of  fifty  men,  under  two  confidential  officers,  and  delay- 
ed his  march  till  the  woman  and  her  little  orphans  were  brought 
safely  to  the  camp. 

XIX. 

We  have  before  us  a  dispatch  written  by  Houston,  "  from 
the  camp  on  the  Navidad,"  to  the  chairman  of  the  Military 
Committee,  dated  March  15,  from  which  we  make  a  few 
extracts  : 

"  My  morning  report,  on  my  arrival  at  the  camp,  showed  374  men, 
without  two  days'  provisions  ;  many  without  arms,  and  others  without 
ammunition.  We  could  have  met  the  enemy  and  avenged  some  of  our 
wrongs  5  but,  as  we  were,  without  supplies  for  men  in  the  camp,  either  of 
provisions,  ammunition,  or  artillery,  and  remote  from  succor,  it  would 
have  been  madness  to  have  hazarded  a  contest. 

*  *  The  first  principles  of  the  drill  had  not  been  taught  the  men.  *  * 
If  the  camp  had  once  been  broken  up  there  would  have  been  no  hope  for 
the  future.  *  *  /  am  fearful  Goliad  is  besieged  by  the  enemy.  Jill 
orders  to  Col.  Fannin,  directing  the  place  to  be  blown  up,  and  the  can- 
non to  be  sunk  in  the  river,  and  to  fall  back  on  Victoria,  would  reach 
him  before  the  enemy  could  advance.  *  *  I  directed,  on  the  IQth  of 
January  last,  that  the  artillery  should  be  moved  and  the  ALAMO  blown 
up  5  but  it  was  prevented  by  the  expedition  upon  Matamoras,  the  cause 
of  all  our  misfortunes" 

f.  . 

These  extracts  show,  beyond  a  question,  that  the  horrid 
slaughter  at  the  Alamo  was  foreseen  by  Houston,  and  caused 
by  violating  his  orders.  Also,  that  the  still  more  bloody  tragedy 
of  Goliad  was  in  the  commander's  eye  before  it  happened,  and 
caused  in  like  manner  by  disobeing  his  orders.  The  lives  of  hun- 


100  DOWN     THE     COLORADO. 

dreds  of  the  bravest  men  paid  the  penalty :  and  Texas  did  not 
recover  from  the  fatal  consequences  for  many  years. 

XX. 

From  the  Navidad  he  marched  on  to  the  Colorado,  where  he 
halted  till  all  the  women  and  children,  and  non-combatants,  with 
their  cattle  and  horses,  had  safely  crossed  over.  Leaving  a 
guard  on  his  rear,  he  went  over  the  Colorado  with  the  main 
army.  On  this  day,  17th  of  March,  he  thus  writes  the  Military 
Committee:  "To-day,  at  half  past  four  p.  M.,  we  reached  this 
Point  (Burnham's).  *  *  It  pains  me  at  heart  that  such 
consternation  should  be  spread  by  a  few  deserters  from  the 
camp,  but  we  are  here,  and  if  only  three  hundred  men  remain 
on  this  side  the  Brazos,  I  will  die  with  them  or  conquer  our 
enemies.  *  *  Send  agents  to  the  United  States.  Appeal  to 
them  in  the  holy  names  of  Liberty  and  Humanity.  *  *  Let  the 
men  from  the  East  of  the  Trinity  rush  to  us.  Let  all  the  dis- 
posable force  of  Texas  fly  to  arms." 

XXI. 

On  the  following  day  he  marched  down  the  eastern  bank  of 
the  Colorado,  about  twelve  miles,  and  encamped  opposite 
Beason's,  to  await  the  arrival  of  Austin  with  his  supplies. 
During  this  period  he  had  to  keep  pickets  for  more  than  thirty 
miles  up  and  down  the  river  to  prevent  surprise.  Shortly  after 
his  arrival,  it  was  ascertained  that  General  Sezma  had  advanced 
to  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  and  taken  a  position  a  few 
miles  above  the  Texan  Camp,  which  caused  Houston's  rear- 
guard to  fall  back  over  the  river.  They  had,  without  authority 
from  their  General,  set  fire  to  Burnham's  premises,  as  the 
enemy  had  encamped  near  by. 


HOUSTON'S   ARMY.  101 

Houston  now  sent  a  detachment  with  orders  to  secrete  them- 
selves in  a  strong  position,  supposing  that  the  army  would  be 
likely  to  pass  the  river  with  a  strong  advance  guard,  and  the  posi- 
tion of  the  Texans  being  well  chosen,  would  enable  them  to  dis- 
comfit five  times  their  number.  As  he  had  anticipated,  the 
enemy  crossed  tha  river  with  upwards  of  fifty  cavalry,  uncon- 
scious of  the  ambuscade,  and  would  have  been,  completely  cut 
off,  had  it  not  been  for  the  imprudence  of  one  man,  who  fired 
upon  them  too  soon,  and  thus  advertised  them  of  their  danger. 
No  other  attempt  was  made  to  cross. 

Some  few  reinforcements  and  supplies  reached  the  camp  about 
this  time.  But  his  entire  force,  including  all  his  detachments, 
did  not  exceed  650  men:  and  his  artillery  not  arriving,  he  was 
unable  to  cross  the  river  and  give  battle  to  General  Sezma. 
Austin  had  limited  his  arrival  with  the  supplies  and  artillery  to 
twelve  days,  and  although  the  time  had  passed,  nothing  had  yet 
been  heard  from  him.  A  slight  skirmish  had  taken  place  be- 
tween a  party  of  riflemen  and  an  advance  guard  of  the  enemy, 
but  without  any  decisive  result. 

On  the  23d  March,  Houston  wrote  to  Mr.  Rusk: 

"  You  know  I  am  not  easily  depressed,  but,  before  my  God,  since  we 
parted,  I  have  found  the  darkest  hours  of  my  life.  For  forty-eight  hours 
I  have  neither  eaten  an  ounce  of  anything,  nor  have  I  slept.  All  who  saw 
the  deserters,  breathed  the  poison  and  fled.  It  was  a  poor  compliment  to 
me  to  suppose  I  would  not  advise  the  Convention  of  any  necessity  that 
might  have  arisen  for  the  removal." 

XXII. 

In  the  midst  of  all  this  gloom  and  suspense,  the  news  came, 
which  burst  like  a  bolt  of  thunder  over  the  little  army — Colonel 
Fannirfs  Regiment  has  all  been  massacred/  A  Mexican,  by  the 
name  of  Peter  Kerr,  had  brought  the  intelligence,  and  although 


102  THE     SLAUGTER    OF    GOLIAD. 

he  had  not  a  shadow  of  doubt  the  man's  story  was  true,  yet 
such  was  the  alarm  it  had  created,  the  General  was  obliged  to 
throw  miscredit  upon  the  messenger,  to  prevent  his  camp  from 
being  deserted.  The  fall  of  the  Alamo  had  well-nigh  dispersed 
the  little  army,  and  when  they  heard  that  500  brave  comrades, 
fully  armed  and  equipped,  had  all  been  cut  off,  their  consterna- 
tion was  redoubled.  The  last  barrier  between  them  and  a 
slaughtering  army  seemed  swept  away,  and  it  was  not  strange 
that  this  last  sad  news  had  unnerved  their  courage. 


XXIII. 

Houston  had  his  part  to  play  that  night,  and  he  played  it 
well.  In  such  exigencies  all  the  difficulties  have  to  be  overcome 
at  once.  He  instantly  called  for  the  sergeant  of  the  guard,  and 
denouncing  Kerr  as  an  incendiary  of  the  Mexicans,  sent  to  his 
camp  to  produce  distraction,  declared  in  a  furious  passion  he 
would  have  the  spy  shot  the  next  morning  at  nine  o'clock.  An 
order  was  immediately  given  to  have  the  man  arrested  and 
placed  under  a  strong  guard.  He  then  addressed  the  soldiery, 
and  adduced  many  reasons  why  the  news  could  not  be  true. 
His  apparent  disbelief  calmed  the  excitement,  which  had  reached 
a  fearful  pitch.  Houston  would  not  see  the  prisoner,  till  the 
camp  had  retired  to  rest.  He  then  went  to  the  guard-fire  and 
heard  his  story.  He  knew  that  his  worst  apprehensions  had 
become  history.  He  gave  private  orders  to  have  his  prisoner 
treated  kindly,  and  the  next  morning  he  forgot  to  have  him 
executed  !  The  excitement  had  passed  away  with  the  dreams 
of  the  soldiers — but  the  prisoner  could  not  be  released  at  once, 
since  everything  which  savored  of  the  Mexicans  was  odious  to 
the  army,  and  Houston  would  have  been  charged  with  turning 
loose  a  spy,  and  perhaps  collusion  with  the  enemy. 


PREPARING  TO  MEET  THE  ENEMY.       103 

XXIV. 

Houston  struck  his  camp  that  evening,  and  marched  towards 
the  Brazos.  The  army  reached  San  Felipe  the  next  night, 
effecting  a  march  of  about  twenty-eight  miles  in  less  than 
twenty-four  hours.  We  find  in  one  of  the  General's  dispatches, 
dated 

"  Camp,  West  of  Brazos,  March  8lst. 

11  My  intention  was  to  have  attacked  the  enemy  on  the  second  night 
after  the  day  Fannin's  destruction  was  reported  by  Kerr.  *  *  Send  me 
daily  expresses,  and  let  me  know  what  to  rely  on.  I  must  let  the  camp 
know  something,  and  I  want  everything  promised,  to  be  realized  by  them, 
and  I  can  keep  them  together.  I  have  thus  far  succeeded  beyond  my 
hopes.  I  will  do  the  best  I  can  ;  but  be  assured,  the  fame  of  Jackson 
could  never  compensate  me  for  my  anxiety  and  mental  pain.  Two  nights 
since,  when  it  was  reported  that  the  enemy  was  on  this  side  of  the  Colo- 
rado, the  citizens  of  San  Felipe  reduced  it  to  ashes.  There  was  no  order 
from  me  for  it." 

» 

On  the  3d  of  April,  Houston  again  writes  the  Secretary  of 
War.  After  describing  the  massacre  of  Fannin's  command,  he 
says  : — 

"  Humanity  must  recoil  at  the  perfidy  which  has  been  exercised  towards 
brave  and  heroic  men,  who  have  perished  in  the  unequal  conflicts  with  the 
enemy,  when  they  were  always  more  than  six  to  one.  Will  not  our  friends 
rush  to  the  conflict,  and  at  once  avenge  the  wrongs  which  have  been 
inflicted  on  our  dauntless  comrades  ?  The  day  of  just  retribution  ought 
not  to  be  deferred." 

Again,  on  the  6th  of  April,  he  says  : — 

"  The  enemy  shall  be  closely  looked  to,  and  the  first  favorable  moment 
seized  with  avidity,  to  effect  his  total  defeat." 


104  T  H  E     C  A  M  P     0  N     T  H  E     B  R  A  Z  0  S  . 

XXV. 

The  army  encamped  on  the  night  of  the  29th  of  March  at 
Mill  Creek,  and  the  following  day  reached  their  destination 
opposite  Groces.  The  steamboat  Yellow  Stone,  which  was 
lying  at  the  landing,  was  at  once  pressed  into  the  service,  and  a 
company  of  troops  stationed  on  board  to  prevent  the  boat  or  its 
engineers  from  running  off.  The  army  remained  in  the  same 
position  till  the  llth  of  April.  During  this  time,  the  river  had 
swollen  by  the  spring  rains,  and  as  Houston's  camp  lay  on  an 
island  of  the  Brazos,  where  he  was  secure  from  the  enemy,  he 
constructed  a  narrow  bridge,  by  which  communication  was 
maintained  with  the  enemy's  country,  over  which  the  Texan 
scouts  could  pass,  to  gather  information,  and  hold  a  keen  vigi- 
lance of  the  movements  and  designs  of  the  Mexicans.  • 

XXVI. 

Before  the  waters  reached  their  greatest  height,  General 
Houston  had  designed,  as  soon  as  the  enemy  should  approach 
San  Felipe,  to  march  with  all  his  force,  and  surprise  them  at 
night,  believing  that  their  confidence,  inspired  by  numbers,  dis- 
cipline, and  success,  would  have  completely  thrown  them  off 
their  guard,  which  would  give  an  easy  victory  to  the  Texan 
commander.  But  when  he  learned  of  the  arrival  of  the  enemy 
at  San  Felipe,  the  freshet  was  at  its  height,  and  having  three 
creeks  without  fords,  to  pass  in  his  march,  this  boldly  conceived 
plan  failed.  Although  no  fortunate  result  followed  many  of 
these  designs  of  Houston,  yet  they  will  show  to  the  reader  the 
sleepless  vigilance  and  bold  daring,  of  the  man  upon  whose  move- 
ments was  suspended  the  fate  of  the  young  Commonwealth. 
We  also  deem  their  relation  important,  because  they  serve  to 


MARCHING    TO     SAN     J AC  INTO.  105 

render  the  reader  familiar  with  the  chances  and  changes  of  war- 
fare, and  the  qualities  necessary  in  the  citizen  who  leads  an 
army  to  the  field. 

XXVII. 

The  company  left  in  charge  of  San  Felipe,  having  retired  to 
the  east  side  of  the  river,  and  thrown  up  a  partial  fortification 
of  timber,  the  enemy  immediately  opened  the  artillery  upon 
their  breastworks,  and  the  noise  of  their  cannon  announced  to 
Houston  the  first  certainty  of  their  approach.  A  company  of 
eighty  men,  which  had  just  arrived  at  the  camp  from  Eastern 
Texas,  was  detached  with  another  body  to  succor  Captain 
Baker,  while,  by  means  of  expresses,  the  Commander-in-Chief 
kept  up  communication  with  the  troops  at  San  Felipe  and  Fort 
Bend. 

His  entire  force  at  Groces,  where  the  main  body  of  the  army 
lay,  did  not  now  exceed  five  hundred  and  twenty  men.  He  had 
been  encouraged  to  expect  not  less  than  five  hundred  men  from 
the  Kedlands,  and  they  could  have  been  furnished ;  for  they 
were  already  in  the  field,  and  many  of  them  had 'advanced  their 
march  to  the  banks  of  the  Trinity.  But  some  turbulent  men, 
who  where  willing  to  ruin  the  country  rather  than  fail  in  Hous- 
ton's destruction,  raised  rumors  of  Indian  hostilities,  which  pre- 
vented them  from  joining  him.  Amongst  them  was  General 
Quitman's  command  from  Natchez — a  fine  company  of  south- 
ern chivalry,  who  were  thus  prevented  from  participating  in  the 
triumphs  of  San  Jacinto.  They  arrived  at  the  camp  two  days 
after  the  victory.  The  country  behind  Houston  was  entirely 
depopulated.  He  never  fell  back  till  the  women  and  children 
were  secure  from  danger — always  interposing  the  army  between 
the  enemy  and  the  helpless. 


106  HOUSTON    THE    ONLY    HOPE    OF    TEXAS. 

XXVIII. 

He  had  now  become  apprised  of  the  strength,  position,  and 
designs  of  the  enemy.  They  were  marching  upon  him  in  three 
Divisions.  The  Centre  was  to  advance  from  San  Antonio  to 
Gonzalez,  Beason's,  and  by  San  Felipe  or  Washington,  and 
Robbins'  Ferry  to  Nacogdoches — led  by  Santa  Anna  himself. 
The  Second  Division,  under  General  Urrea,  was  to  march  from 
Goliad  by  the  way  of  Victoria  to  Brazoria  and  Harrisburg, 
while  the  upper  or  Third  Division  advanced  by  B  as  trap  to 
Tenoxtitlau  on  the  Brazos,  and  thence  to  the  Camanche,  cross- 
ing the  Trinity,  on  to  Nacogdoches.  The  plan  of  the  campaign 
gave  evidence  of  the  superior  ability  of  Santa  Anna,  and  showed 
Houston  the  man  he  had  to  deal  with.  At  the  same  time  the 
entire  scheme  had  to  be  broken  up  in  less  than  thirty  days,  or 
Texas  would  be  swept  by  three  rolling  streams  of  fire,  which 
would  cover  the  land  with  desolation,  and  blot  out  the  last  hope 
of  the  Republic.  How  this  almost  impossible  work  was  to  be 
achieved,  no  one  knew  but  Houston.  There  was  a  painful  feel- 
ing of  suspense  throughout  the  little  army,  and  all  eyes  were 
turned  anxiously  upon  their  bold  leader.  There  was  no  longer 
a  doubt  in  the  mind  of  any  who  knew  the  position  of  affairs, 
that  the  salvation  of  Texas,  under  God,  had  been  thrown 
entirely  upon  Houston's  arm. 

XXIX. 

What  was  his  policy  ?  Apprised  of  all  this,  he  believed  that 
the  Divisions  were  sufficiently  detached  to  be  managed  in  detail, 
if  the  succors  he  had  a  right  to  expect  should  reach  him  in 
time.  His  position  on  the  Brazos,  enabled  him  to  cover  a  larger 
extent  of  country  than  any  other  he  could  have  selected,  and 
was  one  of  the  most  eligible  for  supplies.  During  his  entire 


SANTA    ANNA     ADVANCING.  107 

encampment  there,  he  was  sending  frequent  expresses  to  Eastern 
Texas,  and  while  he  represented  his  true  situation  in  his  con- 
fidential dispatches  to  the  Committee  of  Vigilance  and  Safety  at 
Nacogdoches,  he  was  in  the  habit,  we  have  heard,  of  endorsing 
the  envelopes  with  certain  postscripts,  that  all  might  see  that 
his  force  did  not  exceed  twenty-Jive,  hundred  men;  for  he 
believed  if  his  real  situation  was  known,  it  would  deter  all 
succors  from  coming  to  his  aid.  This  is  the  only  origin  we  have 
discovered  for  the  report  of  his  having  so  large  a  command. 

XXX. 

About  the  llth  of  April,  news  came  from  Fort  Bend  that 
the  Centre  Division,  under  Santa  Anna,  had  already  crossed  the 
river  at  that  place.  The  company  stationed  there,  not  maintain- 
ing the  vigilance  enjoined,  the  ferry-boat  was  taken  over  by 
a  negro  to  the  western  side.  By  this  means  they  were  enabled 
at  once  to  pass  the  river.  Had  it  not  been  for  this  circum- 
stance, the  Brazos  being  at  high  flood,  they  could  not  have 
passed  for  a  month,  and  Houston  could  have  maintained  his 
position  till  his  safety  inspired  a  confidence  that  would  have 
reinforced  his  army. 

XXXI. 

A  fortunate  combination  of  circumstances  enabled  Houston 
to  maintain  himself  against  the  influence  that  seemed  to  be 
marking  his  destiny.  The  Upper  Division  of  the  Mexican 
army,  under  Gaono,  became  bewildered  in  their  march,  and 
ascended  the  Colorado.  The  South  Division,  under  Urrea,  was 
delayed  by  high  waters,  and  never  passed  the  Brazos  at  all. 
Santa  Anna  had,  doubtless,  Jearned  that  Harrisburg  had 
become  the  seat  of  Government,  after  the  adjournment  of  the 
Convention,  which  took  place  on  the  17th  of  March,  and  was 


108  THE    COWARDICE     OF    TPIE     GOVERNMENT. 

prepared  to  take  advantage  of  the  alarm  which  this  flight  of  the 
officers  of  the  Republic  had  spread  over  the  colonies.  The 
Convention  had  broken  up  in  utter  consternation  and  dismay, 
and  only  seven  of  its  members  ever  found  their  way  to  the  army. 
None  but  those  who  were  on  the  ground  can  have  any  con- 
ception of  the  fatal  consequences  that  attended  this  movement. 
It  is  safe,  probably,  to  say  that  to  it,  more  than  any  other  cause, 
was  it  owing  that  Houston  received  no  more  reinforcements  in 
that  trying  crisis.  A  constitutional  act  had  been  passed  by  the 
Convention,  creating  a  Government  ad  interim,  consisting  of  a 
President,  and  Secretaries  of  War,  Navy,  and  the  Treasury, 
with  all  powers  incident  to  a  Government,  except  the  law- 
making.  They  had  adjourned  to  Harrisburg,  not  less  than 
seventy  miles  from  the  scene  of  war.  This  flight  of  the 
wise  men  and  the  worthies  of  the  nation,  was  calculated 
to  alarm  the  old,  the  young,  and  the  helpless,  to  afford  an 
excuse  to  the  timid,  and  sanction  the  skulking  of  the  cowardly. 
Many  brave  men,  who  had  joined  Houston,  hearing  of  the 
general  consternation  which  had  followed  the  adjournment  of 
the  Convention,  could  not  resist  their  natural  impulses  to  go 
and  render  protection  to  their  abandoned  flying  wives  and 
children.  Houston  has  often  declared  that  this  was  one  of  the 
most  appalling  circumstances  that  ever  befell  him  while  strug- 
gling for  Texas,  and  we  find  it  confirmed  by  his  dispatches. 

XXXII. 

But  the  event  proved  it  was  fortunate  for  him,  that  Santa 
Anna  had  heard  that  Harrisburg  had  become  the  seat  of  Govern- 
ment, for  it  caused  him  to  abandon  his  general  plan  of  invasion, 
and  diverge  from  his  route  to  Nacogdoches,  with  a  view  to 
capture  the  self-preserving  administration  of  the  new  Republic. 
As  soon  as  General  Houston  received  intelligence  that  Santa 


THE    TWO     FIELD     PIECES.  109 

Anna  was  crossing  the  Brazos,  lie  dispatched  without  delay  his 
orders  for  all  the  troops,  scattered  up  and  down  the  river,  from 
Washington  to  Fort  Bend,  a  distance  of  more  than  eighty  miles, 
to  join  him  on  his  march  to  Harrisburg.  While  he  lay  on  the 
Brazos,  General  Rusk,  now  Senator  from  Texas,  and  then  newly- 
appointed  Secretary  of  War,  instead  of  flying  from  the  scene  of 
danger,  when  the  rest  of  the  cabinet  fled,  hastened  to  the 
Comniander-m-Chief  on  the  Brazos.  They  advised  together 
cordially  on  all  matters  connected  with  the  welfare  of  Texas, 
and  harmonized  most  perfectly  in  the  means  necessary  to  be 
adopted.  The  steamboat  Yellow  Stone  was  put  in  motion,  and  in 
two  days  the  entire  army,  with  their  baggage-wagons  and  horses, 
was  transported  to  the  eastern  side  of  the  Brazos.  On  the  shore, 
Houston  met  the  first  artillery  which  had  been  under  his  control. 
They  were  two  six-pounders  (a  present  from  some  patriotic  men 
in  Cincinnati),  but  they  were  without  equipments  necessary  for 
use,  except  that  they  were  mounted.  There  being  a  smith's  shop 
and  gunsmiths  there,  who  had  been  employed  in  repairing  the 
arms  of  the  troops,  the  two  field-pieces  were  immediately  made 
ready  for  effective  use,  and  all  the  old  iron  in  the  neighbor- 
hood cut  into  slugs,  and  formed  into  cartridges.  The  little  army 
halted  a  few  miles  from  the  Ferry,  and  encamped  for  the  night. 

XXXIII. 

After  the  Commander-in-Chief  had,  as  was  his  uniform  custom, 
examined  in  person  the  state  of  the  camp,  and  seen  that  every- 
thing necessary  for  an  early  march  had  been  done,  he  inquired 
the  route  for  Harrisburg.  Houston  had  never  before  been  in  that 
region  ;  but  he  took  the  precaution  to  inform  himself  perfectly  of 
the  geography  of  the  country,  well  knowing  that  he  was  liable  to 
be  surprised  any  hour  by  a  superior  force.  One  road  led  to  Nacog- 
doches,  crossing  the  Trinity  at  Robbins'  Ferry  ;  and  Houston 


110  NOT  A  TENT  IN  THE  ARMY. 

knew  that  this  was  the  road  Santa  Anna  must  have  taken 
in  his  march  upon  Harrisburg.  The  main  army,  amounting  to 
between  seven  and  eight  hundred  men,  was  now  put  in  motion. 
They  marched  that  day  (16th  April)  to  McArley's,  a  fatiguing 
march  of  eighteen  miles,  through  a  prairie.  There  were  fourteen 
baggage-wagons,  and  two  pieces  of  artillery  in  the  train.  Ex- 
cessive rains  had  made  the  prairie  boggy,  and  in  many  places  the 
wagons  had  to  be  unloaded,  and  the  dismounted  field-pieces  car- 
ried, or  rolled,  through  the  mire.  This  brought  into  requisition 
the  entire  physical  strength  of  the  army.  Houston  had,  early  in 
the  march,  foreseen  what  lay  before  his  men,  and  on  the  first 
emergency,  he  stripped  off  his  coat,  dismounted,  and  set  the  ex- 
ample of  unloading  and  transporting  baggage  and  guns,  and  so 
continued  throughout  the  day,  commanding  and  aiding  the 
soldiers  with  his  personal  strength.  The  brave  little  army  halted 
at  sun-set,  and  laid  themselves  down  to  sleep  in  the  open  field, 
without  covering,  for  there  was  not  a  tent  in  the  camp.  About 
dark,  a  cold  rain  set  in,  and  continued  for  twenty-four  hours.  Such 
were  the  hardships  those  men  were  compelled  to  undergo,  while 
working  out  the  emancipation  of  their  country. 

XXXIY. 

The  second  day  (ITth)  they  pursued  their  exhausting  march 
through  the  rain,  twelve  miles,  to  Burnett's  settlement,  which 
they  found  deserted.  Another  night  followed — the  soldiers  slept 
on  the  wet  ground,  with  their  arms  in  their  hands,  ready  to 
answer  in  a  single  moment  the  three  taps  of  the  drum,  which 
was  the  only  instrument  of  martial  music  in  the  camp,  and  which 
was  never  touched  but  by  the  General  himself.  The  third  day's 
march  (18tb),  through  the  prairie,  of  eighteen  miles,  brought 
them  to  Post  Oak  Bayou,  where  they  encamped  for  the  night. 
Their  toilsome  march  through  the  prairie  was  now  over,  and 


THE    TIME     TO     FIGHT  111 

they  were  only  six  or  eight  miles  from  Harrisburg.  But  Santa 
Anna  had  been  there  before  them,  and  reduced  the  town  to 
ashes,  on  his  march  to  New  Washington. 

XXXY. 

The  army  had  marched  up  within  two  miles  of  the  stream, 
and  almost  in  sight  of  the  ruin,  and  prepared  to  cross  the  Buf- 
falo Bayou,  which  lay  between  them  and  the  scene  of  desolation. 
The  gallant  Karnes,  and  Deaf  Smith,  swam  over  the  stream  with 
several  companions,  and  in  a  short  time  brought  back  over  the 
Bayou  two  expresses  that  bore  most  important  intelligence.  On 
the  person  of  the  courier,  who  was  a  Mexican  officer,  were  found 
dispatches  from  Filisola  to  Santa  Anna,  so  recently  written, 
that  the  reader  remarked  :  "  The  ink,  sir,  is  hardly  dry."  The 
Texan  commander  now  had  the  most  positive  assurance  that 
Santa  Anna  was  in  command  of  the  advance  of  the  enemy. 
The  second  express  contained  the  mail  from  the  capital,  filled 
with  letters  of  congratulation,  recognizing  Santa  Anna  as 
Emperor  of  Mexico,  &c. 

XXXYI. 

Mr.  Rusk,  the  Secretary  of  War,  and  General  Houston,  im- 
mediately retired  for  a  private  conference.  Yery  few  words 
passed  between  them  :  the  facts  were  before  them,  and  they 
could  come  to  but  one  decision. 

''We  need  not  talk,"  said  the  General;  "you  think  we  ought 
to  fight,  and  I  think  so  too."  The  battle  was  decided  on,  and 
the  fate  of  Texas  was  to  be  settled'  as  soon  as  the  enemy  could 
be  found.  Shortly  after  this  conference,  General  Houston  was 
informed  by  Colonel  Hockley  that  he  had  overheard  an  officer 
in  command  of  a  regiment  saying  to  the  men  about  him,  over 
whom  he  supposed  himself  to  possess  the  greatest  influence, 


112  NOT    A    MOMENT    TO     BE     LOST. 

"  Boys,  Houston  don't  intend  to  fight — follow  me  and  you 
shall  have  enough  of  it."  Houston  at  once  remarked  to  Hock- 
ley,  "I'll  cure  this  mischief  directly."  He  ordered  the  two 
Colonels  to  be  sent  for. 

"  Gentlemen,  have  you  rations  of  beef  in  the  camp,  for  three 
days  ?» 

"  Yes  sir." 

"You  will  then  see  that  each  man  is  supplied  with  three  days' 
cooked  rations,  and  hold  the  camp  in  readiness  to  march.  We 
will  see  if  we  can  find  Santa  Anna:  good  morning,  gentlemen." 
Turning  off  with  Hockley,  Houston  remarked,  "  There  is  no 
excuse  for  sedition  now,  if  they  wish  to  fight."  At  the  same  time 
orders  were  given  to  prepare  for  crossing  the  -Bayou — that  the 
army  might  commence  their  march  upon  the  enemy  the  next 
morning. 

XXXYII. 

Night  passed,  and  daylight  came— but  no  preparations  had 
been  made  for  the  march.  The  orders  of  the  Commanding  Offi- 
cer had  been  disregarded,  and  not  a  soldier  was  prepared  with 
his  rations.  Not  a  moment  was  to  be  lost.  Instead  of  taking 
his  rest,  as  was  his  custom  early  in  the  morning,  the  General 
issued  his  orders  himself  to  the  men,  and  the  camp  was  soon 
busy  with  the  note  of  preparation.  But  it  was  nine  o'clock 
before  he  could  get  his  column  under  arms.  When  the  army 
arrived  at  the  Bayou,  two  miles  from  the  encampment,  they 
found  the  boat  nearly  filled  with  water.  Houston  at  once  dis- 
mounted, called  for  an  axe,  and  went  to  hewing  oars  out  of  rails. 

XXXYIII. 

The  passage  was  a  difficult  and  perilous  undertaking,  and  yet 
Houston  was  determined  to  make  it  that  morning.  The  Bayou 


AN     HOUR     OF     PERIL.  113 

was  about  fifty  yards  wide,  and  more  than  twenty  feet  deep. 
As  the  Pioneers,  a  small  company,  were  going  aboard,  an  acci- 
dent occurred  which  damaged  the  boat.  Houston  leaped  aboard 
at  once  ;  and  his  faithful  horse,  that  he  had  left  pawing  on  the 
bank,  plunged  in  after  his  master,  and  swam  to  the  opposite 
shore.  A  rope  was  soon  constructed  out  of  cabriestas  (a  rope 
of  horse  hair)  and  raw  tugs,  and  fastened  to  both  sides  of  the 
stream,  which  enabled  the  boat  to  make  more  rapid  trips,  and 
kept  it  from  floating  down  the  stream.  The  passage  was  now 
being  made  with  great  rapidity,  but  it  was  an  hour  of  in- 
tense anxiety  to  the  commander  and  his  intelligent  counsellor, 
the  Secretary  of  War.  General  Houston  had  crossed  and  stood 
on  one  side,  while  Mr.  Rusk  remained  on  the  other,  both  watch- 
ing the  perilous  movement  of  their  little  army,  in  whose  brave 
hearts  the  hopes  of  Texas  were  now  all  gathered.  A  single 
accident  !  No  one  knew  but  the  next  moment  the  enemy's 
column  might  come  in  sight,  and  if  they  came  up  while  that 
deep  stream  divided  the  army  of  Texas,  the  result  would  be  fore- 
told before  it  happened. 

XXXIX. 

Half  the  army  had  now  passed,  and  it  was  the  moment  of  the 
deepest  peril.  The  boat  was  giving  way  ;  four  strong  men  were 
bailing  out  the  water  continually.  The  body  of  cavalry  was 
now  to  be  risked.  They  were  goaded  to  plunge  into  the  deep 
stream,  and  they  at  once  disappeared.  But  they  rose  again  in 
their  strength  and  strained  for  the  steep  bank.  They  reached  it, 
and  when  they  struck  the  solid  ground,  they  sprang  from  the 
water  and  shook  their  tired  limbs.  The  passage  was  made. 
Mr.  Rusk  went  over  on  the  last  boat.  It  was  an  'affecting  spec- 
tacle to  see  these  two  brave  men  seize  each  other's  hands  when 
they  met  on  the  left  bank  of  the  stream  ;  and  it  is  not  difficult  to 


REMEMBER    THE     ALAMO. 

believe  what  is  indeed  said,  that  the  same  expression  of  grati- 
tude fell  from  their  lips  together—"  Thank  God— we  are  at  last 
safely  over."  While  the  lines  were  forming,  General  Houston 
drew  from  his  pocket  a  scrap  of  paper,  and  with  a  pencil  (here 
was  his  only  portfolio)  wrote  the  following  letter. 

Camp  at  ffarri&urg,  April  19th,  1886. 
To  COLONEL  RUSK.  IN  THE  FIELD. 

This  morning  We  are  in  preparation  to  meet  Santa  Anna.  It  is  the  only 
chance  of  saving  Texas.  From  time  to  time  I  have  looked  for  reinforce- 
ments in  vain.  The  Convention's  adjourning  to  Harrisburg  struck  panic 
throughout  the  country.  Texas  could  have  started  at  least  four  thousand 
men.  We  will  only  be  about  seven  hundred  to  march,  besides  the  camp 
guard.  But  we  go  to  conquest.  It  is  wisdom  growing  out  of  necessity 
to  meet  and  fight  the  enemy  now.  Every  consideration  enforces  it.  The 
troops  are  in  fine  spirits,  and  now  is  the  time  for  action.  We  will  use  our 
best  efforts  to  fight  the  enemy  to  such  advantage  as  will  insure  victory, 
though  the  odds  are  greatly  against  us.  I  leave  the  result  in  the  hands 
of  an  all-wise  God,  and  I  rely  confidently  upon  His  providence.  My 
country  will  do  justice  to  those  who  serve  her.  The  right  for  which  we 
fight  will  be  secured,  and  Texas  shall  be  free. 

SAM  HOUSTON,  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF. 

(Certified  copy  from  the  Department  of  War,  of  the  Republic  of  Texas.) 

XL. 

The  lines  were  now  formed,  and  Houston  rode  up  and 
addressed  the  soldiers.  Those  who  heard  him,  say  that  he 
made  the  most  impassioned  and  eloquent  appeal  they  ever 
listened  to.  The  words  seemed  to  flow  along  the  lines  like 
streams  of  electric  fluid,  and  when  he  gave  them  for  their'  watch- 
word, REMEMBER  THE  ALAMO,  it  struck  like  a  bolt  of  fire.  The 
watchword  had  no  sooner  fallen  from  his  lips,  than  it  was  caught 
up  by  every  man  in  the  army,  and  one  simultaneous  shout  broke 
up  into  the  sky — Remember  the  Alamo — Remember  the  Alamo, 
was  repeated,  and  the  green  islands  of  trees  in  the  prairie  sent 


THE  MARCH  OF  HOUSTON^  ARMY.        115 

back  the  echo.  The  Secretary  of  War  also  spoke  in  the  most 
happy  and  stirring  manner.  The  men  seemed  inspired  with  the 
spirit  of  chivalry,  and  were  impatient  for  the  order  of  "  March" 
to  be  given. 

XLI. 

The  order  came,  and  the  column  got  under  way.  As  it 
moved  on  over  the  prairie,  the  golden  sun  shone  out  full  and 
clear  from  mid-heaven,  as  it  never  shines  even  in  that  beautiful 
climate,  except  after  a  long,  cold  rain.  It  seemed  to  be  the  sig- 
nal of  God's  approval,  and  they  felt  that  the  Heavens  them- 
selves smiled  on  the  struggle.  No  martial  strains  fell  upon  the 
ear — no  rich  bugle  rang  out  its  full,  clear  blast — no  gorgeous  ban- 
ners waved  over  the  embattled  host.  Their  march  was  not 
measured  even  by  "  the  thrilling  fife,  the  pealing  drum."  There 
was  little  of  the  pomp  or  circumstance  of  glorious  war;  but  there 
was  the  firm  purpose,  the  strained  muscle,  the  compressed  lip, 
and  the  heavy  tramp  of  seven  hundred  men,  determined  to  be 
free. 

XLII. 

In  a  narrow  woodland  not  far  from  the  stream,  the  army 
halted  till  sun-down,  to  avoid  being  seen  in  the  open  prairie. 
The  column  was  now  once  more  in  motion,  and  a  forced  march 
made  to  a  point  not  more  than  four  or  five  miles  distant  from 
the  ground  which  was  to  witness  the  main  struggle.  They 
took  shelter  under  the  covert  of  a  grove  off  from  the  line  of 
march,  and  the  weary  men  laid  down  on  their  rifles  to  sleep  for 
an  hour. 

At  daylight  General  Houston  rose  from  the  ground  where  he 
had  been  resting  his  head  on  a  coil  of  rope  used  in  dragging  the 
artillery,  and  roused  the  camp  by  his  well  known  three  taps  of 
the  drum — for  a  reveille  or  tattoo  had  never  been  beaten  from 


116  HOUSTON    REACHES    SAN    JACINTO. 

the   day  he   took   the   command.     Their    artillery   was    never 
fired  till  it  was  fired  in  the  face  of  the  enemy. 

Pickets  were  advanced  in  every  direction.  The  scouts  sent 
on  ahead  soon  returned  with  information  which  satisfied  the 
Commander  the  enemy  was  not  far  distant.  A  small  party  had 
been  fallen  in  with,  and  chase  given  to  them — but  they  were  well 
mounted,  and  effected  their  escape.  On  the  return  of  the  scout- 
ing party,  the  army  halted  to  take  refreshment,  beeves  were 
dressed,  and  the  roasting-fires  kindled. 


XLIII. 

But  little  progress  had  been  made  when,  about  seven  o'clock 
that  same  morning,  news  came  that  the  enemy  was  marching  up 
from  New  Washington  to  cross  the  San  Jacinto,  which,  if 
effected,  would  have  enabled  Santa  Anna  to  carry  desolation  to 
the  Sabine.  Houston  immediately  ordered  the  line  to  be  taken 
up  for  the  crossing  of  the  San  Jacinto  at  Lynchburg.  The 
issue  of  the  entire  struggle  hinged  on  cutting  off  Santa  Anna's 
retreat.  The  army  saw  it  at  once.  The  soldiers,  with  alacrity, 
abandoned  their  meat  half-cooked,  flew  to  their  arms  as  one 
man,  and  as  soon  as  the  horses  could  be  harnessed  to  the 
artillery,  the  march  began.  The  column  did  not  halt  till  the 
Ferry  at  the  junction  of  Buffalo  Bayou,  and  the  San  Jacinto 
was  reached,  where,  to  the  great  joy  of  the  Texans,  they  learned 
that  Santa  Anna  had  not  yet  come  up.  Houston  took  posses- 
sion of  a  new  boat  which  Santa  Anna  had  forced  some  Ameri- 
cans to  construct,  and  had  it  rowed  up  opposite  the  first  grove 
on  the  Bayou.  In  the  meantime,  having  arrived  first,  he  could 
choose  his  own  position,  and  he  posted  himself  in  a  beautiful 
copse  of  trees  which  grew  on  a  bend  in  the  stream — and  lay  in  a 
semicircular  form  on  the  margin  of  the  Prairie.  The  trees  and 


SANTA   ANNA'S   BUGLES.  lit 

the  undergrowth  enabled  him  to  conceal  his  forces  on  the  bank 
of  the  river,  and  plant  his  artillery  on  the  brow  of  the  copse. 

XLIY. 

The  Texan  army  was  now  ready  to  go  into  battle  at  a  moment's 
warning.  But  as  the  enemy  had  not  yet  come  up,  they  again 
lighted  their  fires  to  complete  their  culinary  operations,  which 
had  been  so  suddenly  interrupted  a  few  hours  previously.  But 
they  had  scarcely  laid  aside  their  arms  and  kindled  their  fires, 
before  Houston's  scouts  came  flying  into  the  camp,  with  news 
that  the  Mexicans  were  in  sight — and  shortly  after  Santa  Anna's 
bugles  were  heard  over  the  Prairie,  sounding  the  charge  of  the 
Mexican  army. 

XLY. 

Whatever  may  have  been  said  to  the  contrary,  it  is  perfectly 
certain  that  Santa  Anna  knew  the  position  of  the  Texan  Gen- 
eral, and  so  far  from  his  being  surprised  by  a  discharge  from 
the  Texan  artillery,  he  intended  to  surprise  the  enemy  himself. 
Accordingly  he  opened  his  "brass  twelve-pounder"  upon  the 
Texan  position,  intending  to  sustain  the  Artillery  by  his  Infantry 
and  Cavalry.  But  a  well  directed  fire  of  grape-shot  and  canis- 
ter from  Houston's  two  six-pounders  drove  back  the  Infantry 
column,  which  took  shelter  in  a  piece  of  timber  within  rifle  shot 
of  the  left  wing  of  the  Texan  army.  In  the  meantime,  the  Mexi- 
can field- piece  was  kept  playing,  but  with  no  other  result  than 
that  Col.  Neill,  the  gallant  officer  of  the  Artillery,  received  a 
grape-shot  in  his  thigh,  which  disabled  him  from  service.  These 
events  took  place  about  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning.  Col.  Sher- 
man, of  the  2d  Regiment,  requested  of  the  Commander  permis- 
sion, with  a  detachment,  to  drive  the  infantry  from  their  covert. 
Houston,  who  hud  already  decided  (for  reasons  known  then  only 


118  THE    TWO     ARMIES    MEET. 

to  himself,  but  apparent  enough  the  next  day)  his  plan  and  time 
for  action,  complied  with  Col.  Sherman's  request,  although  he 
gave  him  positive  orders  not  to  advance  beyond  the  piece  of 
timber,  or  endanger  the  safety  of  his  men.  Houston  directed 
him  to  take  two  companies  of  his  Regiment.  He  preferred  charg- 
ing on  horseback.  Houston  gratified  him.  He  was  repulsed, 
and  the  circumstance  produced  no  good  effect  upon  the  men. 

XLVI. 

General  Houston,  as  appears  from  his  dispatch,  which  we 
have  already  given,  was  resolved  to  choose  his  own  time  for  fight- 
ing, and  compensate  for  his  wantf*  of  numbers,  by  military  skill 
and  superior  advantage  in  position.  In  other  words,  he  was 
resolved  to  watch  his  opportunity,  and  "fight  the  enemy  to  such 
advantage  as  would  insure  victory,  though  the  odds  were  greatly 
ag'ainst  him." 

Some  slight  skirmishing  followed,  which  ended  in  Santa 
Anna's  retiring  with  his  army  to  a  swell  in  the  Prairie,  with  tim- 
ber and  water  in  his  rear.  His  position  was  near  the  bank  of  the 
Bay  of  San  Jacinto,  about  three-quarters  of  a  mile  from  the 
Texan  camp,  where  he  commenced  a  fortification. 

XL  VII. 

Houston  was  well  satisfied  with  the  business  of  the  day  ;  and 
he  declared  to  one  of  his  confidential  officers  that  evening,  that, 
although  he  did  not  doubt  he  would  that  day  have  won  a  victory, 
if  he  had  pursued  the  enemy,  yet  it  would  have  been  attended 
with  a  heavy  loss  of  men — "  While,  to-morrow,"  said  he,  "I 
will  conquer,  slaughter,  and  put  to  flight  the  entire  Mexican  army 
— and  it  shall  not  cost  me  a  dozen  of  my  brave  men."  Those 
who  clamored  then,  and  have  clamored  since,  about  Houston's 


THE     EVENING     BEFORE    THE     BATTLE.  119 

losing  so  fine  an  opportunity  of  fighting  on  the  day  before  the 
battle  of  San  Jacinto,  were,  without  doubt,  brave  men — but  if 
they  could  have  had  their  way  at  any  one  time  after  Houston 
took  the  command  at  Gonzalez,  it  is  certain  that  it  would 
have  cost  another  Alamo  or  Goliad  tragedy,  and  the  day  of  San 
Jacinto  would  never  have  come. 

XL  VIII. 

Evening  came  on,  and  Houston  was  about  to  withdraw  his 
army  from  the  field,  to  give  them  time  for  refreshment  and  repose, 
and  to  prepare  for  the  following  day.  The  flight  of  the  enemy, 
in  the  first  instance,  and  Santa  Anna's  rather  precipitate  retreat 
afterwards,  had  inspirited  the  Texan  army.  But  Col.  Sherman, 
who  was  determined  to  resort  to  a  ruse  for  the  purpose  of  forc- 
ing General  Houston  into  a  general  engagement  that  day — now 
pressed  the  General  most  earnestly  for  leave  to  advance  with  his 
Cavalry,  and  attempt  the  capture  of  the  Mexican  field-piece. 
Houston  discountenanced  the  movement  altogether — for  he  felt 
sure  that  his  plan  of  giving  battle  to  the  enemy  the  next  day 
would  succeed,  and  he  was  reluctant  to  peril  unnecessarily  the 
life  of  a  single  man.  He  also  had  some  reason  to  apprehend  a 
similar  result  to  that  which  followed  Sherman's  ill-advised  move- 
ment that  morning.  But  he  importuned  him  till  the  General 
consented  to  have  him  go  out  with  the  Cavalry  and  reconnoitre 
the  enemy's  position  and  forces  ;  but  he  peremptorily  ordered 
him  by  no  means  to  go  within  gun-shot  of  the  Mexicans,  nor 
court  a  conflict.  Houston  ordered  out  the  artillery  and  the 
infantry  battalion  behind  an  island  of  timber,  to  remain  con- 
cealed, and  if  the  enemy  should  attack  Sherman's  command,  to 
be  in  readiness  to  meet  and  check  their  advances.  Sherman  dis- 
appeared with  his  Cavalry  behind  the  timber  the  enemy  had 
occupied  iu  the  morning,  and  Houston  and  his  staff  awaited  the 


120  TRUTH     AND     ITS     POWER. 

result,  utterly  ignorant  of  the  ruse  of  Sherman  to  force  the 
Texan  commander  into  a  general  engagement,  and  therefore 
unconscious  of  their  imminent  peril. 

XLIX. 

* 

The  reconnoitering  party  had  hardly  disappeared,  before  the 
sound  of  firing  in  that  direction  was  heard.  In  a  single  moment 
a  suspicion  of  Sherman's  real  design  flashed  over  Houston's 
mind  ;  he  mounted  his  horse  and  rode  straight  to  the  scene  of 
action.  He  met  Col.  Sherman  coming  in.  Although  he  had 
not  succeeded  in  perilling  the  entire  army  by  forcing  them  into 
a  general  engagement,  yet  he  had  succeeded  in  sacrificing  the 
life  of  the  brave  Trask,  and  disabling  the  intrepid  Woodliff,  both 
of  whom  were  now  being  borne  back.  Houston  was  incensed, 
for  all  this  had  been  done  in  direct  violation  of  his  orders,  and 
two  of  his  Spartan  soldiers  borne  bleeding  by,  were  the  only 
fruits  that  had  followed.  Gen.  Foote's  History  (vol.  ii.  p.  301) 
declares  that  this  was  "  a  bold  and  well-conceived  ruse  to  delude 
the  Commander-in-Chief  into  a  conflict,  in  spite  of  the  monitions 
of  his  cooler  judgment,"  though  Sherman  has  since  had  the 
effrontery  to  declare  that  Gen.  Houston  sent  him  to  be  cut  off! 
This  would  seem  rather  a  singular  charge^  without  remember- 
ing the  circumstances,  since  Houston  had  lost  neither  a  man  nor 
a  beast  in  his  retreat  to  the  Brazos,  or  in  his  advance  to  Sail 
Jacinto  ;  and  on  the  night  before  the  battle,  he  certainly  had  no 
men  to  spare.  We  only  allude  to  the  circumstance,  however,  us 
a  fair  sample  of  the  countless  calumnies  which  disappointed  and 
factious  men  have  heaped  upon  the  name  of  Houston.  The  best 
way  to  kill  falsehood  is  to  publish  plain  truth — and  we  shall  not 
trouble  ourselves  to  deny  in  detail  the  thousand  and  one  false 
statements  which  have  been  published  against  the  Texan 
Senator. 


THE  CAMP  OF  THE  MEXICANS.         121 


The  Texan  army  now  retired  to  their  camp,  and  refreshed 
themselves  for  the  first  time  in  two  days.  "The  enemy  in  the 
meantime  extended  the  right  flank  of  their  infantry,  so  as  to 
occupy  the  extreme  point  of  a  skirt  of  timber  on  the  1mnk  of 
the  San  Jacinto,  and  secured  their  left  by  a  fortification  about 
five  feet  high,  constructed  of  packs  and  baggage,  leaving  an 
opening  in  the  centre  of  their  breastwork,  in  which  their  artil- 
lery was  placed — the  cavalry  upon  the  left  wing."  (Extract 
from  Gen.  H.'s  official  report.) 

Such  was  the  position  of  the  Mexican  army,  and  they  main- 
tained it  till  the  charge  was  made  the  next  day. 


122  THE     NIGHT    BEFORE    THE     BATTLE. 


SECTION   EIGHTH. 

THE   HERO    OF    SAN   JACINTO. 
I. 

DURING  the  entire  presence  of  the  enemy,  on  the  day  that 
witnessed  the  first  meeting  of  the  hostile  armies,  Houston  had 
remained  on  horseback,  exposed  to  their  artillery,  as  a  target. 
Branches  were  cut  down  over  his  head  by  cannon  balls,  and  one 
shot  struck  the  bit  of  his  horse's  bridle.  After  he  had  doubled 
the  vigilance  of  his  encampment,  to  render  surprise  impossible, 
he  was  prevailed  on  by  his  staff  to  take  some  rest,  for  he  had 
scarcely  eaten  or  slept  for  several  days.  It  was  now  evening 
twilight,  and  the  men  were  enjoying  a  hasty  repast  of  the  beef 
they  had  found  so  difficult  to  cook. 

Houston  laid  himself  down  under  an  old  oak,  with  the  coil  of 
the  artillery  rope  for  his  pillow.  From  the  day  he  took  com- 
mand of  the  army,  he  had  never  been  known  to  have  one  hour's 
sound  rest.  His  only  time  of  repose  had  been  after  four  o'clock 
in  the  morning,  when  he  beat  three  taps  on  the  drum,  which  he 
had  done  every  morning  till  that  day.  At  four  o'clock,  the 
line  was  always  formed,  and  every  man  kept  under  arms  till 
daylight.  He  then  lay  down,  and  got  what  rest  he  could  till 
the  men  had  taken  their  breakfast,  and  were  ready  to  march. 
In  one  of  his  letters  to  Mr.  Rusk,  during  this  period,  in  speaking 
•of  the  solicitude  he  suffered,  he  says  :  "I  will  do  the  best  I  can  ; 
but,  be  assured,  the  fame  of  Jackson  could  never  compensate 


\ 


ft  ^  .«V^"*  «1/"- 

IBipEi^i%Jlpf^ 


BATTLE  GROUND 

OF  " 

SAN     JACINTO 

AA.  Hoiigton's  Camp.  BB.  Barleson's 
Regiment.  CC.  Artillery  and  Regulars 
DD.  Sherman's  Regiment.  FF  Islands 
of  Timber.  GG.  Santa  Anna's  Camp. 
II.  400  men  under  Almonte.  IIII.  1400, 
main  Army  under  Santa  Anna. 


r^rA,AAAAA/S. 

j£ve&*  ^ 

^r,^<-- 

.,     ,*  Xs-*      -r, 


^^fe^^'-^a 

&f^,-  f^^r,-^: 


THE    MORNING    OF     SAN    JACINTO.  123 

me  for  my  anxiety  and  mental  pain."  All  this  suffering  arose 
from  uncertainty.  He  had  expected  troops  and  supplies,  and 
waited  for  them  in  vain.  The  fall  of  the  Alamo,  and  the 
massacre  of  Fanuin's  command,  had  dispirited  his  men,  and 
caused  desertions.  The  Government  itself  had  fled  from  the 
scene  of  danger,  and  consternation  had  spread  through  Texas  ; 
he  was  in  a  new  country,  without  the  means  of  subsistence  or 
transport  ;  his  men  were  but  half  clad  and  half  armed  ;  he  was 
in  the  neighborhood  of  a  powerful  army,  whose  picket-guards 
outnumbered  all  the  men  in  Mfe  camp,  and  he  could  decide 
neither  the  day  nor  the  scene  of  battle.  He  had  slept  on  the 
wet  ground,  without  covering  ;  his  only  dress  was  the  garb  of  a 
hunter,  and  his  food  only  kept  him  alive. 

It  is  not  strange,  therefore,  when  the  harro wings  of  suspense 
were  over,  and  in  the  presence  of  the  enemy,  he  had  posted  his 
faithful  guards  and  fixed  his  iron  purpose,  that  this  man  could 
lie  down  and  sleep  calmly  and  profoundly  throughout  the  entire 
night.  But  he  was  probably  the  only  man  in  that  camp  over 
whose  mind  flitted  no  anxious  vision. 


II. 

The  night  which  preceded  the  bloody  slaughter  of  San  Jacinto, 
rolled  anxiously  away,  and  brightly  broke  forth  the  morning  of 
the  last  day  of  Texan  servitude..  Before  the  first  grey  lines  shot 
up  the  East,  three  strange  taps  of  a  drum  were  heard  in  the 
camp,  and  f  00  soldiers  sprang  to  their  feet  as  one  man.  The 
camp  was  busy  with  the  soldier-hum  of  preparation  for  battle; 
but  in  the  midst  of  it  all,  Houston  slept  on  calmly  and  pro- 
foundly. The  soldiers  had  eaten  the  last  meal  they  were  to 
eat  till  they  had  won  their  independence.  They  were  under 
arms,  ready  for  the  struggle. 


124  THE    MORNING    OF    THE     BATTLE. 

III. 

At  last  the  glorious  sun  came  up  over  the  Prairie,  without  a 
single  cloud.  It  shone  full  and  clear  in  the  face  of  the  Hero, 
and  it  waked  him  to  battle.  He  sprang  to  his  feet,  and  ex- 
claimed, "  the  sun  of  Austerlitz  has  risen  again."  His  face  was 
calm,  and  for  the  first  time  in  many  weeks,  every  shade  of  trou- 
ble had  moved  away  from  his  brow.  He  ordered  his  Commis- 
sary General,  Col.  John  Forbes,  to  provide  two  good  axes,  and 
then  sent  for  Deaf  Smith.  He  took  this  faithful  and  intrepid 
man  aside,  and  ordered  him  to  conceal  the  axes  in  a  safe  place 
near  by,  where  he  could  lay  his  hands  on  them  at  a  moment's 
warning,  and  not  to  pass  the  lines  of  the  sentinels  that  day  with- 
out his  special  orders,  nor  to  be  out  of  his  call. 

IY. 

Morning  wore  away,  and  about  nine  o'clock,  a  large  body  of 
men  was  seen  moving  over  a  swell  of  the  prairie  in  the  direction 
of  Santa  Anna's  camp.  They  were  believed  to  be  a  powerful 
force  which  had  come  to  join  the  Mexicans,  and  the  spectacle  pro- 
duced no  little  excitement  in  the  Texan  lines.  Houston  saw  it 
at  a  glance,  and  quelled  the  apprehension  by  coolly  remarking, 
that  "  they  were  the  same  men  they  had  seen  the  day  before — 
they  had  marched  round  the  swell  in  the  prairie  and  returned  in 
sight  of  the  Texan  camp  to  alarm  their  foe,  with  the  appearance 
of  an  immense  reinforcement — for  it  was  very  evident  Santa 
Anna  did  not  wish  to  fight.  But  it  was  all  a  ruse  de  guerre 
that  could  be  easily  seen  through — a  mere  Mexican  trick" 

y. 

All  this  did  very  well,  and  yet  Houston,  of  course,  had  quite 
a  different  notion  on  the  subject.  He  sent  Deaf  Smith  and  a 


A    COUNCIL     OF     WAR.  125 

comrade,  with  confidential  orders,  as  spies  on  their  rearward 
march.  They  soon  returned,  and  reported  publicly  that  "  the 
General  was  right — it  was  all  a  humbug."  A  few  minutes  after, 
Deaf  Smith  whispered  quite  another  story  in  the  private  ear  of 
the  commander.  The  enemy  seen  was  a  reinforcement  of  540 
men,  under  Gen.  Cos,  who  had  heard  Santa  Anna's  cannon  the 
day  before  on  the  Brazos,  and  come  on  by  forced  marches  to 
join  his  standard.  But  the  secret  was  kept  till  it  did  no  harm 
to  reveal  it. 

At  this  juncture,  a  council  of  war,  consisting  of  six  field  offi- 
cers was  called,  at  their  suggestion.  The  General  in  Chief, 
seated  on  the  grass  beneath  a  post  oak  tree,  submitted  the  pro- 
position whether  they  should  attack  the  enemy  in  his  position, 
or  whether  they  should  wait  for  him  to  attack  them  in  theirs  ? 
The  two  juniors  in  rank  were  in  favor  of  attack,  but  the  four 
seniors  objected,  alleging  that  such  a  movement  as  charging  a 
disciplined  army  in  position  by  a  raw  soldiery,  advancing  in  an 
open  prairie,  without  the  cover  of  artillery,  and  with  only  two 
hundred  bayonets,  was  an  unheard-of  thing.  The  council  was 
dismissed.  The  troops  were  sounded  as  to  an  attack,  and  were 
found  to  be  favorable,  and  the  General  at  once  determined,  on 
his  own  responsibility,  to  give  battle. 

A  proposition  was  made  to  the  General  to  construct  a  floating 
bridge  over  Buffalo  Bayou,  "  which  might  be  used  in  the  event 
of  danger.'7  Houston  ordered  his  Adjutant  and  Inspector  Ge- 
nerals and  an  Aide  to  ascertain  if  the  necessary  materials  could 
be  obtained.  They  reported  that  by  tearing  down  a  house  in 
the  neighborhood,  they  could.  "We  will  postpone  it  awhile  at 
all  events,"  was  Houston's  reply. 

YI. 

In  the  meantime,  he  had  ordered  Deaf  Smith  to  report  to  him, 


]  26  HOUSTON     BRINGS    ON    THE    BATTLE. 

with  a  companion,  well  mounted.  He  retired  with  them  to  the 
spot  where  the  axes  had  been  deposited  in  the  morning.  Taking 
one  in  either  hand,  and  examining  them  carefully,  he  handed 
them  to  the  two  trusty  fellows,  saying,  "  Xow,  my  friemis,  take 
these  axes,  mount,  and  make  the  best  of  your  way  to  Yince's 
bridge;  cut  it  down,  and  burn  it  up,  and  come  back  like  eagles, 
or  you  will  be  too  late  for  the  day."  This  was  the  bridge  over 
which  both  armies  had  crossed  in  their  march  to  the  battle- 
ground of  San  Jacinto,  and  it  cut  off  all  chance  of  escape  for 
the  vanquished. 

"  This,"  said  Deaf  Smith,  in  his  droll  jvay,  "  looks  a  good 
deal  like  fight,  General." 


YII. 

The  reader  will  not  fail  to  notice  the  difference  between 
Houston's  calculations  of  the  results  of  that  day,  arid  those  of 
some  of  his  officers.  They  bethought  themselves  of  building  a 
new  bridge — he  of  cutting  down  and  burning  up  the  only  bridge 
in  the  neighborhood.  The  fact  was,  Houston  was  determined 
his  army  should  come  off  victorious  that  day,  or  leave  their 
bodies  on  the  field. 

YIIL 

The  day  was  now  wearing  away  ;  it  was  three  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon,  and  yet  the  enemy  kept  concealed  behind  his  breast- 
works, and  manifested  no  disposition  to  come  to  an  engagement. 
Events  had  taken  just  such  a  current  as  Houston  expected  and 
desired,  and  he  began  to  prepare  for  battle. 

In  describing  his  plan  of  attack,  we  borrow  the  language  of 
his  official  report,  after  the  battle  was  over.  "  The  1st  'Regi- 
ment, commanded  by  Col.  Burleson,  was  assigned  the  centre. 
The  2d  Regiment,  under  the  command  of  Col.  Sherman,  formed 


THE     SLAUGHTER.  127 

the  left  wing  of  the  army.  The  artillery,  under  the  special  com- 
mand of  Col.  George  W.  Hockley,  Inspector-general,  was 
placed  on  the  right  of  the  1st  Regiment,  and  four  companies  of 
infantry,  under  the  command  of  Lieut.  Col.  Henry  Millard,  sus- 
tained the  artillery  upon  the  right.  Our  cavalry,  sixty-one  in 
number,  commanded  by  Col.  Mirabeau  B.  Lamar,  placed  on  our 
extreme  right,  completed  our  line.  Our  cavalry  was  first  dis- 
patched to  the  front  of  the  enemy's  left,  for  the  purpose  of 
attracting  their  notice,  whilst  an  extensive  island  of  timber 
afforded  us  an  opportunity  of  concentrating  our  forces  and 
displaying  from  that  point,  agreeably  to  the  previous  design  of 
the  troops.  Every  evolution  was  performed  with  alacrity,  the 
whole  advancing  rapidly  in  a  line,  and  through  an  open  prairie, 
without  any  protection  whatever  for  our  men.  The  artillery 
advanced  and  took  station  within  two  hundred  yards  of  the 
enemy's  breastwork." 

IX. 

Those  who  expect  a  minute  and  accurate  account  of  this 
engagement,  from  the  writer,  or  any  one  else,  must  be  disap- 
pointed ;  for  no  such  description  can  ever  be  written.  -It  was  a 
slaughter,  more  than  a  battle.  We  can  only  give  the  reader  an 
idea  of  the  position  of  both  armies  when  the  engagement  began 
— fill  up  the  interval  of  the  next  few  minutes  with  blood,  and 
smoke,  and  cries,  and  slaughter,  and  then  tell  the  almost  incre- 
dible result.  The  two  armies  were  now  drawn  up  in  complete 
order.  There  were  700  Texans  on  the  field,  and  Santa  Anna's 
troops  numbered  over  eighteen  hundred.  Houston  had  informed 
Mr.  Rusk  of  .the  plan  of  the  battle,  and  he  approved  of  it  as 
perfect.  The  Secretary,  it  is  true,  had  never  been  a  soldier — he 
understood  little  of  military  evolutions  or  the  discipline  of  an 
army  ; — but  Houston  knew  he  carried  a  lion-heart  in  his  bosom, 


128  THE     CHARGE. 

and  he  assigned  him  the  command  of  the  left  wing.     The  Gene- 
ral of  course  led  the  centre. 


Everything  was  now  ready,  and  every  man  at  his  post  waiting 
for  the  charge.  The  two  six-pounders  had  commenced  a  well- 
directed  fire  of  grape  and  canister,  and  they  shattered  bones  and 
baggage  where  they  struck.  The  moment  had  at  last  come. 
Houston  ordered  the  CHARGE,  and  sounded  out  the  war  cry, 
REMEMBER  THE  ALAMO.  These  magic  words  struck  the  ear  of 
every  soldier  at  the  same  instant,  and  "  the  Alamo  !"  "  the 
Alamo  !"  went  up  from  the  army  in  one  wild  scream,  which  sent 
terror  through  the  Mexican  host.  At  that  moment  a  rider 
came  up  on  a  horse  covered  with  mire  and  foam,  swinging  an 
axe  over  his  head,  and  dashed  along  the  Texan  lines,  crying 
out,  as  he  had  been  instructed  to  do,  "  I  have  cut  down  Vince's 
bridge — now  fight  for  your  lives  and  remember  the  ALAMO," — and 
then  the  solid  phalanx,  which  had  been  held  back  for  a  moment 
at  the  announcement,  launched  forward  upon  the  breastworks 
like  an  avalanche  of  fire.  Houston  spurred  his  horse  on  at  the 
head  of  the  centre  column  right  into  the  face  of  the  foe. 

XI. 

The  Mexican  army  was  drawn  up  in  perfect  order,  ready  to 
receive  the  attack,  and  when  the  Texans  were  within  about 
sixty  paces,  and  before  they  had  fired  a  rifle,  a  general  flash  was 
seen  along  the  Mexican  lines,  and  a  storm  of  bullets  went  flying 
over  the  Texan  tinny.  They  fired  too  high,  but  several  balls 
struck  Houstou's  horse  in  the  breast,  and  one  ball  shattered  the 
General's  ankle.  The  noble  animal  staggered  for  a  moment,  but 
Houston  spurred  him  on.  If  the  first  discharge  of  the  Mexi- 


THE    DEATH     STRUGGLE.  129 

cans  had  been  well  directed,  it  would  have  thinned  the  Texan 
ranks.  But  they  pressed  on,  reserving  their  fire  till  each  man 
could  choose  some  particular  soldier  for  his  target :  and  before 
the  Mexicans  could  reload,  a  murderous  discharge  of  rifle  balls 
was  poured  into  their  very  bosoms.  The  Texan  soldiers  rushed 
on.  They  were  without  bayonets,  but  they  converted  their  rifles 
into  war-clubs  and  levelled  them  upon  the  heads  of  Santa 
Anna's  men.  Along  the  breastwork  there  was  little  more 
firing  of  muskets  or  rifles — it  was  a  desperate  struggle  hand  to 
hand.  The  Texans,  when  they  had  broken  off  their  rifles  at  the 
breech,  by  smashing  in  the  skulls  of  their  enemies,  flung  them 
down,  and  drew  their  pistols.  They  fired  them  once,  and  having 
no  time  to  reload,  hurled  them  against  the  heads  of  their  foes  ; 
and  then  drawing  forth  their  bowie-knives,  literally  cut  their 
way  through  dense  masses  of  living  flesh. 

XII. 

It  would  be  a  gross  mistake  to  suppose  that  the  Mexicans 
played  the  coward  that  day — for  they  were  slain  by  hundreds 
in  the  ranks  where  they  stood  when  the  battle  began — but  the 
fierce  vengeance  of  the  Texans  could  not  be  resisted.  They 
fought  as  none  but  men  can  fight;  when  they  are  striking  for 
their  homes,  their  families  and  their  dead  kindred.  The  Mexi- 
can officers  and  men  stood  firm  for  a  time,  but  the  Texans 
stamped  on  them  as  fast  as  they  fell,  and  trampled  the  prostrate 
and  the  dying  down  with  the  dead,  and  clambering  over  the 
groaning,  bleeding  mass,  plunged  their  knives  into  the  bosoms 
of  those  in  the  rear.  When  they  saw  that  the  dreadful  onset  of 
their  foe  could  not  be  resisted,  they  either  attempted  to  fly,  and 
were  stabbed  in  the  back,  or  fell  on  their  knees  to  plead  for 
mercy,  crying,  "  me  no  Alamo  /"  "  me  no  Alamo  /"  "  me  no  Alamof 
These  unfortunate  slaves  of  the  Mexican  tyrant  had  witnessed 


130          THE  FAT'E   OF  THE   FIVE   HUNDRED. 

that  brutal  massacre  of  brave  men,  and  now  they  could  think  of 
no  other  claim  for  mercy,  but  the  plea  that  they  were  not  there: 
for  they  knew  the  day  of  vengeance  for  the  Alamo  had  at  last 
come. 

But  before  the  centre  breastwork  had  been  carried,  the  right 
and  left  wings  of  the  enemy  had  been  put  to  the  rout,  or  the 
slaughter.  The  Mexicans,  however,  not  only  stood  their 
ground  at  first,  but  made  several  bold  charges  upon  the 
Texan  lines. 

XIII. 

A  division  of  their  Infantry,  of  more  than  five  hundred  men, 
made  a  gallant  and  well-directed  charge,  upon  the  Battalion 
of  Texan  Infantry.  Seeing  them  hard  pressed,  by  a  force  of 
three  to  one,  the  Commander-in-chief  dashed  between  them  and 
the  enemy's  column,  exclaiming  : — 

"  Come  on,  my  brave  fellows,  your  General  leads  you." 
The  Battalion  halted  and  wheeled  into  perfect  order,  like 
a  veteran  corps,  and  Houston  gave  the  order  to  fire.  If  the 
guns  of  the  Texans  had  all  been  moved  by  machinery,  they 
could  not  have  been  fired  nearer  the  same  instant.  There  was 
a  single  explosion — the  Battalion  rushed  through  the  smoke,  and 
those  who  had  not  been  prostrated  by  the  bullets  were  struck 
down  by  the  cleaving  blows  of  uplifted  rifles  ;  and  the  levelled 
column  was  trampled  into  the  mire  together.  Of  the  five 
hundred,  only  thirty-two  lived,  even  to  surrender  as  prisoners 
of  war. 

XIV. 

In  the  meantime,  although  Houston's  wound  was  bleeding 
profusely,  and  his  dying  horse  could  scarce  stagger  his  way  over 
the  slain,  yet  the  Commander-in-chief  saw  every  movement  of 


DEAF    SMITH.  131 

his  army,  and  followed  the  tide  of  battle  as  it  rolled  over  the 
field.  Wherever  his  eye  fell,  he  saw  the  Mexicans  staggering 
back  under  the  resistless  shock  of  his  heroic  soldiers.  Regi- 
ments and  Battalions,  Cavalry  and  Infantry,  horses  and  men, 
were  hurled  together  ;  and  every  officer  and  every  man  seemed 
to  be  bent  upon  a  work  of  slaughter  for  himself. 


XY. 

The  Mexican  army  had  now  been  driven  from  their  position, 
and  were  flying  before  their  pursuers.  Houston  saw  that  the 
battle  was  won,  and  he  rode  over  the  field  and  gave  his  orders 
to  stop  the  carnage  if  the  enemy  would  surrender.  But 
he  had  given  the  Alamo  for  their  war-cry,  and  the  magic 
word  could  not  be  recalled.  The  ghosts  of  brave  men,  massa- 
cred at  Goliad  and  the  Alamo,  flitted  through  the  smoke  of 
battle,  and  the  uplifted  hand  could  not  be  stayed. 


XVI. 

"While  the  battle  was  in  progress,"  says  General  Rusk, 
"  the  celebrated  Deaf  Smith,  although  on  horseback,  was  fight- 
ing with  the  infantry.  When  they  had  nearly  reached  the  enemy, 
Smith  galloped  on  ahead,  and  dashed  directly  up  to  the 
Mexican  line.  Just  as  he  reached  it,  his  horse  stumbled  and 
fell,  throwing  him  on  his  head  among  the  enemy.  Having 
dropped  his  sword  in  the  fall,  he  drew  one  of  his  belt-pistols, 
presented  it  at  the  head  of  a  Mexican,  who  was  attempting 
to  bayonet  him,  and  it  missed  fire.  Smith  then  hurled  the 
pistol  itself  at  the  head  of  the  Mexican,  and,  as  he  staggered 
back,  he  seized  his  gun,  and  began  his  work  of  destruction.  A 
j-oung  man,  by  the  name  of  Robbins,  dropped  his  gun  in  the 


132  THE    DAY     OF    VENGEANCE. 

confusion  of  the  battle,  and  happening  to  run  directly  in  contact 
with  a  Mexican  soldier  who  had  also  lost  his  musket,  the 
Mexican  seized  Robbins,  and  both  being  stout  men,  rolled  to 
the  ground.  But  Robbins  drew  out  his  bowie-knife,  and  ended 
the  contest  by  cutting  the  Mexican's  throat.  On  starting  out 
from  our  camp,  to  enter  upon  the  attack,  I  saw  an  old  man,  by 
the  name  of  Curtis,  carrying  two  guns.  I  asked  him  what 
reason  he  had  for  carrying  more  than  one  gun.  He  answered  : 
1 D — n  the  Mexicans  ;  they  killed  my  son  and  son-in-law  in  the 
Alamo,  and  I  intend  to  kill  two  of  them  for  it,  or  be  killed 
myself/  I  saw  the  old  man  again  during  the  fight,  and  he  told 
me  '  he  had  killed  his  two  men  ;  and  if  he  could  find  Santa 
Anna  himself  he  would  cut  out  a  razor-strap  from  his  back.' " 


XYIL 

Such  was  the  day  of  vengeance.  It  was  not  strange  that  no 
invading  army,  however  brave,  could  long  withstand  so  dreadful 
an  onset.  "When  the  Mexicans  were  first  driven  from  the 
point  of  woods  where  we  encountered  them/7  continues  General 
Rusk,  "  their  officers  tried  to  rally  them,  but  the  men  cried 
1  It's  no  use,  it's  no  use,  there  are  a  thousand  Americans  in  the 
woods.'  When  Santa  Anna  saw  Almonte's  Division  running 
past  him,  he  called  a  drummer,  and  ordered  him  to  beat  his 
drum.  The  drummer  held  up  his  hands  and  told  him  he  was 
shot.  He  called  then  to  a  trumpeter  near  him  to  sound  his  horn. 
The  trumpeter  replied  that  he,  also,  was  shot.  Just  at  that 
instant  a  ball  from  one  of  our  cannon  struck  a  man  who  was 
standing  near  Santa  Anna,  taking  off  one  side  of  his  head. 
Santa  Anna  then  exclaimed,  '  D — n  these  Americans  ;  I  believe 
they  will  shoot  us  all.'  He  immediately  mounted  his  horse,  and 
commenced  his  flight." 


THE     FLIGHT    OF    SANTA    ANNA.  133 

XVIII. 

The  flight  had  now  become  universal.  The  Texans  had  left 
on  the  ground,  where  the  battle  began,  more  than  their  entire 
number,  dying  and  dead  ;  and  far  away  over  the  Prairie  they 
were  chasing  the  flying,  and  following  up  the  slaughter.  Mul- 
titudes were  overtaken  and  killed  as  they  were  making  their 
escape  through  the  deep  grass.  The  Mexican  cavalry  were  well 
mounted,  and  after  the  event  they  struck  deep  their  spurs  into 
their  fleet  horses,  and  turned  their  heads  towards  Yince's 
Bridge.  They  were  hotly  pursued  by  the  victors,  and  when  the 
latter  came  up,  the  most  appalling  spectacle,  perhaps,  of  the 
entire  day,  was  witnessed.  When  the  fugitive  horsemen  saw 
that  the  bridge  was  gone,  some  of  them,  in  their  desperation, 
spurred  their  horses  down  the  steep  bank  ;  others  dismounted 
and  plunged  in  the  stream  ;  some  were  entangled  in  their 
trappings,  and  were  dragged  down  with  their  struggling  steeds  ; 
others  sunk  at  once  to  the  bottom  ;  while  those  whose  horses 
reached  the  opposite  bank  fell  backwards  into  the  river.  In  the 
meantime,  while  they  were  struggling  with  the  flood,  their 
pursuers,  who  had  come  up,  were  pouring  down  upon  them 
a  deadly  fire,  which  cut  off  all  escape.  Horses  and  men,  by 
hundreds,  rolled  down  together  ;  the  waters  were  red  with 
their  blood,  and  filled  with  their  dying  gurgles.  The  deep, 
turbid  stream,  was  literally  choked  with  the  dead  ! 

XIX. 

A  similar  spectacle  was  witnessed  on  the  Southern  verge  of 
the  Island  of  Trees,  near  the  Mexican  encampment,  in  the  rear 
of  the  battle-ground.  There  was  little  chance  of  escape  in  this 
quarter,  for  a  deep  morass  was  to  be  passed  ;  and  yet  mul- 
titudes, in  their  desperation,  had  rushed  to  this  spot  as  a  forlorn 
hope.  They  had  plunged  into  the  mire  and  water  with  horses 


134  >THE     RETURN     FROM    THE    FIELD. 

and  mules,  and,  in  attempting  to  pass,  had  been  completely  sub- 
merged ;  every  one  who  seemed  likely  to  escape  soon  received  a 
ball  from  the  murderous  aim  of  a  practiced  rifleman,  and 
the  morass  was  literally  bridged  over  with  carcasses  of  dead 
mules,  horses,  and  men. 

!  XX. 

The  conquerors  rode  slowly  off  from  the  field  of  fame,  and  the 
resting-place  of  the  dead,  and  returned  to  the  oak,  at  whose 
foot  the  hero  of  San  Jacinto  had  slept  till  the  "  Sun  of  Auster- 
litz"  had  woke  him  that  morning.  All  resistance  to  the  arms 
of  Texas  ceased.  The  pursuers  returned  to  the  camp,  where  a 
command  was  left  to  guard  the  spoils  taken  from  the  enemy. 
As  the  Commander-in-Chief  was  riding  across  the  field,  the  vic- 
torious soldiers  came  up  in  crowds,  and  slapping  him  rudely  on 
the  wounded  leg,  exclaimed — 

"  Do  you  like  our  work  to-day,  General  ?" 

"  Yes,  boys,  you  have  covered  yourselves  with  glory,  and  I 
decree  to  you  the  spoils  of  victory ;  I  will  reward  valor.  I  only 
claim  to  share  the  honors  of  our  triumph  with  you.  I  shall  not 
take  my  share  of  the  spoils."  He  did  not. 

XXI. 

While  he  was  giving  his  orders,  after  he  reached  the  Texan 
encampment,  and  before  he  dismounted,  General  Rusk  came 
in  and  presented  his  prisoner  Almonte.  It  was  the  first  time 
these  two  men  had  ever  met.  This  seemed  to  give  a  finishing 
stroke  to  the  victory ;  and  Houston,  who  was  completely 
exhausted  from  fatigue  and  loss  of  blood,  fell  from  his  horse. 
Colonel  Hockley  caught  him  in  his  arms,  and  laid  him  at 
the  foot  of  the  oak. 


v!    '/> 

:^  x 
o 

=• 


THE     SPOILS     OF    VICTORY.  135 

XXII. 

Thus  ended  the  bloody  day  of  San  Jacinto — a  battle  that  has 
scarcely  a  parallel  in  the  annals  of  war.  Its  immediate  fruits 
were  not  small — for  the  spoils  were  of  great  value  to  men  who 
had  nothing  in  the  morning  but  the  arms  they  carried,  scanty, 
coarse  clothing,  and  the  determination  to  be  free.  About  900 
stand  of  English  muskets  (besides  a  vast  number  that  were  lost 
in  the  Morass  and  Bayou),  300  sabres,  and  200  pistols,  300 
valuable  mules,  a  hundred  fine  horses,  a  good  lot  of  provisions, 
clothing,  tents,  and  paraphernalia  for  officers  and  men,  and 
twelve  thousand  dollars  in  silver,  constituted  the  principal  spoils. 

XXIII. 

But  the  booty  was  esteemed  meaner  than  nothing,  in  com- 
parison with  the  great  moral  and  political  consequences  that 
attended  the  victory.  On  that  well-fought  field  Texan  Inde- 
pendence was  won.  A  brave,  but  an  outraged  people,  in  imi- 
tation of  their  fathers  of  the  last  age,  had  entrusted  their  cause 
to  the  adjudication  of  battle,  and  God  took  care  of  the  issue. 
For  our  own  part,  we  can  find  in  the  whole  range  of  History  no 
spectacle  more  sublime.  It  was  not  a  struggle  for  the  aggran- 
dizement of  some  military  chieftain — nor  was  it  a  strife  for 
empire — the  soldiers,  who  marched  under  the  "  Lone  Star"  into 
that  engagement,  were  free,  brave,  self-relying  men.  Some  of 
them,  indeed,  had  come  from  a  neighboring  Republic,  as  Lafay- 
ette crossed  the  sea,  to  join  in  the  struggles  of  freedom,  but 
most  of  the  Texan  army  were  men  who  cultivated  the  soil  they 
fought  on,  and  had  paid  for  it  with  their  money  or  their  labor. 
Hundreds  of  them  had  abandoned  their  fugitive  wives  to  achieve 
everlasting  freedom  for  their  children.  They  were  fighting  for 
all  that  makes  life  worth  having,  or  gives  value  to  its  pos- 
session. 


1 36  THE     SUBLIMITY     OF    THE     VICTORY. 

And  when  the  victors  laid  themselves  down  to  rest  that  night, 
and  Heaven  folded  its  blue  curtains  kindly  around  theifl,  and 
they  thought  that  their  troubles  and  anxieties  were  over — that 
they  could  now  return  to  the  embrace  of  their  happy  families 
with  the  hope  of  a  long  and  peaceful  life  of  earnest  and  manly 
endeavor,  and  a  quiet  old  age,  when  they  should  hold  their 
grandchildrens  on  their  knee,  and  tell  them  the  story  of  the 
bloody  day  of  San  Jacinto — it  is  not  strange  that  they  felt  more 
than  compensated  for  all  their  privations  and  all  their  sufferings. 

XXIV. 

But  the  sublimity  of  the  spectacle  is  lost,  unless  the  eye  has 
scope  for  a  wider  field  of  vision.  There  are  events  whose  con- 
sequences can  be  measured  by  no  estimate  into  whose  calculation 
centuries  do  not  come.  If  the  historian  of  the  Plymouth  Colony 
could  have  lived  a  century  longer,  he  might  have  perceived 
clearly  what  is  now  reduced  only  to  a  question  of  time,  that 
from  the  day  the  Mayflower  swung  round  to  her  mooring  on  the 
rock  of  Plymouth,  the  sceptre  of  the  New  World  passed  for 
ever  into  the  imperial  hand  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  race.  But  for 
a  long  period  this  grand  result  seemed  impossible,  and  he  who 
should  have  proclaimed  that  it  would  one  day  take  place,  would 
have  been  called  a  dreamer.  Spain  and  Portugal,  France  and 
England,  had  divided  the  Northern  aud  Southern  Hemisphere 
of  the  new-found  World.  But  the  French  empire  in  America 
received  a  fatal  shock  when  England  wrested  from  it  the 
Canadas  in  1763  ;  and  she  afterwards  lost  by  diplomacy  what 
could  not  be  wrested  from  her  in  battle.  One  dominion  then  dis- 
appeared. 

XXY. 

At  last,  when  it  became  apparent  that  even  Englishmen  in 


THE    DOMINION     OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXONS.       137 

America  could  not  develop  their  strength  under  British  sway, 
the  drama  of  '16  began,  and  all  that  was  valuable  in  the  New 
Continent  that  belonged  to  England,  became  the  heritage  of  her 
American  children.  This  was  the,  second  great  act. 

XXYI. 

In  the  meantime  the  powerful  savage  tribes,  whose  wigwams 
served  as  beacon  fires  to  the  earliest  voyagers  along  the  Atlan- 
tic coast,  melted  away  before  the  steady  advance  of  European 
population,  and  the  Indian  dominion  passed  away. 

XXVII 

• 

At  last,  the  American  people, — this  new  form  of  humanity, 
which  concentrated  in  itself  nearly  all  those  qualities,  which,  in 
past  times,  had  given  empire  to  separate  nations,  began  to  cross 
the  frontiers  of  that  ancient  power  which,  for  three  hundred 
years,  had  made  the  fair  valley  of  the  Montezumas  the  seat  of 
their  dominion.  But  this  began  in  no  encroachment — no  inva- 
sion upon  the  rights  or  soil  of  a  neighboring  State.  Mexico, 
although  she  had  caught  enough  of  the  all-pervading  spirit  of 
the  Anglo-Saxon  to  rise  and  shake  off  the  foul  mantle  of  Span- 
ish despotism,  had  not  vital  energy  enough  left  within  herself  to 
work  out  her  own  political  regeneration.  She  had  been  too 
long  bowed  into  the  dust  by  the  foreign  tyrant — she  had  been 
too  long  steeped  in  the  besotted  bigotry  of  superstition — she 
had  never  thought  or  acted  for  herself — she  had  no  clear  per- 
ception of  human  rights — no  intelligent  idea  of  liberty.  She 
did  not  know  that  a  nation  never  can  grow  rich  by  abandoning 
the  cultivation  of  the  soil,  and  digging  gold  and  silver  from  the 
mine — she  could  not  understand  why  it  was  that  six  vigorous 
republics  had  grown  up  into  power  on  the  cold  barren  hills  of 


138  WHY    AMERICANS     WENT     TO    TEXAS. 

New  England,  while  she,  had  become  feeble  and  impoverished  in 
the  midst  of  the  very  garden  of  the  world.  And  yet  she  believ- 
ed, if  she  could  once  introduce  that  northern  population  into  her 
limits,  she  could  borrow  from  them  the  secret  of  their  magic 
power.  Her  statesmen  were  told  that  New  Englaiiders,  when 
they  found  they  could  not  get  their  bread  from  their  rocky, 
frozen  soil,  made  commerce  of  stones  and  grew  rich  by  exporting 
their  granite,  and  lime,  and  cobble-stones,  during  the  summer, 
and  sent  off  ship-loads  of  their  surplus  water  as  soon  as  it  froze 
in  winter,  albeit  they  had  to  find  their  market  for  it  on  the 
other  side  of  the  globe.  These,  said  the  Mexican  statesmen, 
are  the  men  we  must  get  to  colonize  our  vast  garden-province 
of  Texas — for  we  have  for  three  centuries  tried  in  vain  to  do  it 
ourselves. 

XXVIII. 

So  that  fertile  territory  was  thrown  open  to  the  people  of  the 
United  States,  and  they  were  plied  by  all  those  motives  of 
gain  and  pledges  of  protection  which,  in  the  mind  of  the  pioneer 
settler,  prove  too  strong  for  the  allurements  of  home.  A  band 
of  choice  spirits,  hardy,  working  men,  who  had  been  trained  in 
the  district  schools  of  New  York  and  New  England,  and 
cultivated  their  cold,  ungrateful  soil,  were  led  out  to  find  their 
new  homes  in  the  fair  province  of  New  Estramadura,  where  all 
nature  was  blushing  under  the  purple  light  of  the  tropics.  At 
their  head  went  STEPHEN  F.  AUSTIN  ;  one  of  those  few  men 
upon  whose  incorruptible,  dauntless  truth,  a  young  nation  finds 
it  her  salvation  to  repose.  In  his  rare  and  great  character,  all 
that  was  lofty  in  the  Cavalier  and  uncompromising  in  the 
Puritan  was  mingled. 

XXIX. 

He  entered  into  his  obligations  with  the  Mexican  Govern- 


SPAIN    FADES    FROM    ANCIENT    DOMINIONS.       139 

ment,  and  conducted  all  his  negotiations  and  redeemed  all  his 
pledges,  in  good  faith,  For  a  time,  Mexico  stood  by  her 
engagements,  and  the  infant  colony  struck  its  roots  deep  into 
the  soil.  At  last  Mexico  discovered  that  the  very  qualities 
from  which  she  promised  herself  so  much  advantage — the 
industry,  the  enterprise,  the  inventions  of  the  new  colonists, — 
were  all  owing  to  that  intelligent  love  of  liberty  which  she  so 
little  understood,  and  yet  so  much  dreaded.  She  saw  that  men 
who  had  energy  enough  to  be  good  settlers,  where  Spaniards 
had  failed,  had  too  much  independence  ever  to  be  governed  as 
Spaniards.  But  she  found  out  her  mistake  only  when  it  was 
too  late  to  correct  it.  Like  the  ancient  Britons,  she  had 
invited  a  superior  race  into  her  country,  unconscious  that  her 
sceptre  would  one  day  be  transferred  to  their  hands. 

XXX. 

This  was  the  point  upon  which  the  destiny  of  the  old  Spanish 
empire  hinged.  Mexico  might  now  have  borrowed  from  her 
new  subjects  the  elements  of  an  entire  political  regeneration. 
These  colonists  were  not  ambitious  men — they  went  there  only 
to  cultivate  the  soil — but  they  had  carried,  of  necessity,  then- 
civilization  and  love  of  liberty  with  them,  and  they  could  not 
brook  the  tyranny  of  Mexican  Dictators.  They  went  prepared 
to  stand  by  the  Federal  Constitution  of  1824,  and  up  to  the  2d 
of  March,  1836,  when  the  Declaration  of  Independence  was 
signed,  all  the  protests  and  discontent,  all  the  demands  and 
petitions  of  the  Texans,  were  limited  to  a  concession  of  the  rights 
secured  to  all  the  States  of  Mexico  by  that  Constitution  ! 

XXXI. 

But  Mexico  was  now  under  the  sway  of  selfish,  ambitious 


140  THE    DESPOTISM     OF    MEXICO. 

military  chieftains,  who,  in  the  struggle  for  supremacy,  had 
trampled  the  Constitution  of  1824  into  the  dust.  And  let  it 
never  be  forgotten,  that  when  the  political  agitations  of  Texas 
began,  and  the  will  of  the  entire  people  had  been  declared,  all 
they  asked  for,  and  all  they  desired  then,  was  to  see  the  Constitution 
of  1824  preserved  inviolate.  But  men,  who  are  driven  to  the 
wall,  and  compelled  to  fight  for  life,  sometimes  fight  for  victory. 
Mr.  Austin  was  then  Commissioner  to  Mexico,  and  he  went  to 
the  Capital  with  his  memorial.  His  very  appearance  in  that 
city  with  the  prayer  of  his  colony,  that  the  Mexicans  would 
abide  by  their  own  Constitution,  under  whose  solemn  pledges 
he  had  led  his  people  to  their  new  home — was  too  bitter  a  sar- 
casm upon  the  corrupt  tyrants  who  had  trampled  down  that 
high  compact,  and  he  was  plunged  into  a  foul  dungeon,  where 
for  many  months  he  never  saw  a  beam  of  sunshine,  nor  even  the 
hand  that  fed  him. 

XXXII. 

How  was  all  this  tampering  with  Anglo-Saxon  men  to  end  ? 
Who,  that  knows  what  plighted  faith  means,  or  has  any  notion 
of  the  obligations  growing  out  of  a  political  compact,  will 
pretend  to  say  that  Texas  was  bound  to  submit  to  the  decrees 
of  a  Dictator  who  had  committed  high  treason  against  his 
government — treason  for  which  he  would  have  been  brought  to 
the  block  by  the  people  of  Mexico,  had  he  not  had  20,000  bayo- 
nets at  his  back.  The  Federal  compact  had  now  been  broken, 
and  by  the  highest  law  of  nations,  every  State  of  the  Union  not 
only  had  the  right,  but  was  bound  in  duty  to  take  care  of  itself. 
An  immediate  Declaration  of  Independence  would  have  been 
justified  by  the  world.  But  Texas  still  remonstrated,  and  still 
prayed.  All  she  wanted,  was  a  return  to  the  Constitution  of 
1824.  But  that  Constitution  lay  bleeding  under  the  hoofs  of 


A     JUSTIFICATION     OF     TEXAS.  141 

Santa  Anna's  battle-horse,  and  his  myrmidon  soldiers  had 
possession  of  the  Capital.  War  was  proclaimed  against  Texas 
by  Mexico,  becaicse  she  would  not  acknowledge  a  Dictator-* 
and  an  invading  army  was  sent  across  the  Rio  Grande,  to  "  lay 
waste  the  infant  colony,  and  slaughter  all  its  inhabitants? 

XXXIII. 

This  was  the  position  of  Texas — and  if  those  men  were  not 
justified  in  defending  their  wives  and  children  from  slaughter, 
and  their  dwellings  from  fire,  there  never  was  a  people  who  had 
a  right  to  smite  the  arm  of  a  tyrant.  The  heroes  of  "16  rebelled 
against  a  constitutional  government,  with  its  parliament  and 
king,  because  they  were  required  to  pay  a  stamp  tax.  The 
Texans  never  rebelled  at  all.  They  would  not  bow  to  a  Dictator 
who  had  stamped  the  free  Constitution  of  his  country  under  his 
feet  ; — and  now  a  war  of  extermination  was  proclaimed. 
Seven  hundred  brave  men  were  slaughtered  and  burned  to 
ashes,  after  they  had,  under  a  solemn  pledge  that  their  lives 
should  be  spared,  surrendered  themselves  prisoners  of  war. 

The  red  flame  of  exterminating  war  was  now  rolling  over  the 
very  bosom  of  the  young  Republic,  whose  only  crime  was  her 
loyalty  to  the  Federal  Constitution  of  Mexico. 

XXXIY. 

At  last  the  slaughter-day  of  San  Jacinto  came,  and  the 
Texans  who  went  into  battle,  knew  that  every  one  of  them 
would  have  been  put  to  death  in  cold  blood,  if  the  enemy  had 
conquered.  Such  had  been  the  case  at  Goliad  and  the  Alamo, 
and  such  was  the  watchword  of  the  advancing  Dictator.  But 
high  over  the  smoke  and  screams  of  the  field  of  San  Jacinto,  we 
seem  to  see,  and  do  see,  the  hand  of  the  God  of  Freedom  and 


142  TIME'S    NOBLEST    OFFSPRING. 

of  Vengeance.  His  purposes  were  unknown  to  man,  but  they 
could  not  be  overthrown.  The  wing  of  his  Almighty  Provi- 
dence had  sheltered  the  bark  of  the  Pilgrims,  and  his  strong 
arm  had  been  thrown  around  the  rude  homes  of  Plymouth. 
Over  the  deliberations  of  the  Provincial  Congress,  He  again  pre- 
sided, and  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence  His  will  was 
done.  And  now,  having  decreed,  that  the  broad  prairies  and 
shining  rivers  of  that  vast  land,  which  had  groaned  under  the 
tramp  of  despotic  power,  and  been  blasted  by  the  withering 
blight  of  superstition  for  ages,  should  be  regenerated  by  a  nobler 
and  better  race,  He  had  begun  to  reveal  his  great  purposes. 

XXXV. 

The  last  act  of  this  drama,  which  had  begun  on  the  shore  of 
New  England,  was  to  be  opened  on  the  field  of  San  Jacinto. 
And  although  the  sun  gleamed  on  the  armor  of  eighteen 
hundred  Mexicans  that  morning,  and  when  the  Commander's 
bugles  sounded  the  charge,  he  was,  to  all  human  appearances, 
sure  of  a  victory  ;  yet  the  result  proved  that  the  battle  is  not 
always  to  the  strong — that  "  God  rules  among  the  nations  of  the 
earth,  and  giveth  its  kingdoms  to  whomsoever-  He  will."  A 
decree  had  gone  forth  against  that  army,  and  against  the  long- 
abused  reign  of  Spanish  power  in  Mexico — "  thy  dominion  is 
taken  from  thee." 

And  the  future  historian  will,  one  day,  open  his  scroll  by 
announcing  that  when  the  sun  went  down  over  the  groans  and 
the  slaughter  of  San  Jacinto,  the  dominion  of  Mexico  passed 
for  ever  away.  Such  had  been  the  first  four  acts  of  the  drama 
of  the  New  World. 

"  The  Fifth,  then  closed  the  Drama  with  the  day, 
Time's  noblest  offspring  was  the  last." 


THE     MORNING     AFTER     THE     VICTORY.  143 


SECTION  NINTH. 

THE     VICTOR    AND     THE     CAPTIVE. 
I. 

THE  battle  of  Independence  had  been  fought.  Seven  hundred 
soldiers  had  met  nearly  three  times  their  number,  and  come  off 
victorious.  Six  hundred  and  thirty  men  were  left  dead  on  the 
field ;  among  them  were,  one  general  officer,  four  colonels,  two 
lieutenant-colonels,  seven  captains,  and  twelve  lieutenants. 
Multitudes  had  perished  in  the  morass  and  the. bayous.  Of  the 
surviving,  upwards  of  two  hundred  and  eighty  were  wounded, 
and  there  were  nearly  eight  hundred  prisoners.  Only  seven 
men  are  known  to  have  escaped  from  the  field.  And  yet, 
incredible  as  it  may  seem,  this  bloody  engagement  had  cost  the 
Texans  the  lives  of  only  seven  men,  and  less  than  thirty  had 
been  wounded.  It  was  incredible,  and  when  the  Commander- 
in-Chief  awoke  the  next  morning,  and  heard  the  facts,  he  asked, 
"  Is  this  so,  or  is  it  only  my  dream  ?" 

II. 

At  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning,- Gen.  Houston  sent  a  detach- 
ment of  men  to  bury  the  enemy's  dead  who  had  fallen  in  battle ; 
but  decomposition  had  taken  place  so  rapidly,  the  troops 
returned  and  reported  they  could  not  execute  his  order  !  This 
extraordinary  circumstance  excited  the  greatest  surprise,  and 
the  Mexican  prisoners  accounted  for  it  by  resolving  it,  like  the 


144  SANTA     ANNA     HOUSTON  JS     PRISONER. 

defeat  of  the  previous   day,  into  "a  malignant   blast  of  des- 
tiny." 

III. 

In  the  meantime,  a  large  number  of  Texans  were  scouring  the 
prairie  throughout  the  day,  and  bringing  in  prisoners.  The 
grass  was  everywhere  four  or  five  feet  high,  and  those  who  had 
not  been  taken  the  day  before,  were  now  crawling  away  on 
their  hands  and  knees,  hoping  thus  to  effect  their  escape. 
Santa  Anna  had  not  yet  been  taken,  but  the  victors  were 
scouring  every  part  of  the  field  in  search  of  the  Dictator.  "  You 
will  find  the  Hero  of  Tampico,"  said  Houston,  "  if  you  find  him 
at  all,  making  his  retreat  on  all  fours,  and  he  will  be  dressed  as 
bad  at  least  as  a  common  soldier.  Examine  closely  every  man 
you  find." 

IY. 

Lieutenant  Sylvester,  a  volunteer  from  Cincinnati,  was  riding 
over  the  prairie,  on  a  fine  horse,  about  three  o'clock  in  the  after- 
noon, when  he  saw  a  man  making  his  way  towards  Yince's 
bridge.  The  moment  he  found  himself  pursued,  the  fugitive 
fell  down  in  the  grass.  Sylvester  dashed  on  in  that  direction, 
and  his  horse  came  very  near  trampling  him  down.  The  man 
sprang  to  his  feet,  and  apparently  without  the  slightest  sur- 
prise, looked  his  captor  full  in  the  face.  He  was  disguised  in  a 
miserable  rustic  dress.  He  wore  a  skin-cap,  a  round  jacket, 
and  pantaloons  of  blue  domestic  cotton,  with  a  pair  of  coarse 
soldier's  shoes.  But  his  face  and  his  manners  bespoke,  too 
plainly,  that  he  belonged  to  a  different  class  than  his  garb 
betokened;  and  underneath  his  coarse  disguise,  Sylvester  saw 
that  he  wore  a  shirt  of  the  finest  linen  cambric.  "  You  are  an 
officer,  I  perceive,  sir,"  said  the  horseman,  raising  his  cap 


HOUSTON      RECEIVES      SAXTAANNA.  145 

politely.  "  No,  soldier,"  was  his  reply ;  and  he  drew  out  a 
letter  in  Spanish,  addressed  to  Almonte.  When  he  saw  there 
was  no  hope  of  escape,  he  inquired  for  General  Houston.  By 
this  time,  Sylvester  had  been  joined  by  several  of  his  comrades, 
and  mounting  his  prisoner  behind  him,  they  rode  off  together,  on 
the  same  horse,  to  the  camp,  several  miles  distant.  As  he  passed 
the  Mexican  prisoners,  they  exclaimed  with  the  greatest  sur- 
prise as  they  lifted  their  caps,  "  JEl  Presidente  /" 

y. 

In  a  single  moment,  the  news  spread  through  the  camp  that 
Gen.  Santa  Anna  was  a  prisoner,  and  the  Dictator  was  taken 
to  Houston.  The  General  was  lying  on  the  ground,  and  having 
slept  little  during  the  night,  in  consequence  of  his  wound,  had 
now  fallen  into  a  doze.  Santa  Anna  came  up  behind  him,  and 
took  his  hand.  Houston  roused  himself,  and  turning  over, 
gazed  up  in  the  face  of  the  Mexican,  who  extended  his  left  arm, 
and  laying  his  right  hand  on  his  heart,  said,  "  I  am  General 
Antonio  Lopez  de  Santa  Annai  President  of  the  Mexican  Repub- 
lic, and  I  claim  to  le  your  prisoner  of  war."  Houston  waved  his 
hand  to  a  box, — for  it  was  the  only  seat  in  the  camp— and 
asked  his  prisoner  to  be  seated.  He  then  sent  for  Almonte,  who 
spoke  English  perfectly,  and  requested  him  to  act  as  interpreter. 

VI. 

In  the  meantime,  Santa  Anna  had  taken  his  seat,  and  glanc- 
ing his  keen  eye  occasionally  around  the  camp,  with  a  timid 
expression,  pressed  the  sides  of  his  breasts  with  both  hands,  and 
gave  two  or  three  half-suppressed  groans,  like  a  man  who  was 
suffering  deep  pain.  An  interesting  incident  took  place  about 
this  time,  which  is  thus  related  by  Gen.  Rusk  :  "At  the  time 
Santa  Anna  was  brought  into  our  camp,  I  was  walking  with 


146  THE      MORTIFIED      MEXICAN      DICTATOR. 

young  Zavala.  (The  reader  will  recognize  in  this  youthful 
character,  the  son  of  the  noble  and  venerable  Zavala,  who  dis- 
tinguished himself  as  the  friend  of  Texan  independence. )  We 
approached  him  together.  Santa  Anna  recognized  young 
Zavala  at  once,  and  advanced  to  meet  him  with  great  apparent 
cordiality,  uttering  many  expressions  of  kindness,  such  as  are 
customary  among  the  Mexicans  on  such  occasions,  several  of 
which  I  remember.  Among  other  things,  he  exclaimed  "  Oh  I 
my  friend,  my  friend,  the  son  of  my  early  friend  ;"  with  which, 
and  other  exclamations  in  the  same  strain,  he  embraced  young 
Zavala,  with  high  indications  of  apparent  feeling,  and  I  think, 
dropping  a  tear.  Young  Zavala  returned  his  greeting  with 
that  deference  which  would  have  been  due  to  his  former  rank 
and  power ;  but  at  the  same  time,  emitting  from  his  counten- 
ance an  expression  I  have  scarcely  seen  equalled  on  any  occasion. 
His  look  seemed  to  wither  Santa  Anna,  and  staring  him  full  in 
the  face,  he  replied  immediately,  with  great  modesty,  '  It  has 
been  so,  sir.'  Santa  Anna  evinced  plainly  that  he  was  much 
mortified." 

YIL 

Almonte  approached  his  captive  General  with  evident  respect 
and  grief,  and  the  following  conversation  took  place  between  the 
two  commanders  ;  Houston,  in  the  meantime,  lying  on  the 
ground,  resting  on  his  elbow.  Great  pains  has  been  taken  to 
get  as  nearly  as  possible  the  exact  words  used  by  the  speakers, 
and  those  who  were  present  at  the  interview,  have  assured  us, 
that  all  here  related  they  do  remember,  and  they  recollect 
nothing  else  of  importance. 


VIII. 

Santa  Anna  (after  embracing  Almonte,  and  recovering  per- 


0    HH 


SANTA      ANNA      MEETS      HOUSTON.  147 

fectly  from  his  embarrassment,  rose,  and  advancing  with  the  air 
of  one  born  to  command,  said  to  General  Houston — "That  man 
may  consider  himself  born  to  no  common  destiny,  who  has  con- 
quered the  Napoleon  of  the  West  ;  and  it  now  remains  for  him 
to  be  generous  to  the  vanquished." 

Houston. — "  You  should  have  remembered  that  at  the  Alamo." 

S.  A. — "  You  must  be  aware  that  I  was  justified  in  my  course 
by  the  usages  of  war.  I  had  summoned  a  surrender,  and  they 
had  refused.  The  place  was  then  taken  by  storm,  and  the  usa- 
ges of  war  justified  the  slaughter  of  the  vanquished." 

H.—u  That  was  the  case  once,  but  it  is  now  obsolete.  Such 
usages  among  civilized  nations  have  yielded  to  the  influences  of 
humanity*" 

S.  A. — "  However  this  maybe,  I  was  acting  under  the  orders 
of  my  Government." 

H. — "  Why,  YOU  are  the  Government  of  Mexico." 

S.  A. — "  I  have  orders  in  my  possession  commanding  me  so  to 
act," 

II. — "  A  Dictator,  sir,  has  no  superior." 

S.  A. — "  I  have  orders,  General  Houston,  from  my  Govern- 
ment, commanding  me  to  exterminate  every  man  found  in  arms  in 
the  province  of  Texas,  and  treat  all  such  as  pirates  ;  for  they 
have  no  Government,  and  are  fighting  under  no  recognized  flag. 
This  will  account  for  the  positive  orders  of  my  Government." 

H. — "  So  far  as  the  first  point  is  concerned,  the  Texans  flatter 
themselves  they  have  a  Government  already,  and  they  will  pro- 
bably be  able  to  make  a  flag.  But  if  you  feel  excused  for  your 
conduct  at  San  Antonio,  you  have  not  the  same  excuse  for  the 
massacre  of  Colonel  Fanniu's  command.  They  had  capitulated 
on  terms  proffered  by  your  General.  And  yet,  after  the  capitu- 
lation, they  were  all  perfidiously  massacred,  without  the  privilege 
of  even  dying  with  arms  in  their  hands." 

Those  who  were  present  say  that  when  Houston  came  to  speak 


148        CROSS     EXAMINATION     OF     SANTA      ANNA. 

of  the  Goliad  tragedy,  it  seemed  impossible  for  him  to  restrain 
his  indignation.  His  eye  flashed  like  a  wild  beast's,  and  in  his 
gigantic  effort  to  curb  in  his  wrath,  cold  sweat  ran  off  from  his 
brow  in  streams. 

S.  A. — "  I  declare  to  you,  General  (laying  his  hand  on  his 
heart),  that  I  was  not  apprised  of  the  fact  that  they  had 
capitulated.  General  Urrea  informed  me  that  he  had  conquered 
them  in  a  battle,  and  under  this  impression  I  ordered  their 
execution." 

H. — "  I  know,  General,  that  the  men  had  capitulated." 
S.  A. — "  Then  I  was  ignorant  of  it.  And  after  your  assevera- 
tion I  should  not  have  a  shadow  of  doubt,  if  it  were  not  that 
General  Urrea,  had  no  authority  whatever  to  receive  their  capitu- 
lation. And  if  the  day  ever  comes  that  I  can  get  Urrea  into 
my  hands,  I  will  execute  him  for  his  duplicity  in  not  giving  me 
information  of  the  facts." 


IX. 

Here  the  conversation  was  suspended  for  a  while,  and  Santa 
Anna  requested  a  small  piece  of  opium.  It  was  ordered  by 
Houston,  who  asked  him  if  he  would  desire  his  marquee  and 
luggage,  and  the  attendance  of  his  aides  and  servants.  Santa 
Anna  thanked  him  very  politely,  and  said  "  it  would  make  him 
very  happy,  since  they  were  proffered  by  his  captor." 

While  the  order  was  being  given,  Almonte  manifested  a 
disposition  to  continue  the  conversation  with  Houston.  After 
remarking  to  the  Texan  General  that  fortune  had  indeed 
favored  him,  he  asked  why  he  had  not  attacked  the  Mexicans 
the  first  day  the  armies  met.  "  You  had  reason  to  suppose  we. 
should  be  reinforced.  And  yet  if  you  had  risked  a  battle  that 
day  you  would  have  had  another  story  to  tell,  perhaps,  for  our 
men  were  then  ready  to  fight,  and  so  anxious  for  the  battle 


THE     SAN      J  A  0  I  X  T  0      CORN.  149 

to  come  on,  that  we  could  hardly  keep  them  in  their  ranks. 
Why  did  you  wait  till  the  next  morning,  General  ?" 

"  Well,"  replied  Houston,  "  I  see  I  was  right.  I  knew  you 
expected  I  should  bring  on  the  battle  that  day,  and  were 
consequently  prepared  for  it.  Now  if  I  must  be  questioned  by 
an  inferior  officer  in  the  presence  of  his  General,  I  will  say  that 
was  just  the  reason  why  I  did  not  fight ;  and  besides,  I  thought 
there  was  no  use  in  having  two  bites  at  one  cherry."  After 
some  remark  of  Almonte,  which  irritated  Houston,  and  which, 
in  the  opinion  of  all  who  heard  it,  ill-befitted  the  occasion,  he 
said — "  You  have  come  a  great  way  to  give  us  a  great  deal  of 
trouble — and  you  have  made  the  sacrifice  of  the  lives  of  a  great 
many  brave  men  necessajy."  "  Oh,"  flippantly  replied  Al- 
monte, "what  of  six  or  eight  hundred  men!  And,  from 
all  accounts,  only  half  a  dozen  of  your  brave  men  have  fallen." 

Houston  replied  :  "  We  estimate  the  lives  of  our  men,  I  per- 
ceive, somewhat  higher  than-  you  do,"  and  he  gave  him  a  look 
which  seemed  to  say,  "  taunt  me  again,  and  you  don't  live  an 
hour."  Almonte  very  politely  changed  his  tone. 
about  reinforcements,  sir,"  said  Houston,  raising  himse 
matters  not  how  many  reinforcements  you  have,  sir,  jT  never 
can  conquer  freemen."  And  taking  from  his  pocket  an  ear  of 
dry  corn  which  he  had  carried  for  four  days,  only  a  part  of  it 
being  consumed,  he  held  it  up  and  said,  "  Sir,  do  you  ever 
expect  to  conquer  men  who  fight  for  freedom,  when  their  General 
can  march  four  days  with  one  ear  of  corn  for  his  rations  ?" 

X. 

The  exhibition  of  the  ear  of  corn  stirred  up  all  the  enthusiasm 
of  the  Texan  soldiers,  and  they  gathered  round  their  General, 
and  asked  him  to  allow  them  to  divide  the  corn.  "  We'll  plant 
it,"  said  they,  "and  call  it  the  Houston  corn."  "  Oh,  yes,  my 


150     AMERICANS     CAN     NEVER     BE    CONQUERED. 

brave  fellows,"  said  the  General,  smiling,  "take  it  along  if  you 
care  anything  about  it,  and  divide  it  among  you — give  each  one 
a  kernel  as  far  as  it  will  go,  and  take  it  home  to  your  own 
fields,  where  I  hope  you  may  long  cultivate  the  arts  of 
peace  as  nobly  as  you  have  shown  yourselves  masters  of  the  art 
of  war.  You 'have  achieved  your  independence — now  see  if  you 
cannot  make  as  good  farmers  as  you  have  proved  yourselves 
gallant  soldiers.  You  may  not  call  it  Houston  corn  ;  but  call 
it  San  Jacinto  corn — for  then  it  will  remind  you  of  your  own 
bravery."  It  is  also  said  that  in  one  of  his  dispatches  that  day 
to  the  people  of  the  Sabine,  the  General  said  to  those  who  had 
fled  from  their  homes,  "  return  and  plant  corn."  The  soldiers 
distributed  their  corn,  and  it  now  w^ves  over  a  thousand  green 
fields  in  Texas 

XL 

Santa  Anna  had  become  interested  in  the  conversation,  and 
Almonte  related  to  him  what  had  been  said.  The  Mexican 
Genjj^fc  seemed  to  be  transported  with  rage,  and  he  cursed 
AlmSBI  for  losing  the  battle.  He  was  mortified  beyond 
measure  to  think  that  his  large  army,  perfectly  armed  and 
munitioned,  with  officers  whose  camp  was  filled  with  every 
luxury,  should  have  been  conquered  by  an  undisciplined  band  of 
raw  troops,  incompletely  armed,  and  whose  officers  were  desti- 
tute of  most,  even,  of  the  necessaries  of  life.  It  is  worthy  of 
remark,  also,  that  Santa  Anna  afterwards  said  "  that  this  was 
the  first  moment  he  had  ever  understood  the  American  character  ; 
and  that  what  he  had  witnessed,  convinced  him  that  Americans 
never  could  le  conquered." 

XII. 

Santa  Anna's  marquee  was  set  near  the  spot  where  Houston 


SANTA      ANNA      TO      BE      SHOT.  151 

was  lying.  His  trunks  were  not  examined,  nor  any  portion  of 
his  baggage  molested.  The  Texan  General  knew  that  there 
was  hardly  a  man  in  his  army  who  did  not  wish  to  see  Santa 
Anna  expiate  his  crimes  with  his  blood,  and  very  few  believed 
it  would  be  possible  even  for  Houston  to  protect  him  from  assas- 
sination. But  he  knew  the  eyes  of  the  civilized  world  would 
be  turned  upon  the  Texan  camp,  and  that  however  guilty 
Santa  Anna  may  have  been,  the  name  of  Texas  would  be  given 
over  to  execration  if  any  violence  was  offered  to  the  Captive. 
He  therefore  took  the  necessary  precautions  to  see  that  not  only 
no  violence,  but  no  indignity,  should  be  offered  to  his  prisoner. 
The  course  he  took  in  this  matter  entitles  him  to  the  regard  of 
mankind.  The  feeling  that  prevailed  in  the  army  could  not  be 
mistaken,  and  various  circumstances  have  come  to  our  know- 
ledge which  serve  to  illustrate  not  only  Houston's  extreme  vigi- 
lance, but  his  superior  shrewdness  in  detecting  insubordination, 
and  his  address  in  putting  it  down.  One  example  we  will 
allude  to. 

XIII.  ^ 

An  officer  had  resolved  to  shoot  Santa  Anna,  and  had  pre- 
pared himself  for  the  work.  His  design,  however,  he  had  kept 
to  himself,  and  Houston  could  have  had  no  intimation  of  it  from 
any  quarter.  But  as  the  officer  was  passing  Houston  on  the 
day  of  the  night  he  had  fixed  for  the  execution  of  his 
purpose,  the  General,  who  saw  something  wrong  in  his  manner, 
beckoned  him  to  approach.  He  conversed  with  him,  privately 
and  confidentially,  on  the  subject  of  his  fears  ;  and  after  depict- 
ing the  horrible  consequences  that  would  follow  Santa  Anna's 
assassination,  told  the  officer  that  he  had  made  him  his  confi- 
dant in  the  matter,  because  he  knew  he  would  be  more  likely 
than  any  other  man  in  the  camp,  to  detect  any  murderous 
scheme  projected,  and  he  relied  on  his  vigilance.  The  officer 


152      H  0  U  S  T  0  N  'S     M  A  G  N  A  X  I  M  I  T  Y     TO     SANTA     ANNA. 

gave  him  his  pledge  he  would  act  on  his  suggestion,  and,  more- 
over, declared  that  Santa  Anna  should  never  be  assassinated 
while  he  was  in  the  camp.  He  was  as  good  as  his  word :  and 
yet  he  afterwards  declared  he  had,  at  the  very  time,  the  arms  on 
his  person  with  which  he  had  sworn  to  kill  Santa  Anna.  Such 
was  one  of  the  thousand  expedients  Houston  was  obliged  to 
resort  to,  to  maintain  discipline  over  those  wayward,  reckless 
men.  No  one  knew  how  he  did  it,  and  yet  it  passed  into  a 
proverb  that  Houston  was  the  only  man  in  the  world  that  could 
have  kept  the  army  in  subjection,  or  achieved  the  independence  of 
Texas,  or  preserved  it  after  it  was  won.  Houston,  therefore,  exer- 
cised the  keenest  vigilance  over  the  safety  of  his  prisoner,  and 
treated  him  as  a  guest  and  a  gentleman,  rather  than  as  a 
captive. 

XIV. 

Night  came.  The  guard  was  so  disposed  as  to  include  Santa 
Anna's  marquee,  and  he  slept  on  his  camp-bed  with  every  com- 
fort he  could  have  had  if  he  had  been  the  victor  ;  while,  near 
by  hifl}  Houston  lay  upon  the  earth — his  wonted  bed  in  camp 
— with  no  respite  from  the  intense  agony  of  his  wound.  The 
ball  had  entered  about  one  inch  above  the  ankle  joint,  shatter- 
ing the  bone,  and  severing  the  muscles  and  arteries.  It  pros- 
trated him  for  months,  during  which  time  he  was  worn  down  by 
fever  and  pain  to  the  shadow  of  a  man. 


XY. 

As  Houston  and  Rusk  were  riding  side  by  side  from  the 
battle-field,  returning  to  camp,  they  discovered  two  ravens 
hovering  over  the  field  in  the  smoke  which  lingered  over  the 
battle  scene.  Some  of  the  men  proposed  to  shoot  them,  as  they 
were  near  the  earth.  Houston  said.  "  No — don't  shoot  them — it 


SANTA    ANNA     AND     HOUSTON.  153 

is  a  good  omen.  Their  heads  are  pointing  westward.  'Tis  the 
course  of  empire.  I  own  I  am  a  little  superstitious  about  the 
raven." 

XT!.' 

The  next  morning  Santa  Anna  asked  leave  to  see  General 
Houston,  which  was  granted.  He  presented  himself  elegantly 
dressed  in  citizen's  garb,  and  tendered  a  most  respectful  and  cor- 
dial greeting  to  his  "  host,"  and  inquired  kindly  for  his  health 
and  the  state  of  his  wound.  The  difference  in  the  dresses 
of  the  two  men  was  striking.  Houston  had  on  a  plain,  old 
black  coat,  snuff-colored  pantaloons,  a  black  velvet  vest,  e,  fur 
cap,  a  worn-out  pair  of  boots,  and  a  scimitar  of  tried  metal, 
with  a  plated  scabbard — a  gift  from  his  friend  Captain  Joseph 
Bonnell,  of  Fort  Jessup.  He  had  worn  it,  hung  by  buckskin 
thongs.  This  constituted  his  wardrobe,  .and  his  armory.  Santa 
Anna  would  have  been  taken  for  the  victor,  and  Houston  for 
the  captive. 

»» 
'f  XYII. 

The  Texan  commander  received  his  prisoner  with  courtesy, 
and  he  immediately  proposed  negotiations  for  his  liberty.  Hous- 
ton, who,  from  the,  beginning  to  the  end  of  Santa  Anna's  capture, 
never  was  alone  with  him  a  single  moment,  immediately  sent  for 
the  Secretary  of  War,  and  together  they  conversed  some  time 
with  the  prisoner.  Santa  Anna  submitted  a  proposition.  But 
General  Houston  informed  the  Mexican  "President"  th#t  he 
could  take  no  action  on  his  proposals,  as  Texas  was  ruled  by  a 
Constitutional  Government,  whose  members  had  been  sent  for 
immediately  after  the  battle.  Santa  Anna  naturally  asked  where 
the  Government  was — a  question  which  he  found  could  not  be 
so  easily  answered. 

7* 


XYIII. 

This  "Government"  had,  as  we  have  already  stated,  fled  from 
the  scene  of  danger,  and  scattered  to  the  four  winds  of  Heaven. 
Fortunately,  it  was  known  where  the  head  of  the  Government 
was,  or  rather  where  he  had  been,  for  he  had  escaped  to  Galveston, 
and  prepared  to  take  passage  on  a  little  vessel  called  the  Flash, 
before  even  the  first  flash  of  the  enemy's  guns.  Houston  think- 
ing he  might  wait  there  till  the  news  of  the  battle  came — since 
even  so  prudent  a  man  would  perceive  he  could  have  plenty  of 
time  to  get  his  craft  under  way  before  the  victors  could  reach 
him — had  dispatched  his  first  express  to  that  quarter. 

XIX. 

It  is  to  be  disclaimed  that  Houston,  or  the  Secretary  of  War, 
in  his  presence,  ever  entertained  any  proposition  of  Santa  Anna's, 
to  enter  into  negotiations  with  him  ;  but  referred  him  to  the 
Cabinet.  At  the  end  of  the  first  conversation  with  Santa  Anna, 
Houston  peremptorily  ordered  him  to  draw  up  a  command  to 
Gen.  Filisola,  second  in  command  to  him,  to  evacuate  Texas, 
and  fall  back  to  Monterey,  on  the  west  side  of  the  Rio  Grande. 
And  it  was  a  peremptory  command  of  Houston,  without  annex- 
ing any  condition  to  it.  Nor  did  Houston  ever  make  any  pro- 
mise, nor  was  any  made  by  any  other  person,  so  far  as  Houston 
was  cognizant  of  it. 


XX. 

Santa  Anna,  who  had  a  great  aversion  against  any  nego- 
tiations with  civilians,  manifested  a  perfect  willingness  to  act 
with .  military  men.  But  Houston  and  Rusk  were  immovable 
in  their  determination.  A  detachment  of  250  Texans  was  then 


ORDERS    TO     SANTA    ANNA.  155 

ordered  to  march  with  a  dispatch  from  Santa  Anna,  and 
General  Filisola  was  instructed  to  depart  immediately,  with  all 
the  Mexican  troops,  as  far  at  least  as  Monterey, — this  order 
had  been  exacted  by  General  Houston  without  an  intimation 
that  even  Santa  Anna's  life  should  be  spared.  Filisola  was  on 
the  east  side  of  the  Brazos  when  he  received  news  of  the  disas- 
ter of  San  Jacinto  from  an  officer  who  had  escaped  from  the 
battle-field  on  a  fleet  Andalusian  courser,  and  succeeded  in  reach- 
ing his  camp. 

XXI. 

It  was  night  when  he  reached  Filisola's  head-quarters,  when  the 
camp  broke  up  in  confusion,  and  prepared  for  flight.  They  fired 
a  large  cotton  gin,  to  have  the  benefit  of  the  flames  to  light  up 
their  passage  over  the  river.  The  Texan  detachment  pressed  on 
by  forced  marches  in  pursuit  of  the  rear-guard  of  the  Mexican 
army.  They  found  horses,  mules,  and  baggage-wagons,  with 
sick  soldiers,  scattered  along  the  path  of  the  flying  Division, 
which  indicated  the  utter  consternation  with  which  the  retreat 
had  been  made.  They  had  been  obliged  to  march  through  a 
low,  wet  prairie,  in  reaching  the  Colorado.  But  they  were 
overtaken  by  the  pursuers,  and  Filisola  received  the  messengers 
who  bore  the  flag  with  every  mark  of  respect,  and  pledged  him- 
self to  execute  General  Santa  Anna's  orders  without  any  delay. 
He  asked  leave  only  to  take  some  cattle  along  his  march  :  but  he 
stretched  his  license  far  enough  to  rob  every  living  thing  he  fell  in 
with  on  his  way.  Filisola's  Division  marched,  and  the  Texan 
Detachment  returned  to  San  Jacinto. 


XXII. 

Houston  had  given  orders  that  a  portion  of  the  spoils  should 


156  THE     FUGITIVE     GOVERNMENT. 

be  divided  equally  among  officers  and  men,  and  appointed  three 
superior  officers  to  execute  his  order. 

A  great  number  of  incidents  occurred  during  this  period, 
which  would  serve  to  illustrate  Houston's  character.  But  we 
are  obliged  to  omit  their  relation.  A  soldier,  for  example,  had 
fled  from  the  battle,  declaring  that  all  his  comrades  were  killed 
at  the  first  fire.  When  General  Houston  heard  of  the  circum- 
stance, he  declared  he  would  have  him  shot.  His  Captain 
importuned  the  Commander  to  let  him  go.  "  Why,  yes,  Captain,'7 
said  the  General,  "  I  will  let  him  off,  but  on  condition  that 
he  will  promise  to  marry  into  a  valiant  race  and  cross  the  breed. 
Under  no  other  circumstances  will  I  let  him  go." 

XXIII. 

The  news  of  the  victory  spread  by  expresses  all  over  the 
country,  and  not  many  days  elapsed  before  the  little  steamboat 
Yellow  Stone  arrived  from  Galveston,  bringing  the  (fugitive) 
"Government;"  and  they  boldly  marched  right  into  the  very 
presence  of  Santa  Anna  himself,  who  had  been  surrendered  to 
them  the  moment  of  their  arrival.  But  when  they  came  from 
their  hiding-places,  they  looked,  of  course,  more  like  victors 
than  fugitives.  Houston,  at  once,  surrendered  everything  into 
their  hands  but  the  money ;  this  had  been  already  divided 
among  his  gallant  comrades. 

Those  who  understand  much  of  human  nature,  will  not  be  sur- 
prised to  hear  that,  from  that  day  forward,  these  "fugitive 
statesmen"  became  the  irrevocable  foes  of  the  brave  man  who 
had  redeemed  the  nation  which  they  had  deserted  in  the  hour 
of  her  darkest  trial.  They  had  fled,  and  Houston  had  fought ; 
they  knew  the  odium  that  would  rest  upon  their  names,  and  as 
Houston  had  been  covered  with  the  fame  of  a  hero,  they  never 
coald  forgive  him.  An  old  philosopher  once  said,  we  never  do 


RUSK,  THE  PATRIOT  SOLDIER.        157 

forgive  anybody  whom  we  have  injured.  They  did  not  express 
any  aversion  to,  or  condemnation  of,  Houston's  acts — this  would 
not  have  been  entirely  safe — but  their  future  conduct  showed 
most  clearly,  that,  from  that  day,  they  were  bent  upon  his 
destruction. 

XXIV. 

They  began  by  treating  him  with  manifest  coolness.  A  pro- 
position was  even  made  by  Robert  Potter,  Secretary  of  the 
Navy,  to  dismiss  him  from  service,  alleging  no  cause,  but  many 
reasons.  Mr.  Rusk,  the  Secretary  of  War,  who,  when  the 
Cabinet  fled  to  the  sea-shore,  had  hurried  to  the  camp,  and 
toiled  with  its  heroic  soldiery,  partaking  of  their  privations  and 
mingling  in  their  perils — Mr.  Rusk,  the  patriot-soldier,  met  the 
proposition  in  a  spirited  and  indignant  manner,  and  defeated 
their  malicious  machinations.  The  $12,000  had  been  distributed 
among  the  officers  and  men — Houston  would  receive  no  share — 
and  this  was  a  crime  heavy  enough  to  condemn  him  ;  for  the 
"  Government"  thought  they  needed  it  for  their  own  purposes 
— and  it  is  quite  likely  they  did.  But  the  "  Government'7  did 
not  dare  to  bring  it  forward  as  an  accusation  against  the 
General,  for  they  knew  it  would  have  roused  the  indignation  of 
every  man  in  the  army. 

XXY. 

The  Secretary  of  "War  wrote  a  letter  to  Houston,  asking  his 
views  about  the  release  of  Santa  Anna.  He  returned  the  fol- 
lowing answer  : 

HEAD  QUARTERS  OP  THB  ARMY. 
Camp  San  Jacinto,  3d  May,  1836. 

I  have  not  the  pleasure  to  know  on  what  basis  the  Executive  Govern- 
ment contemplate  the  arrangement  with  General  Santa  Anna,  but  I  would 


158       CONDITIONS     OF    SANTA    ANNA'S    RELEASE. 

respectfully  suggest,  that  so  far  as  I  have  been  enabled  to  give  my  atten- 
tion to  the  subject,  the  following  points  should  have  some  weight : 

The  recognition  of  the  Independence  of  Texas  should  be  a  sine  qua  non. 
The  limits  of  Texas  should  extend  to  the  Rio  Grande,  and  from  the  mouth, 
pursuing  the  stream  to  its  most  northwestern  source,  and  from  thence 
northeast  to  the  line  of  the  United  States.  Indemnity  for  all  losses  sus- 
tained by  Texas  during  the  war.  Commissioners  to  be  appointed  for 
ascertaining  the  fact— one  Mexican,  one  Texan,  and  one  American.  The 
guarantee  to  be  obtained  from  the  United  States,  for  the  fulfillment  of  the 
stipulation  on  the  part  of  the  contending  parties.  General  Santa  Anna  to 
be  retained  as  a  hostage,  with  such  other  officers  as  the  Government  may 
think  proper,  until  they  are  recognized  or  ratified  by  the  Mexican  Govern- 
ment. Immediate  restoration  of  Texan  or  Mexican  citizens,  or  those 
friendly  to  the  cause  of  Texas,  who  may  have  been  retained,  with  their 
property.  Instantaneous  withdrawal  of  all  the  Mexican  troops  from  the 
limits  of  Texas.  All  property  in  Texas  to  be  restored,  and  not  molested 
by  the  troops  or  marauders  in  falling  back.  Cessation  of  all  hostilities  by 
sea  and  land.  A  guarantee  for  the  safety  and  restoration  of  Mexican 
prisoners,  so  soon  as  the  conditions  shall  be  complied  with.  Agents  to  be 
sent  to  the  United  States  to  obtain  the  mediation  of  that  government  in 
the  affairs  of  Mexico  and  Texas. 


XXYI. 

An  attempt  was  made  to  heap  upon  Houston  the  odium  both 
of  Santa  Anna's  release  and  imprisonment  after  the  treaty. 
But  the  attempt  succeeded  only  for  a  timr.,  as  falsehood  always 
will,  and  then  these  charges,  with  a  thousand  others,  returned 
to  plague  their  inventors.  But  in  Texas  they  never  were 
believed  at  all — there  the  facts  were  all  known.  It  is  a  curious 
circumstance,  that  the  report  once  so  common  in  the  United 
States,  and  even  till  now  uncontradicted  by  Houston  (for  he 
never  esteemed  any  lie  worth  contradicting),  viz.  that  he  played 
the  coward  at  San  Jacinto,  and  never  would  have  fought  at  all 
if  he  had  not  been  forced  into  battle  by  his  soldiers  ;  that  he  fled 
from  the  field,  or — as  many  had  it — was  never  in  the  field  at  all, 


THE    MAKER    OF    ENVY.  159 

— should  have  originated  and  been  industriously  circulated  by 
the  very  men  who  had  been  the  first  to  fly  from  danger,  and 
leave  the  country  in  its  darkest  hour  to  take  care  of  itself ! 
And  yet  such  was  the  case.  But  from  all  these  "mountain 
lies  "  the  name  of  Houston  has  come  out  fair  and  clear. 

XXVII. 

Volunteers  had  now  rushed  in  from  all  quarters,  where  the 
news  of  the  victory  had  spread  ;  and  some  brave  men,  who  had 
come  on  by  forced  marches  to  join  Houston's  standard  when  he 
needed  their  help,  had  the  misfortune,  also,  to  reach  the  camp 
too  late.  Great  activity,  discipline  and  vigor  became  necessary. 
Houston  was  rendered  perfectly  helpless  by  his  wound  ;  and  it 
was  believed  that,  even  if  he  survived,  he  would  not  be  again  fit 
for  service  for  many  months.  He  signified  his  desire  that 
General  Rusk  should  succeed  him  in  the  command,  and,  as  no 
other  man  would  have  been  acceptable,  he  was  selected  by  the 
Cabinet  as  Brigadier-General.  From  the  arrival  of  the 
"  Government,"  which,  to  the  surprise  of  Santa  Anna,  had  at 
last  been  found,  the  Mexican  President  had  not  been  permitted 
to  pay  his  customary  morning  visit  to  his  courteous  and  humane 
captor  ;  and  he  had  also  been  kept  under  the  irritating  and 
humiliating  surveillance  of  the  Cabinet.  This  unnecessary  and 
indelicate  severity  (or,  as  Santa  Anna  himself  termed  it,  "  bad 
manners  ")  was  a  source  of  great  pain  and  mortification  to  the 
captive  General. 

XXYIII. 

.  Mr.  Larnar  was  appointed  Secretary  of  War,  to  fill  the  va- 
cancy in  the  Cabinet.  After  the  failure  to  disgrace  Houston, 
there  was  a  cruel  effort  made  to  depress  and  harrow  his  feelings. 
Every  petty  artifice  was  resorted  to,  to  torture  the  feelings  of 
the  enfeebled,  wounded  hero.  A  fine  stallion,  that  had  beeu 


160  SCENES    AFTER    SAN    JACINTO. 

ridden  in  battle  by  Almonte,  and  captured  by  Karnes  in  the 
pursuit  of  the  enemy,  had  been  presented  by  that  gallant  officer 
to  his  General.  Although  the  animal  was  not  of  the  spoils  taken 
on  the  field,  Houston  sent  him  to  parade,  and  to  be  sold  for  the 
benefit  of  the  army.  By  the  united  voice  of  the  camp,  he  was 
led  up  to  his  master,  with  an  earnest  entreaty  that  he  would 
retain  him,  and  "they  hoped,  too,"  they  said,  "the  General 
would  be  able  to  ride  him  very  soon."  He  was  a  noble  ani- 
mal ;  and  as  black  as  a  raven.  After  the  army  had  con- 
firmed the  present  of  Karnes,  the  "  Government "  took  the  horse 
from  the  Commander.  This  was,  certainly,  a  chivalrous  act 
towards  a  man  who  had  saved  the  country,  and  was  yet  unable 
to  move,  even  on  crutches.  We  will  state  one  more  circum- 
stance about  these  men,  and  then  leave  them  to  the  odium  which 
rests  on  their  name,  for  having  tortured  the  feelings  of  a 
brave  and  patriotic  man. 

XXIX. 

When  the  army  were  taking  up  their  line  of  march  to  the 
west,  with  the  settlements  all  broken  up,  and  Houston  was 
without  any  of  the  comforts  the  wounded  man  so  much  needs; 
when  his  surgeon  had  no  medicine  in  the  camp  to  give  him,  or 
dress  his  wound  with,  and  it  became  necessary  for  him  to  visit 
New  Orleans  as  the  nearest  place  he  could  go  to  for  medical  aid 
to  save  his  life,  and  the  steamboat  Yellow  Stone  was  ready  to 
sail  for  Galveston,  with  the  Cabinet,  and  Santa  Anna  and  suite  ; 
these  gentlemen  had,  by  common  consent,  agreed  to  leave  the 
wounded  Commander-in- Chief  to  die — in  sight  of  the  field  of  San 
Jacinto  !  Houston  could  hardly  believe  this,  and  yet,  when  he 
saw  he  was  going  to  be  left,  in  his  helplessness,  he  applied  to  the 
Cabinet  for  a  passage.  The  application  was  sternly  refused  I 
The  captain  of  the  boat,  hearing  of  the  circumstance,  vowed  it 
should  never  leave  the  shore  without  it  bore  General  Houston, 


HOUSTON'S   NOBLE   CONDUCT.  161 

He  tendered  him  a  passage,  and  he  was  carried  aboard  by  Gene- 
ral Rusk  and  his  brother  David.  He  was  also  accompanied  by 
a  few  of  his  staff ;  among  others  his  surgeon-general,  Dr.  Ewing. 
When  the  Doctor  came  on  board,  the  Cabinet  told  him  he  could 
not  accompany  General  Houston,  and  if  he  did,  he  would  be 
discharged  from  the  service,  although  they  had  not  a  shadow  of 
authority  to  do  it.  The  surgeon  told  Houston  of  this.  "  I  am 
sorry,  my  dear  fellow,"  said  he,  "for  I  have  nothing  to  promise 
you  in  the  future,  and  you  know  I  am  poor  ;  so  you  had  better 
not  incur  the  displeasure  .of  the  new  Secretary  of  War."  But 
the  magnanimous  man  determined  to  follow  his  General,  for  he 
would  not  desert  either  a  friend  or  a  brave  man  in  the  hour  of 
need.  He  went  ;  but  the  Cabinet  was  as  good  as  its  word  ;  he 
was  dismissed  at  once  from  the  army.  He  did  not  know  then 
that  Houston's  star  was  so  soon  to  come  forth  from  its  deep 
eclipse.  When  Santa  Anna,  who  had  wept  when  he  was  told 
that  General  Houston  was  not  coming  on  board,  saw  him 
brought  on,  he  ran  to  him,  and  embraced  him  with  unfeigned  joy. 


XXX. 

The  boat  reached  Galveston  Island,  where,  at  the  time, 
there  was  not  a  framed  house,  and  remained  there  for  the  night. 
Some  volunteers,  who  had  arrived  there  from  the  United  States, 
hearing  the  President,  ad  interim,  as  he  went  on  shore,  cast 
some  reflections  upon  Houston,  their  officers  immediately  waited 
on  the  General,  and  offered  to  take  him  off,  and  do  anything  he 
might  desire  for  his  comfort  or  his  honor.  He  was  aware  of 
the  spirit  the  men  felt,  for  they  showed  it  too  plainly  to  allow 
it  to  be  mistaken,  and  he  declined  going  just  then.  But  he 
issued  an  order  as  he  took  leave  of  the  men,  and  exhorted  them 
to  "  render  obedience  to  the  authorities  of  the  country,  and  not 
dishonor  themselves  by  any  disrespect  to  the  Government,  being 


162       THE     GENERAL     PARTING     WITH     THE     ARMY. 

assured  that  by  honoring  the  ranks  they  would  be  qualified  for 
the  highest  rights  of  citizenship."  They  discussed  the  subject 
of  treating  the  Cabinet  with  great  harshness  ;  but  they  at  last 
yielded  to  Houston's  commands  and  entreaties,  and  smothered 
their  indignation.  A  single  word  from  the  wounded  man  would 
have  crushed  those  restless  and  ambitious  men,  who  had  inflicted 
so  much  pain  upon  himself,  and  who  afterwards  brought  so  much 
misery  and  dishonor  upon  his  country.  But  on  this  occasion, 
as  on  all  others,  he  showed  how  well  regard  for  law  and  order 
had  fitted  him  to  govern,  and  how  easy  it  is  for  a  truly  great 
man  to  be  magnanimous  to  his  enemies. 

XXXI. 

We  had  nearly  forgotten  to  mention  the  scene  which  was 
witnessed  when  Houston  parted  with  'the  army.  He  was  too 
feeble  to  speak  to  them,  but  he  dictated  the  following  touching 
address,  which  was  read  in  camp  as  Army  Orders. 

Head  Quarters,  San  Jcicinto,  May  5th,  1S36. 

COMRADES — Circumstances  connected  with  the  battle  of  the  21st  render 
our  separation,  for  the  present,  unavoidable.  I  need  not  express  to  you 
the  many  painful  sensations  which  that  necessity  inflicts  upon  me.  I  am 
solaced,  however,  by  the  hope,  that  we  shall  soon  be  reunited  in  the  great 
cause  of  Liberty.  Brigadier-General  Rusk  is  appointed  to  command  the 
army  for  the  present.  I  confide  in  his  valor,  his  patriotism,  his  wisdom. 
His  conduct  in  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto  was  sufficient  to  ensure  your  con- 
fidence and  regard. 

The  enemy,  though  retreating,  are  still  within  the  limits  of  Texas  ; 
their  situation  being  known  to  you,  you  cannot  be  taken  by  surprise. 
Discipline  and  subordination  will  render  you  invincible.  Your  valor  and 
heroism  have  proved  you  unrivalled.  Let  not  contempt  for  the  enemy 
throw  you  off  your  guard.  Vigilance  is  the  first  duty  of  a  soldier,  and 
glory  the  proudest  reward  of  his  toils. 

You  have  patiently  endured    privations,   hardships,  and   difficulties, 


ADDRESS     TO    THE     SOLDIERS.  163 

unappalled  ;  you  have  encountered  odds  of  two  to  one  of  the  qnemy 
against  you,  and  borne  yourselves,  in  the  onset  and  conflict  of  battle,  in 
a  manner  unknown  in  the  annals  of  modern  warfare.  While  an  enemy 
to  your  independence  remains  in  Texas,  the  work  is  incomplete  5  but  when 
liberty  is  firmly  established  by  your  patience  and  your  valor,  it  will  be 
fame  enough  to  say,  "  I  was  a  member  of  the  army  of  San  Jacinto." 

In  taking  leave  of  my  brave  comrades  in  arms,  I  cannot  suppress  the 
expression  of  that  pride  which  I  so  justly  feel  in  having  had  the  honor  to 
command  them  in  person,  nor  will  I  withhold  the  tribute  of  my  warmest 
admiration  and  gratitude  for  the  promptness  with  which  my  orders  were 
executed,  and  union  maintained  through  the  army.  At  parting,  my 
heart  embraces  you  with  gratitude  and  affection. 

SAM  HOUSTON,  COMMANDER-IX-CHIEF. 

It  is  said  that  when  this  touching  and  eloquent  address  was 
read  to  the  army,  the  tears  of  the  brave  men  fell  upon  the  rifles 
on  which  they  were  leaning.  Such  was  his  parting  with  his 
companions  in  arms. 

XXXII. 

A  small  war  vessel,  belonging  to  the  Republic,  was  sailing 
from  Galveston  to  New  Orleans.  Houston  applied  for  a  pas- 
sage with  his  staff.  It  was  refused,  although  the  war  vessel 
carried  several  persons  not  belonging  to  the  crew  or  the  service. 
A  little  American  schooner  (the  Flora)  was  also  lying  there. 
The  General  sent  for  the  captain,  and  contracted  with  him  for 
passage  for  himself  and  staff,  to  be  paid  when  he  could,  for  he 
had  not  a  dollar  of  money  to  advance.  During  the  entire  cam- 
paign, neither  he  nor  any  one  of  his  followers  had  received  a 
shilling  from  the  "  Government,"  and  all  the  funds  he  had  of 
his  own,  he  had  generously  devoted  to  the  relief  of  the  fugitive 
women  and  children,  whose  husbands  and  fathers  had  been 
slaughtered  at  the  Alamo,  or  massacred  with  Fannin.  Santa 
Anna  now  asked  permission  of  the  Cabinet  to  take  leave 


164    HOUSTON'S  RECEPTION  AT  NEW   ORLEANS. 

of  General  Houston,  but  he  was  refused  that  privilege.  Cap- 
tain Chas.  Hawkins,  of  the  Texan  Navy,  stated  these  facts  ; 
and  he  also  said,  that  Santa  Anna  wept  on  the  occasion. 


XXXIII. 

We  pass  over  the  long  and  tedious  voyage  of  the  little 
schooner.  She  arrived  at  the  Balize  in  the  night,  and  the  next 
day,  May  28th,  was  towed  up  to  New  Orleans.  General 
Houston  had  now  been  nearly  forty  days  without  medicine  or 
poultices ;  the  bandages  for  his  wound  he  had  torn  from  the  shirt 
he  wore,  till  all  but  its  bosom  was  gone — for  he  had  given  all  he 
had  away  to  the  soldiers,  as  their  necessities  had  before  been 
greater  than  his  own.  He  was  now,  as  he  supposed,  in  a  dying 
state.  He  was  so  feeble,  he  could  not  even  be  raised  up  with- 
out fainting.  In  passing  the  English  Turn,  about  eighteen 
miles  below  New  Orleans,  it  was  known  by  expresses  in  waiting, 
that  Houston  was  on  board,  and  it  was  the  first  confirmation  of 
the  news  of  the  battle.  It  was  Sunday,  and  the  levee  was  black 
with  the  dense  crowd  which,  as  the  intelligence  spread  through 
the  city,  had  rushed  together  to  see  the  wounded  soldier.  His 
friend,  Colonel  Wm.  Christy,  with  whom  he  had  served  as 
lieutenant  in  his  youth,  had  prepared  for  him  in  his  house  every 
comfort  his  situation  required,  and  he  was  now  eager  to  grasp 
the  hand  of  his  old  comrade,  and  extend  to  him  the  most  cordial 
welcome.  Dr.  Kerr,  too,  who  had  operated  on  his  wounds  just 
thirty  years  before,  hastened  to  the  vessel,  where  he  found  him 
lying  on  the  deck.  He  fell  upon  him,  and  embraced  him  like  a 
father.  He,  with  Dr.  Cenas,  gave  him  every  attention,  and  they 
saved  his  life;  for  they  said  if  he  had  arrived  a  few  hours  later, 
he  could  not  have  been  saved,  since  his  wound  had  begun  to 
show  the  first  symptoms  of  mortification. 


HOUSTON     RETURNS    TO    HIS    HOME.  165 

XXXIV. 

The  crowd  on  the  boat  was  so  great,  it  was  in  danger  of  sink- 
ing, and  the  throng  so  dense  on  the  pier,  it  was  a  long  time  be- 
fore he  could  be  got  ashore.  An  unsuccessful  attempt  had  been 
made  to  lift  him  ashore,  but  it  seemed  he  would  die  of  torture  be- 
fore it  could  be  done.  At  last,  feeling  that  his  strength  was 
going,  he  rose  on  his  crutches,  and,  by  a  desperate  effort,  got 
over  the  gunwale  himself.  He  was  immediately  laid  upon  a 
litter,  where  he  fainted  away.  In  the  meantime,  bands  of  music 
had  come  down  to  the  pier,  and  were  playing  martial  airs,  while 
the  landing  was  being  effected.  The  cot,  which  had  been  pre- 
pared, was  brought  up,  and  Houston,  who  seemed  to  be  dying, 
was  borne  through  the  vast  throng  to  the  hospitable  mansion 
of  his  friend,  where  this  skeleton  of  disease  and  suffering  at  last 
found  repose. 

XXXV. 

He  remained  about  two  weeks  in  New  Orleans,  and  although 
he  was  far  from  being  out  of  danger,  yet  his  anxiety  to  return 
to  Texas  was  so  great,  that  he  took  passage  to  Nachitoches,  on 
the  Red  River,  this  being  the  only  practicable  rout  to  his  home 
in  Eastern  Texas.  The  fatigue  and  exposure  of  the  journey 
were  too  much  for  his  feeble  health,  and  he  was  obliged  to  stop 
several  days  to  recover  his  strength.  But.  the  first  moment  he 
was  able,  he  travelled  on  to  San  Augustine,  where  he  remained 
till  the  news  came  that  the  Cabinet  had  made  a  treaty  with 
Santa  Anna,  and  were  resolved  on  his  liberation.  At  the  same 
time  it  was  stated  that  the  enemy  was  preparing  for  another 
campaign.  Demonstrations  of  respect  had  been  made,  and  din- 
ners offered  to  him  at  New  Orleans,  Nachitoches,  and  San 
Augustine;  but  he  declined  all  such  compliments.  The  report 


166  SANTA    ANNA    TO     BE     EXECUTED. 

of  the  advance  of  the  enemy  had  brought  together  a  vast  con- 
course of  people  at  San  Augustine.  Houston  was  taken  to  the 
meeting,  and,  resting  on  his  crutches,  delivered  an  address, 
which  produced  such  an  effect,  that  one  hundred  and  sixty  men, 
in  two  days,  took  up  their  march  for  the  frontier. 

XXXVI. 

Soon  after,  the  General  received  intelligence  that  Colonels 
Millard  and  Wheelock  had  been  dispatched  from  the  army  then 
at  the  Coleto,  with  a  demand  on  the  Cabinet  that  they  should 
deliver  up  Santa  Anna  into  their  hands  for  execution,  reproach- 
ing them  for  the  neglect  of  their  duty,  and  an  order  to  arrest 
President  Burnet,  and  bring  him  to  the  Texan  camp.  Houston 
immediately  dispatched  by  express  to  the  army  the  following 
Protest  against  their  proceedings. 

XXXVII. 

Ayish  Bayou,  2&m  July,  1836. 
TO  THE    GENERAL  COMMANDING   THE   ARMY   OF  TEXAS. 

SIR, — I  have  just  heard  through  a  citizen,  of  the  army,  that  it  is  the 
intention  to  remove  General  Santa  Anna  to  the  army,  and  place  him  upon 
his  trial.  I  cannot  credit  this  statement ;  it  is  obviously  contrary  to  the 
true  policy  of  Texas.  The  advantages  which  his  capture  presented  to  us, 
will  be  destroyed.  Disregard,  if  you  will,  our  national  character,  and 
place  what  construction  you  please  upon  the  rules  of  civilized  warfare, 
we  are  compelled  by  every  principle  of  humanity  and  morality,  to  abstain 
from  every  act  of  passion  or  inconsideration  that  is  to  be  unproductive  of 
positive  good.  Execute  Santa  Anna,  and  what  will  be  the  fate  of  the 
Texans  who  are  held  prisoners  by  the  Mexicans— what  will  be  the  con- 
dition of  the  North  Americans  who  are  residing  within  the  limits  of 
Mexico  ?  Death  to  them,  and  confiscation  of  their  property  is  the  least 
that  can  be  expected.  Doubtless,  torture  will  be  added  to  the  catas- 
trophe, when  stimulated  by  ignorance,  fanaticism,  and  the  last  expiring 
struggle  of  the  priesthood  for  power  and  dominion.  Texas,  to  bo  res- 


HOUSTON'S   PROTEST.  167 

pected,  must  be  considerate,  politic,  and  just  in  her  actions.  Santa  Anna, 
living,  and  secured  beyond  all  danger  of  escape,  in  the  Eastern  section 
of  Texas  (as  I  first  suggested),  may  be  of  incalculable  advantage 
to  Texas  in  her  present  crisis.  In  cool  blood  to  offer  up  the  living  to  the 
manes  of  the  departed,  only  finds  an  example  in  the  religion  and  warfare 
of  savages.  Regard  for  oners  departed  friends  should  stimulate  us  in  the 
hour  of  battle,  and  would  excuse  us,  in  the  moment  of  victory,  for  partial 
excesses,  at  which  our  calmer  feelings  of  humanity  would  relent. 

The  affairs  of  Texas  connected  with  General  Santa  Anna,  as  President 
of  the  Republic  of  Mexico,  have  become  matter  of  consideration  to 'which 
the  attention  of-  the  United  States  has  been  called,  and  for  Texas,  at  this 
moment,  to  proceed  to  extreme  measures,  as  to  the  merits  or  demerits  of 
General  Santa  Anna,  would  be  treating  that  Government  with  high 
disrespect,  and  I  would  respectfully  add,  in  my  opinion,  it  would  be 
incurring  the  most  unfortunate  responsibility  for  Texas. 

I,  therefore,  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  army  of  the  Republic,  do 
solemnly  protest  against  the  trial,  sentence,  and  execution  of  General 
Antonio  Lopez  de  Santa  Anna,  President  of  the  Republic  of  Mexico, 
until  the  relations  in  which  we  are  to  stand  to  the  United  States  shall  be 
ascertained. 

SAM  HOUSTON, COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  OF  THE  ARMY. 


XXXYJII. 

This  protest  had  just  the  effect  designed  by  the  writer.  The 
trial  of  Santa  Anna  was  delayed,  and  Texas  was  saved  from 
the  disgrace  and  execration  which  so  summary  and  barbarous  a 
proceeding  would  have  brought  upon  her  name.  Soon  after 
this,  Houston  removed  to  Nacogdoches,  where  he  remained 
under  the  influence  of  his  wound  till  fall.  But  he  was  far  from 
being  idle,  for  the  country  was  under  a  quasi  state  of  martial 
law,  and  the  exigency  called  for  his  constant  vigilance  and 
advice. 

XXXIX. 

In  the  mean  time  we   must  glance  rapidly  over  the  events 


168  BAD     FAITH     WITH     SANTA     ANNA. 

which  were  elsewhere  taking  place.  The  Cabinet  perceiving 
that  Houston's  views,  officially  communicated  to  General  Rusk, 
were  founded  upon  the  highest  principles  of  policy,  humanity, 
and  justice,  adopted  them,  in  the  main,  in  the  treaty  they  made 
with  Santa  Anna,  on  the  14th  of  May.  The  President  and  his 
Cabinet  were  still  at  Yelasco  on  the  first  of  June,  and  the 
Texan  schooner  Invincible  was  anchored  off  the  bar,  in  sight  of 
the  town,  with  Santa  Anna  and  his  suite  on  board,  and  the 
sailing  orders  of  the  vessel  had  been  issued  for  her  to  proceed  to 
Vera  Cruz.  Santa  Anna  wrote  the  following  FAREWELL  TO  THE 
TEXAN  ARMY. 

XL. 

"  My  friends !  I  have  been  a  witness  of  your  courage  in  the  field  of 
battle,  and  know  you  to  be  generous.  Rely  with  confidence  on  my 
sincerity,  and  you  shall  never  have  cause  to  regret  the  kindness  shown 
me.  In  returning  to  my  native  land,  I  beg  you  to  receive  the  sincf'e 
thanks  of  your  grateful  friend.  Farevgpll. 

"  ANT.  LOPEZ  DE  SANTA  ANNA. 

"  Velasco,  1st  June,  1836." 

XLI. 

We  know  not  what  may  be  the  opinions  of  others,  but  we  are 
persuaded  that  Santa  Anna  never  would  have  committed  him- 
self in  this  manner,  when  there  was  no  necessity  of  doing  it  (for 
it  was  written  after  the  vessel  was  under  sailing  orders),  unless 
he  really  intended  to  redeem  his  pledge.  For  although  he  had 
entered  into  a  solemn  treaty,  yet  his  own  conscience  and  the 
whole  world  would  have  palliated  any  violation  of  that  treaty 
(which  was  wrung  from  him  by  his  captors  ;  for  what  will  not 
a  prisoner  promise  to  buy  his  liberty  ?  they  would  have  said), 
much  sooner  than  they  would  have  forgiven  the  violation  of 
private  pledges,  voluntarily  given  by  a  free  man.  No  s  i  'i 


INJUSTICE     TO     A     PRISONER.  169 

pledges  were  now  necessary  ;  he  was  perfectly  free  to  give  or 
withhold  them.  Any  bad  faith  subsequently  manifested,  would 
have  been  regarded  as  the  blackest  perfidy,  and  Texas  would 
have  gained  more,  perhaps  (if  she  had  kept  her  faith  inviolate), 
by  his  treachery,  than  she  would  have  lost  ;  for  her  honor  and 
her  magnanimity,  and  the  perfidy  of  Santa  Anna,  would  have 
won  for  her  the  sympathy  of  the  civilized  world  !  But  an  event 
now  took  place  which  must  be  regarded  as  a  public  and  lasting 
calamity  to  Texas. 

XLII. 

Several  hundred  volunteers  from  the  United  States  arrived 
at  Vetasco,  just  as  the  Invincible  was  sailing.  Their  commander 
had  not  participated  in  the  Texan  struggle,  and,  in  fact,  he  had 
yet  no  authority  to  order  a  drum  beat  in  Texas.  But  he 
declared  that  the  Invincible  should  not  be  allowed  to  lift  her 
anchor.  He  was  determined  Santa  Anna  should  be  tried  and 
executed  !  It  is  unnecessary  to  indulge  in  any  exclamations  of 
censure  for  this  use  of  military  power.  Popular  feeling  was  on 
his  side,  and  Mr.  Lamar  had  already  protested  (in  a  voluminous 
paper)  against  Santa  Anna's  release.  The  President  ad  interim 
also  yielded  to  this  violation  of  the  public  faith,  and  although 
the  treaty  had  been  signed,  sealed,  and  delivered,  and  Santa 
Anna  had  it  with  him  on  board,  and  the  vessel  was  under  sailing 
orders,  yet  he  countermanded  her  orders,  and  sent  a  requisition 
on  board  for  the  Mexican  President.  Santa  Anna  was  aware 
what  had  been  the  popular  feeling  towards  him  from  the  day  of 
his  capture  ;  and  he  undoubtedly  believed  that  his  life  would  be 
in  danger  in  the  hands  of  the  President.  Under  such  circum- 
stances, he  resolutely  refused  to  go  on  shore.  The  order  was 
repeated  the  next  day,  and  it  provoked  a  similar  reply.  On 
the  afternoon  of  the  third  of  June,  armed  men  (l  visited  the 
Tnvineiblo"  (says  Foote,  2  vol.,  p.  342),  "for  the  purpose  of 


170  SANTA   ANNA'S   REMONSTRANCE. 

bringing  off  the  Dictator,  dead  or  alive."  Santa  Anna  remon- 
strated against  the  lawless  outrage,  and,  like  a  brave  man,  de- 
clared he  would  die  before  he  left.  "  All  this  time  (p.  343)  he  lay 
on  his  back  in  his  berth,  and  his  respiration  seemed  to  be  exceed- 
ingly difficult."  No  wonder  such  a  display  of  the  boasted 
Anglo-Saxon  faith  should  disturb  the  respiration  even  of  a  Mexi- 
can !  All  other  means  failing,  a  military  commander  ordered 
him  to  be  put  in  irons.  "  When  the  irons  were  brought  within 
his  view,  the  prisoner  jumped  up,  adjusted  his  collar,  put  on  his 
hat,  and  stated  his  readiness  to  accompany  us."  (P.  343).  And 
how  else  could  a  defenceless  prisoner  act,  with  a  score  of 
bayonets  or  bowie-knives  at  his  breast  ?  For  our  own  part,  we 
know  of  no  circumstance  in  Santa  Anna's  history,  so  worthy  of 
admiration  as  his  conduct  on  this  occasion  ;  nor  do  we  know  of 
any  act  of  perfidy  or  cowardice  equal  to  that  evinced  by  his 
lawless  aggressors. 

Santa  Anna  was  and  is  an  ambitious,  selfish,  military  chief- 
tain, who  has  trampled  on  the  Constitution,  and  blotted  out  the 
liberties  of  his  country.  But  to  his  honor  be  it  said,  that  he 
was  not  the  first  to  violate  the  treaty  of  the  14th  of  May.  Like 
a  brave  man,  too,  he  boldly  protested  against  the  perfidy  of 
the  Texan  cabinet. 

XLIII. 

He  said  :  "I  had  embarked  on  the  Texan  schooner-of-war, 
the  Invincible,  on  the  1st  of  June,  after  addressing  a  short  fare- 
well to  the  Texans,  wherein  I  thanked  them  for  their  generous 
behavior,  and  offered  my  eternal  gratitude.  And  I  protest 
(5thly),  for  the  act  of  violence  committed  on  my  person,  and 
abuse  to  which  I  have  been  exposed,  in  being  compelled  to  go 
on  shore,  merely  because  130  volunteers,  under  the  command  of 
,  recently  landed  on  the  beach  at  Velasco,  from  yew- 
Orleans,  had  with  tumults  and  threats  demanded  that  my  per- 


A     BITTER     SARCASM.  1*11 

• 

son  should  be  placed  at  their  disposal,  which  took  place  on  the 
very  day  the  government  received  from  Gen.  Filisola  the  answer 
that  he  had  strictly  fulfilled  what  had  been  stipulated  in  the 
treaty.  *  *  *  Under  these  circumstances,  I  appeal  to  the 
judgment  of  civilized  nations,  to  the  consciences  of  the  citizens 
who  compose  the  Cabinet,  and,  above  all,  to  the  Supreme  Ruler 
of  the  destinies  of  nations,  who  has  placed  the  existence  and 
happiness  of  nations  on  the  faith  of  treaties  and  punctual  fulfill- 
ment of  engagements." 

XLIY. 

If  Santa  Anna  is  pointed  to  Goliad  and  the  Alamo,  his  reply 
is,  that  such  an  appeal  to  the  civilized  world  and  to  the  Supreme 
Ruler  of  nations  from  the  perpetrator  of  those  massacres,  only 
makes  his  sarcasm  on  the  faith  of  the  Texan  Cabinet  the  more 
bitter. 

If  it  be  said  that  the  President  ad  interim  was  obliged  to 
yield  to  the  clamor  of  the  populace,  who  were  thirsting 
for  Santa  Anna's  blood,  I  reply  that  he  could  not  have  been 
compelled,  by  any  mortal  power,  to  write  with  his  own  hand  the 
requisition  for  Santa  Anna — had  he  been  a  man  of  nerve  enough 
to  fit  him  to  hold  the  reins  of  power  in  revolutionary  times. 
When  Houston  was  asked  what  he  would  have  done  in  the  same 
circumstances,  he  said,  "  I  would  have  regarded  the  faith  of  the 
nation  under  any  circumstances,  and  before  the  mob  should  have 
laid  hands  on  Santa  Anna,  they  should  have  first  drunk  my  blood." 
It  now  became  perfectly  certain  that  all  the  hopes  of  advantage 
for  Texas,  which  Houston  had  borrowed  from  the  treaty  and  the 
release  of  Santa  Anna,  were  to  be  disappointed.  He  knew  that 
the  only  reliance  they  had  or  could  have,  was  upon  his  gratitude 
and  sense  of  honor,  and  now  the  course  his  enemies  had  taken 
had  dissolved  all  his  obligations. 


172  THE     NEW     COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF. 

XLV. 

After  Mr.  Laniar  resigned  his  post  as  Secretary  of  War,  the 
Cabinet  appointed  him  Comraander-in-Chief  of  the  Army,  over 
the  heads  of  Generals  Houston  and  Rusk.  He  immediately 
repaired  to  the  army  with  his  commission,  and  surrounded  by 
his  staff.  The  army  was  drawn  up  ;  after  addressing  them,  he 
requested  an  expression  of  their  sentiments.  They  were  anxious 
for  Houston  again  to  assume  the  command,  and  in  the  meantime 
were  perfectly  satisfied  with  General  Rusk.  But  Mr  Lamar 
wished  some  more  decided  demonstration,  and  they  were  ordered, 
by  marching  in  different  directions,  to  indicate  their  feelings 
towards  the  new  commander.  There  were  about  1800  troops  in 
camp — less  than  one  in  eighteen  voted  for  him,  and  the  rest  posi- 
tively refused  to  serve  under  him  !  He  thus  acquired  the  title 
of  General,  and  got  rid  of  the  responsibilities  of  the  command. 


ELECTION  OF  THE  FIRST  PRESIDENT.     113 


SECTION  TENTH. 

THE     PRESIDENT. 
I. 

THE  Government  ad  interim  at  last  became  disgusted  with 
power.  The  people  felt  that  when  Houston  was  away,  they  had 
no  one  to  repose  on,  and  discontent  became  universal.  Provision 
had  been  made  by  the  Convention  for  the  crisis,  and  writs  were 
issued  for  the  election  of  a  President  by  the  people  of  Texas. 

II. 

There  were  two  candidates — General  Stephen  F.  Austin,  and 
Ex-Governor  Henry  Smith.  *  They  were  bo£h  excellent  men, 
particularly  Gen.  Austin,  whom  we  have  had  occasion  so  often 
to  mention  with  respect.  Houston  had  been  importuned  from 
the  beginning  to  become  a  candidate  ;  but  he  had  refused  ;  nor 
did  he  consent  till  twelve  days  before  the  election.  He  wished 
to  retire  from  public  life,  for  he  believed  there  would  be  no  neces- 
sity of  firing  another  hostile  gun  in  Texas,  if  the  public  councils 
were  guided  by  firmness  and  wisdom.  He  had  been  unrelent- 
ingly persecuted,  and  his  feelings  outraged,  just  in  proportion  as 
he  had  devoted  himself  to  the  State.  In  retirement,  he  could 
be  happy,  and  his  country  free.  He  was,  therefore,  disinclined 
to  mingle  in  the  turmoil  of  public  life.  But  one  motive  at  last 
overcame  his  objections.  He  believed  the  virulence  of  party  to 
be  such — that  if  either  of  the  candidates  should  succeed,  their 


114  HOUSTON    ELECTED    BY    ACCLAMATION. 

cabinets  would  be  made  up  exclusively  of  party  men,  which 
would  endanger  the  stability  of  the  administration.  A  govern- 
ment was  to  be  created  from  chaos,  without  a  dollar  and  without 
credit.  The  parties  were  pretty  equally  balanced,  and  there  was 
great  reason  to  fear  that  those  out  of  power  would  so  far  embar- 
rass the  administration  as  to  destroy  its  efficiency.  He  believed, 
that  since  he  belonged  to  neither  party,  and  possessed  the  confi- 
dence of  the  great  mass  of  the  people,  he  might  still  render 
signal  service  to  the  State,  and  he  allowed  his  name  to  be  used. 

III. 

At  the  announcement,  the  turbulence  of  party  everywhere 
gave  way  to  national  enthusiasm.  None  but  his  enemies 
thought  of  opposing  his  election,  and  they  were  only  a  feeble 
clique  of  adventurers,  who  had  rushed  to  Texas  when  her  agi- 
tations began,  hoping  to  win,  in  the  turbulent  scenes  of  Revo- 
lution, a  notoriety  they  had  in  vain  sought  for  in  the  calmer 
scenes  of  civic  life.  The  Provisional  Government  of  '35,  and 
the  Administration  of  '36,  had  proved  they  were  incapable  of 
holding  the  reinf  of  Government  over  a  frontier  population. 
The  people  at  last  saw  that  they  must  place  at  the  helm  some 
man  whose  strong  hand* would  steady  the  vessel  through  the 
boisterous  surges.  They  knew  there  was  but  one  man  in  Texas 
who  could  sway  the  mnlitude,  and  when  the  hero  of  San  Jacinto 
consented  to  accept  the  Presidency,  they  offered  it  to  him  by 
acclamation. 

IV. 

Houston  had  indeed  displayed  those  rare  qualities  which  make 
the  great  General.  It  now  remained  to  be  seen  if  he  was 
endowed  with  those  loftier  and  nobler  qualities,  which  would  fit 
him  for  the  Cabinet — for  a  far  more  difficult  task  now  remained, 


THE     FIRST    TEXAN     CONGRESS.  175 

in  the  organization  of  a  government  which  should  secure  peace, 
power,  and  prosperity  at  home,  and  command  the  respect  of 
civilized  nations — than  it  had  been  to  win  even  the  brilliant 
victory  of  San  Jacinto.  Senators  and  representatives  were 
elected  at  the  same  time,  and  on  the  3d  of  October  (1836),  the 
delegates  assembled  at  Columbia,  and  the  first  Congress  of  the 
Republic  of  Texas  was  organized. 

V. 

On  the  morning  of  the  22d  of  the  same  month,  the  President 
ad  interim  tendered  his  resignation,  and  a  resolution  was  imme- 
diately introduced,  "that  the  inauguration  take  place  at  four 
o'clock  this  day."  A  committee  from  both  houses  waited  upon 
the  President  elect,  and  at  four  o'clock,  he  was  introduced  with- 
in the  bar  of  the  House  of  Representatives.  The  Speaker  "  ad- 
ministered to  him  the  oath  of  office,  and  then  proclaimed  Saui 
Houston  President  of  the  Republic  of  Texas."  Advancing  to 
the  table,  he  delivered  an  extemporaneous  Inaugural  Address. 
We  consider  it  important  for  the  reader  to  be  furnished  with  it 
entire,  for  it  unfolds  the  policy  of  Houston's  administration,  and 
it  could  never  have  been  spoken  but  by  a  statesman.  It  will 
be  consulted  by  future  times  as  the  most  important  State  paper 
that  will  be  found  in  the  early  archives  of  Texas.  We  give  it 
as  it  came  from  the  reporter  of  the  Congress. 


VI. 

MR.  SPEAKER  AND  GENTLEMEN  : 

Deeply  impressed  with  a  sense  of  the  responsibility  devolving  on  me,  I  can- 
not, in  justice  to  myself,  repress  the  emotion  of  my  heart,  or  restrain  the 
feelings  which  my  sense  of  obligation  to  my  fellow  citizens  has  inspired — 
their  suffrage  was  gratuitously  bestowed.  Preferred  to  others,  not 
unlikely  superior  in  merit  to  myself,  called  to  the  most  important  station 


176  HOUSTON'S   INAUGURAL  ADDRESS. 

among  mankind,  by  the  voice  of  a  free  people,  it  is  utterly  impossible  not 
to  feel  impressed  with  the  deepest  sensations  of  delicacy,  in  my  present 
position  before  the  world.  It  is  not  here  alone,  but  our  present  attitude 
before  all  nations,  has  rendered  my  position,  and  that  of  my  country,  one 
of  peculiar  interest. 

A  spot  of  earth  almost  unknown  to  the  geography  of  the  age,  destitute 
of  all  available  resources,  few  in  numbers,  we  remonstrated  against  oppres- 
sion ;  and  when  invaded  by  a  numerous  host,  we  dared  to  proclaim  our 
Independence  and  to  strike  for  freedom  on 'the  breast  of  the  oppressor. 
As  yet  our  course  is  onward.  We  are  only  in  the  outset  of  the  campaign 
of  liberty.  Futurity  has  locked  up  the  destiny  which  awaits  our  people. 
Who  can  contemplate  with  apathy  a  situation  so  imposing  in  the  moral 
and  physical  world ! 

The  relations  among  ourselves  are  peculiarly  delicate  and  important ; 
for  no  matter  what  zeal  or  fidelity  I  may  possess  in  the  discharge  of  my 
official  duties,  if  I  do  not  obtain  co-operation  and  an  honest  support  from 
the  co-ordinate  departments  of  the  government,  wreck  and  ruin  must 
be  the  inevitable  consequences  of  my  administration.  If  then,  in  the  dis- 
charge of  my  duty,  my  competency  should  fail  in  the  attainment  of  the 
great  objects  in  view,  it  would  become  your  sacred  duty  to  correct  my 
errors  and  sustain  me  by  your  superior  wisdom.  This  much  I  anticipate — 
this  much  I  demand. 

I  am  perfectly  aware  of  the  difficulties  that  surround  me,  and  the  con- 
vulsive throes  through  which  our  country  must  pass.  I  have  never  been 
emulous  of  the  civic  wreath — when  merited  it  crowns  a  happy  destiny.  A 
country,  situated  like  ours,  is  environed  with  difficulties,  its  administration 
is  fraught  with  perplexities.  Had  it  been  my  destiny,  I  would  infinitely 
have  preferred  the  toils,  privations,  and  perils  of  a  soldier,  to  the  duties  of 
my  present  station.  Nothing  but  zeal,  stimulated  by  the  holy  spirit  of 
patriotism,  and  guided  by  philosophy  and  reason,  can  give  that  impetus 
to  our  energies  necessary  to  surmount  the  difficulties  that  obstruct  our 
political  progress.  By  the  aid  of  your  intelligence,  I  trust  all  impedi- 
ments to  our  advancement  will  be  removed  j  that  all  wounds  in  the  body 
politic  will  be  healed,  and  the  Constitution  of  the  Republic  derive  strength 
and  vigor  equal  to  any  emergency.  I  shall  confidently  anticipate  the 
consolidation  of  Constitutional  liberty.  In  the  attainment  of  this  object, 
we  must  regard  our  relative  situation  to  other  countries. 

A  subject  of  no  small  importance  is  the  situation  of  an  extensive  fron- 
tier, bordered  by  Indians,  and  open  to  their  depreciations.  Treaties  of 


THE     INFANT     REPUBLIC.  177 

peace  and  amity  and  the  maintenance  of  good  faith  with  the  Indians, 
seem  to  me  the  most  rational  means  for  winning  their  friendship.  Let  us 
abstain  from  aggression,  establish  commerce  with  the  different  tribes, 
supply  their  useful  and  necessary  wants,  maintain  even-handed  justice 
with  them,  and  natural  reason  will  teach  them  the  utility  of  our  friend- 
ship. 

Admonished  by  the  past,  we  cannot,  in  justice,  disregard  our  national 
enemies.  Vigilance  will  apprise  us  of  their  approach,  a  disciplined  and 
valiant  army  will  insure  their  discomfiture.  Without  discrimination  and 
system,  how  unavailing  would  all  the  resources  of  an  old  and  overflowing 
treasury  prove  to  us.  It  would  be  as  unprofitable  to  us  in  our  present 
situation,  as  the  rich  diamond  locked  in  the  bosom  of  the  adamant.  We 
cannot  hope  that  the  bosom  of  our  beautiful  prairies  will  soon  be  visited 
by  the  healing  breezes  of  peace.  We  may  again  look  for  the  day  when 
their  verdure  will  be  converted  into  dyes  of  crimson.  We  must  keep  all 
our  energies  alive,  our  army  organized,  disciplined,  and  increased  to  our 
present  emergencies.  With  ther.e  preparations  we  can  meet  and  vanquish 
despotic  thousands.  This  is  the  attitude  we  at  present  must  regard  as  our 
own.  We  are  battling  for  human  liberty  ;  reason  and  firmness  must 
characterize  our  acts. 

The  course  our  enemies  have  pursued  has  been  opposed  to  every  princi- 
ple of  civilized  warfare — bad  faith,  inhumanity  and  devastation  marked 
their  path  of  invasion.  We  were  a  little  band,  contending  for  liberty — 
they  were  thousands,  well  appointed,  munitioned  and  provisioned,  seeking 
to  rivet  chains  upon  us,  or  to  extirpate  us  from  the  earth.  Their  cruelties 
have  incurred  the  universal  denunciation  of  Christendom.  They  will  not 
pass  from  their  nation  during  the  present  generation.  The  contrast  of 
our  conduct  is  manifest ;  we  were  hunted  down  as  the  felon  wolf,  our 
little  band  driven  from  fastness  to  fastness,  exasperated  to  the  last 
extreme  ;  while  the  blood  of  our  kindred  and  our  friends,  invoking  the 
vengeance  of  an  offended  God,  was  smoking  to  high  heaven,  we  met  our 
enemy  and  vanquished  them.  They  fell  in  battle,  or  suppliantly  kneeled 
and  were  spared.  We  offered  up  our  vengeance  at  the  shrine  of  humanity, 
while  Christianity  rejoiced  at  the  act  and  looked  with  pride  at  the  sacrifice. 
The  civilized  world  contemplated  with  proud  emotions,  conduct  which 
reflected  so  much  glory  on  the  Anglo-Saxon  race.  The  moral  effect  has 
done  more  towards  our  liberation,  than  the  defeat  of  the  army  of  veterans. 
Where  our  cause  has  been  presented  to  our  friends  in  the  land  of  our 
origin,  they  have  embraced  it  with  their  warmest  sympathies.  They  have 

8* 


178  HOUSTON     RETURNS     HIS     SWORD. 

rendered  us  manly  and  efficient  aids.  They  have  rallied  to  our  standard, 
they  have  fought  side  by  side  with  our  warriors.  They  have  bled,  and 
their  dust  is  mingling  with  the  ashes  of  our  heroes.  At  this  moment  I 
discern  numbers  around  me,  who  battled  in  the  field  of  San  Jacinto,  and 
whose  chivalry  and  valor  have  identified  them  with  the  glory  of  the 
country,  its  name,  its  soil,  and  its  liberty.  There  sits  a  gentleman  within 
my  view,  whose  personal  and  political  services  to  Texas  have  been 
invaluable.  He  was  the  first  in  the  United  States  to  respond  to  our 
cause.  His  purse  was  ever  open  to  our  necessities.  His  hand  was 
extended  in  our  aid.  His  presence  among  us,  and  his  return  to  the 
embraces  of  our  friends,  will  inspire  new  efforts  in  behalf  of  our  cause. 

[The  attention  of  the  Speaker  and  -that  of  Congress  was  directed  to 
Wm.  Christy,  Esq.,  of  New  Orleans,  who  sat  by  invitation  within  the 
bar.] 

A  circumstance  of  the  highest  import  will  claim  the  attention  of  the 
court  at  Washington.  In  our  recent  election,  the  important  subject  of 
annexation  to  the  United  States  of  America  was  submitted  to  the  con- 
sideration of  the  people.  They  have  expressed  their  feelings  and  their 
wishes  on  that  momentous  subject.  They  have,  with  a  unanimity 
unparalleled,  declared  that  they  will  be  reunited  to  the  Great  Republican 
family  of  the  North.  The  appeal  is  made  by  a  willing  people.  Will  our 
friends  disregard  it  ?  They  have  already  bestowed  upon  us  their  warmest 
sympathies.  Their  manly  and  generous  feelings  have  been  enlisted  on 
our  behalf.  We  are  cheered  by  the  hope  that  they  will  receive  us  to  par- 
ticipate in  iheir  civil,  political,  and  religious  rights,  and  hail  us  welcome 
into  the  great  family  of  freemen.  Our  misfortunes  have  been  their  mis- 
fortunes—our sorrows,  too,  have  been  theirs,  and  their  joy  at  our  success 
has  been  irrepressible. 

A  thousand  considerations  press  upon  me  ;  each  claims  my  attention. 
But  the  shortness  of  the  notice  of  this  emergency  (for  the  speaker  had 
only  four  hours'  notice  of  the  inauguration,  and  all  this  time  was  spent  in 
conversation)  will  not  enable  me  to  do  justice  to  those  subjects,  and  will 
necessarily  induce  their  postponement  for  the  present. 

[Here  the  President,  says  the  reporter,  paused  for  a  few  seconds  and 
disengaged  his  sword.] 

It  now,  sir,  becomes  my  duty  to  make  a  presentation  of  this  sword — this 
emblem  of  my  past  office.  [The  President  was  unable  to  proceed  further  ; 
but  having  firmly  clenched  it  with  both  hands,  as  if  with  a  farewell  grasp, 
a  tide  of  varied  associations  rushed  upon  him  in  the  moment,  his  counte- 


FIRST     STEP     OF    THE     PRESIDENT  179 

nance  bespoke  the  workings  of  the  strongest  emotions,  his  soul  seemed  to 
dwell  momentarily  on  the  glistening  blade,  and  the  greater  part  of  the 
auditory  gave  outward  proof  of  their  congeniality  of  feeling.  It  was,  in 
reality,  a  moment  of  deep  and  painful  interest.  After  this  pause,  more 
eloquently  impressive  than  the  deepest  pathos  conveyed  in  language,  the 
President  proceeded.]  I  have  worn  it  with  some  humble  pretensions  in 
defence  of  my  country — and  should  the  danger  of  my  country  again  call 
for  my  services,  I  expect  to  resume  it,  and  respond  to  that  call,  if  needful, 
with  my  blood  and  my  life. 

VII. 

The  first  step  the  President  took  in  his  administration, 
evinced  his  political  forecast,  and  the  broad  national  principles 
on  which  he  intended  to  govern  the  country.  He  chose  his  two 
most  important  cabinet  officers  from  his  rivals  for  the 
Presidency  ;  General  Austin,  the  incorruptible  patriot,  became 
Secretary  of  State,  and  Ex-Provisional  Governor  Henry  Smith, 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  This  selection  was  not  only  mag- 
nanimous, but  it  was  high  policy.  The  rancor  of  party  subsided 
— the  oil  calmed  the  turbid  waters.  It  evinced  the  important 
fact,  that  Houston  had  no  party  but  country,  and  no  aim  but 
the  public  good. 

VIII. 

Everything  was  in  chaos.  The  archives  of  the  State  were 
hurled  loosely  together  in  an  old  trunk — everything  had  to  be 
done.  Although  the  Cabinet  was  composed  of  apparently  so 
discordant  materials,  yet  all  their  proceedings  were  character- 
ized by  harmony,  till  Mr.  Austin's  death,  which  took  place  in  a 
few  months.  He  was  deeply  regretted  by  his  people,  for  he  was 
an  upright,  enlightened  and  purely  patriotic  man.  Congress 
was  now  completely  organized,  and  public  business  was  being 
done  in  an  orderly  and  efficient  manner. 


180       MEETING     OF     HOUSTON     AND     SANTA     ANNA. 

IX. 

When  Houston  arrived  at  Columbia,  for  the  inauguration,  he 
found  that  his  former  captive,  Santa  Anna,  was  still  retained  a 
prisoner  about  twelve  miles  from  the  seat  of  government,  under 
a  guard  of  twenty  men.  Santa  Anna  sent  word  to  Houston, 
that  he  would  be  glad  if  he  could  see  him.  He  did  not  send  to 
implore  his  release — for  he  seems  to  have  given  up  nearly  all 
hope  of  ever  regaining  his  liberty.  But  in  Houston  he  had 
found  a  magnanimous  foo,  and  he  wished  to  see  his  conqueror. 

X. 

The  reader  can  readily  imagine  how  Houston  was  affected  by 
such  a  message  from  a  prisoner,  to  whose  release  the  government 
ad  interim  had  pledged  its  most  solemn  faith,  and  then  left  him 
to  drag  out  months  of  weary  imprisonment.  He  still  felt  as  he 
had  in  the  beginning,  and  he  determined  to  wipe  out  the  stain 
of  dishonor  from  the  name  of  Texas. 

"  After  a  victory  like  San  Jacinto,"  said  he,  "  we  could  richly 
afford  to  be  magnanimous — now  the  only  question  is,  can  we 
not  afford  to  be  just  ?" 

He  knew,  besides,  that  there  were  no  means  in  the  government 
to  support  captives.  It  had  been  in  a  state  of  quasi  dissolu- 
tion for  months.  Santa  Anna  and  his  friends  had  been 
living  on  a  mere  pittance,  destitute  of  the  comforts,  and  almost 
of  the  necessaries  of  life.  Houston  took  with  him  several 
gentlemen  to  visit  the  prisoner.  Those  who  were  present  havo 
represented  their  meeting  as  affecting.  Santa  Anna,  after  the 
custom  of  his  nation,  opened  his  arms  and  came  forward  to  meet 
his  visitor.  Houston,  whose  great  heart  was  large  enough  to 
hold  even  his  enemies,  received  him  in  like  manner,  and  as  the 
worn  captive  rested  his  head  on  Houston's  broad  breast  (for  he 
hardly  came  up  to  his  shoulder),  they  say  that  the  two  generals 


JACKSON'S    OPINION   OF  HOUSTON.  181 

wept  together — the  Mexican  at  the  recollection  of  his  reverses 
—the  Yirginian  sympathizing  with  the  man  he  had  vanquished. 


XI. 

Through  Almonte,  who  still  acted  as  their  interpreter,  and  in 
the  presence  of  Patton  and  others,  Santa  Anna  appealed  to  his 
conqueror  to  interpose  his  power  in  his  behalf,  and  adverted  to 
the  letter  he  had  himself  written  to  Gen.  Jackson,  and  inclosed 
to  Houston  at  Nacogdoches.  Jackson  had  answered  his  letter 
in  very  kind  terms,  and  passed  a  high  eulogium  upon  his  friend 
Gen.  Houston,  for  his  magnanimity  towards  his  captive. 
Indeed,  Gen.  Jackson  often  declared  that  Houston  deserved  and 
would  receive  as  much  honor  from  all  great  and  good  men,  for 
his  treatment  of  Santa  Anna  after  the  victory,  as  for  the  victory 
itself.  *'  Let  those  who  clamor  for  blood,"  said  the  brave  old 
hero,  "  clamor  on.  The  world  will  take  care  of  Houston's 
fame." 

XII. 

Houston  was  not  yet  inaugurated,  but  he  assured  the  Mexi- 
can general  that  he  would  remember  him.  Col.  Christy  (who 
bore  Texas  on  his  heart,  and  was  jealous  of  her  honor)  and 
other  generous  men  also,  had  sent  some  comforts  to  Santa 
Anna  a  short  time  before,  and  Houston  and  some  of  his  friends 
dined  with  him  that  day,  and  then  they  parted.  Santa  Anna 
wrote  to  Houston  after  his  return  from  Columbia.  The  com- 
munication was  laid  before  Congress,  and  his  release  solicited. 
The  matter  was  referred  to  committees  of  both  houses,  and  a 
report  was  made  of  a  most  inflammatory  character.  In  a  secret 
session,  the  Senate  passed  a  resolution  requiring  his  detention 
&s  a  prisoner.  Houston  responded  in  a  calm,  dignified  veto, 


182       PARTING     OF     SANTA     ANNA     AND     HOUSTON. 

showing  the  impolicy  of  a  longer  detention — the  probability  of 
his  being  assassinated  (as  one  attempt  had  already  been  made 
before  Houston's  arrival),  and  that  if  he  were  to  die  from  vio- 
lence or  disease,  Texas  never  would  escape  the  odium  of  his 
death.  The  Senate  reversed  their  decision,  and  referred  the 
matter  to  the  discretion  of  the  President.  He  expressed  the 
belief  that  if  Santa  Anna  was  restored  to  his  country,  he  would 
keep  Mexico  in  commotion  for  years,  and  Texas  would  be  safe. 


XIII. 

Houston  determined  at  once  to  release  him  on  his  own  res- 
ponsibility. He  informed  him  that  if  he  wished  to  visit  Wash- 
ington, as  Gen.  Jackson  had  requested,  he  should  have  an 
escort,  chosen  by  himself.  Santa  Anna  returned  his  thanks  by 
the  messenger,  and  requested  that  Cols.  Hockley  and  Bee,  and 
Major  Patton,  be  allowed  to  attend  him.  About  the  25th  of 
November,  the  escort  departed,  and  Houston  went  with  them  to 
take  his  final  leave  of  the  liberated  captive.  The  parting  took 
place — and  the  little  party  set  out,  on  fine  horses,  for  the 
Sabine.  They  lost  their  way  in  the  prairie,  and  it  so  happened 
that  they  were  compelled,  in  regaining  it,  to  pass  over  the  battle 
ground  of  San  Jacinto  !  When  Santa  Anna  saw  the  bones  of 
his  soldiers  whitening  on  the  field,  he  was  deeply  affected,  and 
the  gentlemanly  men  who  attended  him,  seeming  not  to  observe 
his  agitation,  rode  leisurely  on  and  left  the  deserted  General  to 
indulge  his  feelings  on  the  field  of  his  slain. 


XIY. 

Santa  Anna  is  a  great  man.     He  has  a  Mexican  education 
and  Mexican  principles  ;  but  an  American  intellect  of  high  order. 


ATTEMPTS     AT     ANNEXATION.  183 

He  is  a  great  General.  He  has  a  fine  face — a  rather  long,  but 
well-shaped  head — black  hair  and  eyes,  and  a  perfect  form — he 
is  about  five  feet  and  eight  or  nine  inches  high — his  elocution  is 
rich,  and  characterized  by  considerable  fire — his  eye  is  quick, 
but  firm,  and  his  manners  and  address  are  worthy  of  a  prince. 


XV. 

In  the  beginning  of  his  Administration,  the  President  ap- 
pointed Colonel  William  H.  Wharton,  Minister  to  Washington, 
with  instructions  to  commence  negotiations  with  General  Jack- 
son for  the  annexation  of  Texas  to  the  United  States.  Soon 
after,  Memucan  Hunt,  Esq.,  was  appointed  to  act  in  concert 
with  him.  During  the  summer  of  1836,  General  Jackson  had 
dispatched  a  confidential  agent  to  Texas.  He  explored  its 
Territory,  scrutinized  its  Government,  mingled  in  its  society, 
made  himself  familiar  with  its  resources,  and  reported  fully  to 
the  President.  His  Report  satisfied  the  President  and  his 
Cabinet,  that  Texas  was  entitled,  by  the  Law  of  Nations,  to  a 
recognition  of  her  Independence  ;  and  although  his  own  sym- 
pathies were  with  that  people  in  their  struggle,  and  from  the 
hour  they  achieved  their  independence,  he  never  had  a  doubt 
they  would  one  day  be  annexed  to  the  United  .States,  yet 
he  wisely  withheld  the  expression  of  such  an  opinion,  and  did 
not  even  press  upon  Congress  the  Recognition.  In  his  Message 
of  the  5th  of  December,  1836,  after  assigning  the  most  satisfac- 
tory reasons,  he  says,  "  Our  character  requires  that  we  should 
neither  anticipate  events,  nor  attempt  to  control  them."  And 
alluding  to  the  desire  of  Texas  for  annexation,  he  says  : 
"  Necessarily  a  work  of  time,  and  uncertain  in  itself,  it  is 
calculated  to  expose  our  conduct  to  misconstruction  in  the  eyes 
of  the  world." 


184  WALKER'S  ADVOCACY  OF  TEXAS. 

XVI. 

On  the  twenty-second  of  the  same  month,  the  President,  in 
another  message,  after  discussing  the  question,  expresses  his 
opinion  that  it  would  be  impolitic,  yet,  to  recognize  Texas  as  an 
Independent  State,  and  then  proposes  to  acquiesce  in  the 
decision  of  Congress.  The  question  was  not  brought  up  again 
till  the  12th  of  January,  1837,  when  Mr.  Walker,  Senator  from 
Mississippi,  introduced  the  following  resolution  : 

Resolved,  That  the  State  of  Texas  having  established  and  maintained 
an  independent  Government,  is  capable  of  performing  those  duties, 
foreign  and  domestic,  which  appertain  to  independent  Governments ; 
and  it  appearing  that  there  is  no  longer  any  reasonable  prospect  of  the 
successful  prosecution  of  the  war,  by  Mexico,  against  said  State,  it 
is  expedient  and  proper,  and  in  conformity  with  the  Laws  of  Nations,  and 
the  practice  of  this  Government  in  like  cases,  that  the  independent  poli- 
tical existence  of  that  State  be  acknowledged  by  the  Government  of  the 
United  States. 

XVII. 

The  Senate  was  not  prepared  for  immediate  action  on  the 
question,  and  Mr.  Walker  knew  it.  He  was  aware  that  the 
strange  and  disgraceful  war  which  the  American  Press  had  so 
generally  waged  against  the  interests  and  advancement  of  Texan 
Liberty,  had  colored  the  prejudices,  and  would  control  the  votes 
of  Senators, — and  he  determined  to  bide  his  time.  Mr.  Walker 
moved  that  his  Resolution  be  made  the  order  of  the  day  for  the 
18th  of  January  ;  but  when  the  time  came,  it  was  crowded 
aside.  Several  ineffectual  attempts  were  made  to  decide  the 
question,  and  at  last  it  was  brought  up  on  the  1st  of  March  for 
final  action.  An  able  and  brilliant  debate  followed  ;  Messrs. 
Preston,  Crittenden,  Clay,  and  Calhoun,  all  sustained  the  Mis- 
sissippi Senator  with  the  persuasive  power  of  their  eloquence. 
Mr.  Clay  spoke  of  Texas  with  generous  enthusiasm,  and  unhesi- 


JACKSON'S  LAST  OFFICIAL  ACT.      185 

tatingly  declared  that  her  Constitution,  as  a  whole,  was  superior 
to  that  of  the  United  States.  How  different  might  have  been 
the  political  fortunes  of  that  truly  great  and  patriotic  man,  and 
the  fortunes  of  his  party,  if  he  had,  to  the  end,  pursued  the 
same  high  and  sagacious  policy  towards  that  beautiful  country  ! 
But  his  course,  as  well  as  Mr.  Yan  Buren's,  only  furnishes  us 
with  another  impressive  illustration  how  few  great  men,  even, 
are  able  to  withstand  the  clamor  of  party  in  turbulent  times. 
The  measure  prevailed  by  a  small  majority. 

XYIII. 

For  the  success  of  the  measure,  Texas  was  indebted  to  the 
efforts  of  Mr.  Walker  ;  and  his  course  in  the  affair  entitled  him 
to  the  regards  of  the  entire  nation.  The  day  will  come,  too, 
•when  the  mists  that  have  obscured  the  gaze  of  the  people  and 
their  statesmen,  shall  have  cleared  away,  and  the  name  of  the 
Mississippi  Senator  will  everywhere  be  mentioned  with  honor 
and  with  gratitude.  Texas  will  build  his  monument,  and  give  it 
a  conspicuous  place  in  the  temple  she  will  erect  for  those  who 
proved  themselves  her  friends  in  the  day  of  trial.  The  grateful 
Republic  commissioned  the  portrait  of  Mr.  Preston,  and  the 
bust  of  Mr.  Walker,  for  her  Capitol. 


XIX. 

The  last  time  General  Jackson  ever  put  his  pen  officially  to 
paper,  was  to  sign  the  Resolution  recognizing  Texas  an  Inde- 
pendent State.  Such  was  the  earliest  fruit  of  the  Mission  of 
those  intelligent  and  accomplished  men  whom  General  Houston 
commissioned  to  Washington.  We  have  read  their  correspon- 
dence with  the  two  Governments,  and  we  have  seldom  perused 
abler  State  Papers. 


186  TEXAS     ADVANCES. 

XX. 

In  March,  1837,  the  seat  of  Government  was  removed  from 
Columbia  on  the  Brazos,  to  Houston,  which  stands  on  the 
highest  point  of  navigation  on  the  Bayou,  that  empties  into 
Galveston  Bay.  There  was  but  one  house  in  Houston.  It  was 
a  cabin  just  erected,  and  in  it  the  President  of  the  new  nation 
took  up  his  abode.  His  floor  was  the  ground,  where  the  grass 
was  growing.  But  population  rushed  in,  and  in  a  short  time 
comfortable  public  buildings  were  erected. 

XXI. 

Houston's  policy  in  regard  to  the  future,  was  to  obtain  annex- 
ation if  possible.  If  this  could  not  be  done,  he  was  determined 
to  conduct  the  Government  on  principles  that  would  secure  con-, 
fidence  abroad,  and  inspire  hope  at  home.  The  proposition  for 
annexation  had  been  rejected  by  our  Government,  and  such 
was  the  state  of  feeling  at  the  time  in  the  United  States,  Hous- 
ton had  no  expectation  of  the  early  success  of  that  grand 
measure,  in  whose  consummation  the  keen-sighted  statesmen  of 
both  countries  saw  so  many  elements  of  mutual  power  and  pros- 
perity. He  was  therefore  determined  to  lay  the  foundations 
of  the  Texan  Republic  deep  and  strong — to  husband  its  re- 
sources— never  to  cripple  the  State  with  a  public  debt — to  har- 
monize warring  factions — to  be  the  ruler  of  the  Nation,  and  not 
of  a  party  or  a  clique. 

XXII. 

The  cultivation  of  friendly  relations  with  the  powerful  and 
warlike  savage  tribes  on  the  frontier,  he  regarded  as  one  of  the 
most  important  objects  of  his  administration.  This  ferocious 
population  not  only  outnumbered  all  the  inhabitants  of  Texas, 


HOUSTON'S  TREATMENT   OF  THE   INDIANS.     187 

but  they  could  not  be  conquered.  The  Camanches,  the  most 
numerous  and  savage  tribe,  live  in  the  saddle.  They  can 
move  with  their  women  and  children  with  great  celerity  when- 
ever and  wherever  their  necessities  or  their  passions  carry  them  ; 
they  can  make  their  incursions  without  the  possibility  of  pursuit 
from  their  enemies.  They  are  hordes  of  barbarians,  as  ferocious 
as  Cossacks,  and  as  fleet  as  the  Bedouins  of  the  desert.  And 
yet,  such  was  Houston's  knowledge  of  the  Indian  character,  and 
so  rigidly  did  he  regard  the  letter  and  spirit  of  his  treaties  with 
those  fearful  tribes,  he  saved  the  Republic  from  their  incursions, 
and  made  them  venerate  and  love  his  name. 

XXIII. 

In  a  former  part  of  this  work,  we  have  given  the  views  of 
Houston  on  the  subject  of  our  treatment  of  the  Indians.  Those 
views  have  been  regarded  by  many  as  utterly  chimerical  ;  and 
yet  if  we  had  space  we  could  show,  that  during  his  two  adminis- 
trations in  Texas,  he  carried  them  out  successfully  ;  and  he  has 
often  declared  that,  in  no  instance  where  he  had  an  opportunity 
of  giving  the  Indians  evidence  that  he  intended  to  treat  them 
with  good  faith  and  with  common  justice,  did  he  experience  the 
slightest  difficulty  in  winning  their  friendship,  and  preserving 
their  perpetual  alliance.  In  all  these  negotiations,  the  great 
secret  of  his  power  over  those  wily  red  men,  consisted  in  two 
things.  His  associations  with  the  Indians  gave  him  a  complete 
knowledge  of  their  character — and  he  treated  them  on  the  great 
principles  of  humanity  and  justice. 

XXIY. 

And  yet  the  Government  was  destitute  of  all  ordinary  means 
of  support.  It  had  not  a  dollar,  nor  could  loans  be  obtained. 
An  array  was  in  the  field,  but  it  could  not  be  maintained.  When 


188  DISBANDING    THE     ARMY. 

Congress  met  at  Houston,  General  Felix  Huston,  who  com- 
manded the  army,  hurried  to  the  place.  He  had  projected  a 
grand  campaign  against  Matamoras.  Every  man  who  felt 
jealous  of  the  influence  of  the  President  joined  in  the  scheme. 
The  army  now  numbered  over  2,400  men.  The  President  fore- 
saw the  consequences  of  these  movements.  There  was  no  money 
in  the  Treasury,  or  means,  or  currency  except  promissory  notes, 
struck  on  common  paper.  It  was  clearly  impossible  to  conduct 
a  campaign.  The  President  saw  what  the  upshot  of  this  matter 
would  be,  if  something  were  not  done  at  once,  and  he  resorted 
to  a  sagacious  expedient.  Col.  Rodgers,  now  left  in  command 
of  the  army,  had  caused  it  to  be  understood  that,  if  the  volun- 
teers did  not  get  justice,  he  would  march  with  them  to  the  Seat 
of  Government,  "  chastise  the  President,  kick  Congress  out  of 
doors,  and  give  laws  to  Texas." 

XXY. 

At  this  crisis  the  President  determined  to  cut  the  evil  up  by 
the  roots.  General  Felix  Huston  had  occasionally  indulged  his 
men  in  what  he  called  a  Saturnalia,  where  murders  had  occurred 
in  consequence  of  the  brutal  intoxication  of  the  men.  One 
evening,  from  intelligence  of  what  was  doing  in  Congress  (for 
he  never  visited  the  House,  except  at  the  opening  or  close  of  the 
Session),  Houston  directed  the  Secretary  of  War  to  be  ready  to 
start  the  next  morning,  at  two  o'clock,  for  the  Camp.  He 
handed  him  sealed  orders,  to  be  opened  in  the  Camp,  and  ordered 
him  to  go  there  with  all  possible  dispatch.  These  orders  required 
the  Secretary  to  furlough  the  army  by  companies,  until  they 
were  reduced  to  six  hundred  men.  The  first  company  was  fnr- 
loughed  to  march  to  Dimitt's  Landing,  on  Matagorda  Bay  ;  the 
second  to  the  mouth  of  the  Brazos  ;  the  third  to  Galveston  ; 
and  this  process  was  continued  till  the  reduction  was  made.  His 


AN    ARMY     OF     ADVENTURERS    DISPERSE.  189 

object  was  to  give  them  an  opportunity  to  get  to  the  United 
States  by  water,  and  thus  relieve  the  country  from  apprehensions. 
The  furloughs  given  to  the  men  were  unlimited,  but  they  were 
liable  to  be  recalled  at  any  time  by  Proclamation  ;  and  if  they 
did  not  report  themselves  in  thirty  days  after  the  Proclamation, 
they  were  to  be  considered  deserters,  and  treated  as  such. 
Houston  could  not  disband  the  army,  for  there  was  nothing  to 
pay  them  off  with  ;  and  he  had  been  taught  a  lesson  by  the 
attempt  of  General  Washington  to  disband  the  army  of  the 
North.  And  yet,  so  entirely  had  all  subordination  been  broken 
down — daring  scenes  of  violence  were  so  constantly  occurring 
at  the  camp — so  many  lawless  and  desperate  men  were  banded 
together,  to  commit  high-handed  depredations — that  the  whole 
country  began  to  suffer  the  most  serious  apprehensions.  Houston 
manifested  no  alarm,  but  the  course  he  took  bespoke  his  fears. 
He  was  determined  that  the  army  should  be  disbanded,  and  he 
accomplished  his  purpose  in  his  own  way. 

XXYI. 

When  the  various  companies  reache.d  their  destinations,  no 
longer  held  together  by  the  bond  which  union  had  before  given, 
they  thought  they  had  seen  enough  of  military  life.  They  had 
fared  roughly  ;  and  their  surplus  chivalry  had  so  completely 
oozed  out  of  the  holes  in  their  coats,  that  they  no  longer  had 
courage  enough  to  be  dangerous  ;  and — fearing  they  would  not 
get  out  of  the  country  before  the  Proclamation  was  issued — 
they  made  the  best  of  their  way  to  the  United  States.  In  thirty 
days  they  had  all  disappeared  ;  and  when  the  finale  was  known 
throughout  the  country,  every  man  felt  that  Houston  had  saved 
the  nation  from  the  deepest  peril.  It  was,  in  fact,  a  stroke  of 
bold,  but  sagacious  policy,  which  none  but  a  man  like  him  would 
have  dared  to  attemnt.  General  Felix  Huston  was  plotting 


190  HOUSTON'S    STEADYING   HAND. 

at  the  Capital  ;  but  before  he  knew  what  the  President  was 
doing,  his  army  was  disbanded. 

XXYII. 

About  this  time  a  Land  Law*  was  passed,  under  which  all  the 
troubles  about  titles  have  grown  up.  Its  object  was  speculation, 
and  many  voted  for  it  anticipating  enormous  gains.  Houston 
vetoed  it  in  one  of  his  ablest  state  papers.  But  his  veto  was  not 
supported,  and  the  law  went  into  operation.  A  few  years  showed 
its  malign  and  fatal  fruits.  It  opened  the  door  to  all  sorts  of 
frauds,  and  was  a  fruitful  source  of  lasting  litigation.  This  was 
but  a  single  specimen  of  the  recklessness  of  legislation  in  the 
Congress  of  Texas.  (During  Houston's  two  terms  he  issued  not 
less  than  eighty  vetoes.)  Had  there  not  been  a  firm  and  intelli- 
gent statesman  at  the  head  of  the  Government,  no  man  can  tell 
where  such  Congresses  would  have  carried  the  Nation. 

XXYIII. 

Another  Law  was  passed,  authorizing  an  excessive  issue  of 
Promissory  Notes.  This  also  the  President  vetoed,  and  he 
declared  that  if  the  measure  prevailed,  the  paper  would  soon 
depreciate  ten  to  one.  He  arrested  this  fatal  proceeding  for  a 
time.  It  passed  under  the  administration  of  his  successor,  and 
his  prophecy  was  abundantly  fulfilled. 

XXIX. 

During  the  year  1837,  the  country  was  agitated  by  occasional 
alarms  of  Mexican  and  Indian  invasions — but  Houston  was  on 
the  alert,  and  nothing  of  the  kind  took  place.  The  utmost 
confidence  in  his  administration  prevailed  among  the  people  ; 
and  the  beautiful  spectacle  was  presented  of  an  industrious  and 


PROSPERITY     OF     TEXAS.  191 

increasing  population,  which  had  just  recovered  from  the  shock 
and  the  devastation  of  a  powerful  invading  army,  and  environed 
with  Mexican  and  Savage  foes,  quietly  and  successfully  prose- 
cuting the  arts  of  peace.  Houston  proclaimed  trade  and  inter- 
course between  Mexico  and  Texas,  and  caused  his  Proclamation 
to  be  printed  and  circulated  in  both  languages.  Trade  grew  up 
rapidly  ;  the  frontier  counties  were  repopulated ;  and  the  tide  of 
emigration  was  gradually  flowing  towards  the  Mexican  borders. 
Caravans  of  horses  and  mules  came  into  Texas,  with  large 
quantities  of  silver  and  merchandise  ;  good  feeling  was  fast 
growing  up,  and  continued  to  increase.  Men,  on  both  sides  of 
the  line,  were  now  anxious  for  peace.  The  Mexican  people  had 
nothing  to  gain  in  battle,  and  had  the  renewal  of  hostilities 
depended  on  the  vote  of  the  Mexican  population,  both  countries 
would  have  been  blessed  with  lasting  peace. 

XXX. 

We  must  now  close  our  brief  account  of  Houston's  first 
administration.  The  proposition  for  annexation  had  been 
steadily  pressed  upon  the  attention  of  the  Government  at 
Washington.  But  the  Texan  ministers  received  little  encour- 
agement, and  as  Texas  could  promise  herself  no  advantage 
from  further  negotiations,  Houston  withdrew  the  proposition. 
He  believed  that  any  further  attempts  to  consummate  that 
great  measure,  would  prejudice  Texas  in  the  eyes  of  other 
nations  ;  and  in  withdrawing  the  proposal,  his  conduct  met  the 
approval  of  the  nation. 

XXXI. 

His  Presidential  term  closed  the  12th  of  December,  1838. 
He  went  out  of  office,  leaving  a  Government  perfectly 
organized  ;  with  officers  of  ability,  integrity,  and  economy  in 


192  LAW-ABIDING     MEN. 

every  department  of  the  State.  The  nation  was  not  more  than  a 
million  and  a  half  in  debt,  with  about  $600,000  of  Promissory 
Notes  in  circulation.  Texas  had  peace  with  the  Indians  and 
commerce  with  Mexico.  The  feuds  between  the  two  nations 
were  dying  away,  and  the  Promissory  Notes  were  at  par.  This 
circumstance  is,  perhaps,  the  clearest  and  most  convincing 
proof  of  the  great  ability  and  integrity  with  which  Houston  had 
conducted  the  Government.  There  was  little  specie  in  the 
country — how  these  notes  were  ever  to  be  redeemed  the  people 
did  not  know — but  they  said,  "  As  long  as  Old  Sam  is  at  the 
helm  the  ship  is  safe."  They  were  voyaging  through  stormy 
seas,  but  they  knew  they  were  sailing  with  Caesar. 

XXXII. 

No  man  was  ever  confronted  with  greater  difficulties  in  the 
beginning  of  his  administration — for  the  mild  but  firm  sway  of 
Constitutional   Law  had   to   be   substituted  in  the   place   of 
anarchy  and  confusion,  over  a  reckless    people  who  had  long 
been  accustomed  to  the   unrestrained  liberty  of  the  frontier, 
where  no  man  looked  for  protection  but  in  his  own  right  arm. 
During  these  revolutionary  times,  too,  even  in  the  older  settle- 
ments, the  ordinary  course  of  justice  had  been  suspended,  and  it 
was  no  strange  thing  that  such  men  should  not  at  once  yield  to 
the  high  supremacy  of  Constitutional   Law.     The    very  same 
elements  of  character,  which  have  long  made  the  Anglo-Saxons 
the  most  law-abiding  people  on  the  globe,  have  always  made 
,hem  the  most  lawless  frontier-men.     Men  who  choose   their 
lomes  in  the  distant  forest  or  prairie,  are  slow  to  transfer  their 
Detection  from  their  rifles,  which   never  miss   fire,  to  tardy 
juries,  which  seldom  mete  out  justice.     How  long  was  it  before 
hat  wonderful  People,  that  first  scared  the  wild  beasts  from 
lie  solemn  forests  of  the  Tiber,  voted  to  abide  by  the  awards  of 


HOUSTON'S   FIRST  TERM   ENDS.  193 

the  Temple  of  Justice  I  And  how  many  centuries  did  our 
ancestors  roam  over  the  beautiful  Island  of  Britain,  dressed  in 
the  skins  of  wild  beasts,  before  they  would  listen  to  the  stem 
utterances  of  Judicial  Tribunals  !  But  Houston  could  sway 
those  reckless  frontier  settlers  by  the  mild  sceptre  of  Civil  Law, 
as  easily  as  he  had  swayed  them  by  the  stern  despotism  of  the 
camp. 

XXXIII. 

But  while  he  was  sucessfully  accomplishing  those  benign 
changes,  and  rearing  the  noble  structure  of  civil  government,  he 
was  not  only  harassed  by  petty  intrigues,  but  confronted  with 
formidable  combinations.  The  same  clique  of  small  but  ambi- 
tious men,  who  had,  from  the  beginning,  busied  themselves  in 
inventing  means  to  undermine  the  castle  which  they  could  not 
overthrow,  while  Houston  was  bleeding  on  the  field,  or  toiling 
anxiously  in  the  Cabinet,  finding  all  their  intrigues  fruitless,  at 
last  cemented  themselves  as  well  as  they  could,  into  one  organ- 
ized conspiracy,  bent  upon  his  destruction.  Their  history  would 
be  a  story  of  all  that  is  low  in  faction,  and  mean  in  selfish- 
ness. But  we  have  neither  time  nor  inclination  to  chronicle 
their  doings — nor  would  we  snatch  them  from  the  oblivion  to 
which  they  have  hastened. 


XXXIY. 

Houston's  conduct  met  with  the  warmest  approval  through- 
out the  country,  and  he  would  have  been  the  almost  unanimous 
choice  of  the  people,  had  he  been  eligible  to  the  office,  the  next 
term.  But  the  2d  Section  of  the  Third  Article  of  the  Consti- 
tution declared — that,  "  The  First  President  elected  by  the 
people  shall  hold  his  office  for  the  term  of  two  years,  and  shall 

9 


194  VALEDICTORY     ADDRESS. 

be  ineligible  during  the  next  succeeding  term."  An  accident 
gave  the  Presidency  to  Mr.  Lamar.  Just  before  the  election 
his  rival  died  ! — and  no  other  candidate  was  brought  forward. 

XXXY. 

It  had  been  said  that  the  President  Elect  would  be  the  idol 
of  the  Stute,  and  that  Houston's  power  was  gone.  The  hour  of 
his  resignation  came,  and  the  largest  concourse  of  people,  e*ver 
seen  in  Texas,  gathered.  An  attempt  had  been  made  to  pre- 
vent the  retiring  President  from  delivering  his  Valedictory 
Address — the  arrangements  of  the  Inauguration  Committee 
utterly  excluded  him.  But  when  the  fact  was  known,  a  burst 
of  indignation  went  up  from  the  vast  multitude — the  Committee 
and  their  arrangements  were  all  set  aside,  and  the  name  of  the 
Hero  of  San  Jacinto  was  on  every  tongue. 

XXXYI. 

When  he  came  forward  in  the  porch  of  the  Capitol,  and  the 
people  gazed  upon  his  lofty,  ample,  and  heroic  form,  relieved 
against  the  portrait  of  Washington,  suspended  behind  him,  a 
wild  shout  of  enthusiasm  rent  the  sky.  He  spoke  three  hours, 
and  we  have  been  told  by  those  who  heard  him,  that  the  dense 
thousands  before  him  swayed  to  and  fro  under  the  impetuous 
storm  of  his  eloquence,  like  a  forest  swayed  by  a  strong  wind. 
He  had  unrolled  the  scroll  of  the  history  of  Texas — he  por- 
trayed her  future  policy,  and  dwelt  upon  her  great  destiny 
if  that  policy  were  pursued.  He  enjoined  most  solemnly  good 
faith  with  all  nations — economy  in  the  government  and  in  indi- 
viduals— the  cultivation  of  peace  with  the  Indians — he  warned 
the  people  against  faction  and  the  rancor  of  party  spirit,  and  he 
implored  them  not  to  treasure  up  their  hopes  in  annexation  or 


'S    BLESSING    ON    HIS    REPUBLIC.       195 

treaties,  but  to  rely  upon  their  own  public  and  private  virtue — 
to  be  just,  and  magnanimous  with  all  men  and  with  all  nations. 
And  in  conclusion,  when  he  took  his  farewell  of  the  people  he 
loved,  he  extended  his  broad  arms,  and  poured  down  upon  them 
from  his  great  heart  the  benediction  of  the  patriot,  and  the 
soldier,  as  the  tears  streamed  from  his  face.  When  he  ceased, 
all  was  still  but  the  deep  murmur  of  subdued  feeling,  and  that 
vast  multitude  of  frontiersmen  all  in  tears  ! 


196  THE    NEW    PRESIDENT. 


SECTION  ELEVENTH. 

THE   LEGISLATOR. 
I. 

THE  new  President  began  his  administration  by  opposing 
everything  that  had  been  pursued  and  recommended  by  Hous- 
ton. In  his  Inaugural  Address  he  recommended  the  extermi- 
nation of  the  Indians — pronounced  a  violent  Philippic  against 
Annexation — advocated  the  establishment  of  a  huge  National 
Bank,  and  inculcated  a  splendid  Government. 


II. 

The  first  appropriation  for  frontier  defence  was  one  and  a 
half  million  of  Treasury  Notes,  and  another  half  million  for  the 
civil  list — without  a  dollar  to  base  the  issues  upon.  A  regular 
army  of  two  Regiments  was  to  be  raised  for  exterminating  the 
frontier  Tribes.  A  law  was  passed  to  remove  the  Seat  of  Gov- 
e!«nment  to  some  point  N.  W.  of  the  San  Antonio  Road.  Com- 
missioners were  appointed  by  Congress  from  its  own  body, 
contrary  to  the  Constitution,  to  perform  this  act.  Tfte  entire 
object  of  the  mpvement  was  speculation.  With  land  scrip, 
which  they  had  procured,  and  certificates  of  head-rights  granted 
to  settlers,  they  dispatched  Surveyors  to  locate  land  around  the 
spot  where  Austin  now  stands — at  the  extremest  settlement  of 
the  Republic  even  at  this  day.  The  expense  of  removal,  with 


RUINOUS     POLICY    OF     LA  MAR.  197 

the  erection  of  suitable  buildings,  caused  an  additional  issue  of 
Promissory  Notes.  The  new  Capital  was  so  far  from  the  settle- 
ments, that  the  plank  had  to  be  carried  thirty  miles. 


III. 

The  Republic  soon  lost  confidence  in  the  Administration — the 
depression  of  the  currency  naturally  followed.  And  yet,  in  this 
state  of  embarrassment  of  the  finances,  and  while  Texas  was  at 
peace  with  Mexico,  the  President  caused  a  proposition  to  be 
introduced  into  both  Houses,  to  conduct  an  Expedition  to  Santa 
Fe,  through  a  wilderness  and  Prairie  more  than  five  hundred 
miles.  The  proposition  was  made  in  both  Houses  at  the  same 
time,  and  by  both  rejected.  But  the  President  ordered  the  Ex- 
pedition during  the  recess  of  Congress  in  1840,  and  upwards  of 
three  hundred  armed  men  started  on  a  warlike  expedition  to  a 
distant  country.  ,Its  disasters  are  too  well  known  to  need  a 
relation.  The  President  appointed  a  Governor  for  Santa  Ee — a 
Custom  House  Officer  and  a  Military  Commandant,  and  organ- 
ized a  Territorial  Government.  All  his  plans  subsequently  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  when  the  men  were  captured,  and 
were  a  moving  cause  for  the  cruelty  with  which  they  were 
treate'd.  The;*Expedition  flooded  the  country  with  another 
enormous  issue  of  paper  "promises  to  pay  money,"  unauthorized 
by  the  Constitution  or  Congress.  The  horses  on  that  Expe- 
dition cost,  on  an  average,  a  thousand  dollars  each,  the  currency 
of  the  President  had  become  so  depreciated.  Costly  arms  and 
munitions,  of  war  had  been  "abstracted  from  the  public  arsenal  by 
Presidential  edict — the  country  was  robbed  of  a  large  number 
of  its  most  chivalrous  men — the  public  wagons  and  means  of 
transportation  were  laid  hold  of,  and  a  piece  of  artillery,  with 
Mirabean  B.  Lamar  inscribed  on  it?  breech,  dragged  through 
the  Prairies  that  immense  distance,  to  become  the .  trophy  of 


198 


THE    SANTA    FE    EXPEDITION. 


the  enemies  of  Texas,  and  afford  an  illustration  of  the  stupidity 
of  the  President,  and  the  degradation  of  the  nation. 


IV. 

This  expedition  revived  the  hostilities  between  Texas  and 
Mexico,  which,  but  for  it,  would  have  slept,  perhaps,  for  ever. 
Houston  had  left  the  two  countries  really  at  peace,  and  the  sole 
cause  we  have  ever  been  able  to  ascertain  for  the  renewal  of 
hostilities,  was  this  silly  and  lamentable  Expedition.  It  is  to  be 
remarked,  that  for  some  time  previous  to  this  Expedition,  Mr. 
Lamar  had  sent  Commissioners  to  Gen.  Arista,  and  his  object 
is  supposed,  by  his  friends,  to  have  been  to  propose  a  Union  of 
the  Northern  Provinces  with  Texas,  forming  a  great  Power, 
over  whose  government  he  was  to  be  placed.  The  sagacious 
Arista  took  advantage  of  the  incompetency  of  his  friend,  and 
returned  Commissioners.  They  were  in  Austin  when  the  Santa  Fe 
Expedition  took  up  its  line  of  march,  and  witnessed  the  foolish 
display.  What  passed  between  "  the  high  contracting  parties," 
is  not  known  with  certainty,  for  the  facts  have  never  been 
officially  disclosed.  The  world  knows  the  result.  Arista  seems 
to  have  given  into  the  plan,  for  one  thing  is  certain,  the  Expe- 
dition started  from  Austin  with  a  guide,  who  had  long  resided 
in  Mexico,  and  spoke  the  language  perfectly  ;  and  the  command- 
ing officers  charged  him  with  their  betrayal  at  San  Miguel  and 
Santa  Fe.  When  the  guide  got  them  many  days  in  the  wilder- 
ness, and  the  miseries  of  their  situation  began  to  press  heavily 
on  them,  he  abandoned  them  in  their  calamity,  and  never  was 
heard  of  again.  The  object  of  Arista  doubtless  was  to  have 
them  conducted  into  the  solitudes  of  the  wilderness,  and  there 
left  to  perish — if  this  should  fail,  the  authorities  of  San  Fe,  being 
duly  informed,  were  to  receive,  betray  and  then  capture  them. 
The  blame  of  these  proceedings  is  to  be  cast  upon  the  President. 


LA  MAR    ADMINISTRATION.  199 

Y. 

During  his  administration,  he  sent  two  ministers  to  Yera 
Cruz — but  neither  of  them  was  received  ;  and  they  returned,  to 
the  disgrace  of  Texas.  There  was  no  method  or  consistency 
in  anything  he  did.  That  he  wished  to.  be  distinguished  and 
wished  well  to  his  adopted  country,  there  is  no  doubt  ;  but  he 
was  a  feeble  and  puerile  statesman.  In  civil  affairs,  he  was 
a  great  schemer.  One  day,  his  hobby  was  a  National  Bank  ; 
another,  it  was  a  great  National  Road  ;  a  third,  it  was  an  alli- 
ance with  Mexico,  by  his  marrying  the  daughter  of  some  dis- 
tinguished public  functionary  of  that  country  ;  for  the  diplo- 
matist supposed  his  alliance  with  some  opulent  family  would 
be  tantamount  to  an  alliance  between  the  two  nations.  One 
day,  he  must  make  war  upon  one  tribe  of  Indians  ;  the  next 
day,  upon  another.  His  first  great  exploit,  when  his  adminis- 
tration began,  was  to  attack  the  Cherokees  and  drive  them 
from  their  possessions  between  the  Nueces  and  Sabine  rivers, 
where  they  had  been  settled  longer  than  the  Texan  colonists 
themselves.  They  had  been  invited  by  Mexico  from  the  United 
States,  and  laud  had  been  assigned,  and  great  inducements  held 
out  to  them.  They  had  settled  there,  and  were  quietly  and 
inoffensively  pursuing  their  avocations.  In  1835,  the  Consulta- 
tion had  guaranteed  to  that  tribe  undisturbed  possession  of  their 
territory,  by  a  solemn  assurance,  signed  by  each  member  of  the 
Consultation.  A  treaty  had  been  subsequently  made  with  the 
tribe  (recognizing  the  same  rights  and  guarantee)  by  Houston 
and  other  Commissioners,  and  this  treaty  had  been  ratified  by 
the  Consultation.  The  Convention  which  declared  their  Inde- 
pendence, had  recognized  this  as  well  as  all  other  acts  of  the 
Consultation  as  valid.  A  more  solemn  ratification  of  a  treaty 
could  not  have  been  made. 


200  EXTERMINATION    OF     THE     INDIANS. 

YI. 

Mr.  Lamar  began  his  administration  by  carrying  out  that 
section  of  his  Inaugural  Address,  in  which  he  had  recommended 
the  extermination  of  the  Indians.  The  Cherokees  were  a  peace- 
ful, industrious,  and  profitable  community.  The  arts  had  made 
considerable  progress  among  them,  and  they  lived  nearly  as 
comfortably  as  white  men.  During  the  hostilities  with  Mexico, 
they  had  been  prevented  by  the  influence  of  Houston  and  Rusk 
from  going  over  to  the  enemy,  and  they  had  made  great 
advances  in  civilization  during  Houston's  Presidency.  They 
looked  upon  the  Texans  as  their  friends,  and  Houston  as  their 
"Father."  With  a  force  of  700  men,  a  portion  of  whom  had 
fought  at  San  Jacinto,  Lamar  commenced  his  war  of  extermina- 
tion against  "  Houston's  pet  Indians."  His  force  was  some  five 
times  superior,  and  of  course  he  carried  ruin  to  the  poor  Red 
men's  homes  ! 

This  treatment  of  the  Cherokees  and  other  tribes  spread 
scenes  of  rapine  and  murder  from  the  Red  River  to  the  Rio 
Grande.  Even  the  President's  two  regiments  of  regulars  in  the 
field  could  not  secure  frontier  protection. 


VII. 

In  the  disorders  of  Yucatan,  when  a  separation  from  Mexico 
was  spoken  of,  Mr.  Lamar  entered  into  a  treaty  of  alliance  with 
a  minister  sent  to  him  for  that  purpose,  and,  without  the  concur- 
rence of  the  Senate  or  the  ratification  of  the  treaty,  ordered  the 
Texan  Navy  to  sail  to  the  coast  of  Yucatan.  That  Province 
was  then  an  integral  part  of  Mexico,  and  had  not  proclaimed 
revolt  or  independence. 


LAMAR'S    STATESMANSHIP.  201 

VIII. 

Such  were  some  of  the  acts  of  this  puerile  administration. 
We  should  not  have  glanced  at  them,  even  in  so  brief  a  manner, 
had  it  not  been  necessary  to  give  the  reader  an  idea  of  the  state 
of  the  country  when  Houston's  second  term  began.  Lamar, 
who  had  found  the  Government  perfectly  organized,  suc- 
ceeded in  reducing  the  country  to  the  very  verge  of  ruin.  All 
the  difficulties  that  had  lain  in  the  way  of  the  advancement  of 
Texas,  Houston  had  successfully  overcome.  Disinterested  and 
sagacious  spectators  of  the  progress  of  affairs  beyond  the 
Sabine,  have  often  been  heard  to  say,  that  in  no  portion  of  the 
world,  had  civil  government  ever  been  established  and  consoli- 
dated in  so  short  a  space  of  time.  This  was  as  much  the  work 
of  Houston,  as  the  victory  of  San  Jacinto  had  been,  although  in 
both  instances  he  was  surrounded  and  aided  by  brave  and  true 
men,  or  he  never  could  have  done  it.  He  left  the  domestic  and 
foreign  relations,  the  finances  and  the  administration  of  law,  the 
agriculture  and  the  commerce  of  Texas,  all  in  a  sound,  peaceful, 
flourishing  state. 

IX. 

When  Mr.  Lauiar  left  the  administration,  what  was  the  state 
of  the  nation  ?  He  had  committed  outrages  upon  peaceful 
Indian  tribes,  and  kindled  the  flames  of  savage  war  all  along 
the  borders  of  Texas.  He  had  sent  a  hostile  marauding  Expe- 
dition into  the  very  heart  of  the  Mexican  Provinces,  and  sent 
the  navy  to  aid  a  revolting  territory  in  making  war  upon 
Mexico,  and  now  she  was  rousing  all  her  force  for  a  new 
invasion  of  Texas.  He  had  quadrupled  the  national  debt,  and 
squandered  the  public  treasure,  till  Texan  securities  depreciated 
ten  to  one.  The  people  had  lost  all  respect  for  the  Govern- 
ment, and  confidence  in  its  stability.  The  mail  routes  had  been 

9* 


202       HOUSTON     SAVES    THE     YOUNG     REPUBLIC. 

broken  up,  profligacy  prevailed,  aud  the  social  compact  began 
to  be  regarded  by  the  orderly  and  patriotic  everywhere  as 
virtually  dissolved. 

X. 

But  Lamar's  term  had  nearly  expired,  and  the  eyes  of  all 
men,  who  surveyed  with  gloomy  forebodings  the  ruin  that 
seemed  to  threaten  the  country,  were  now  turned  once 
more  anxiously  upon  Houston.  Even  the  lawless  and  the 
desperate  began  to  fear  the  result  of  their  crimes,  and  with  a 
united  voice,  the  man,  who  had  already  twice  saved  the  country, 
was  called  a  third  time  to  the  helm.  Houston  was  one  of  the 
few  men  who  believed  that  the  Nation  aud  the  Government 
could  be  saved,  and  he  came  forward  to  the  rescue.  No  Con- 
ventions were  obliged  to  nominate  him.  There  was  an  almost 
universal  feeling  that  no  other  man  could  save  Texas,  and  Texas 
made  him  her  President  for  the  second  time,  the  very  first  hour 
the  Constitution  would  allow  her  to  do  it. 


XI. 

During  Lamar's  Administration,  Houston  had  consented  to 
represent  his  District  in  the  Congress  of  1839-40,  and  again  in 
1840-41,  and  it  was  well  that  he  had,  for  he  not  only  arrested 
the  tide  of  evil— Ae  prevented  a  dissolution  of  the  Government. 
On  a  certain  occasion,  after  a  stormy  debate,  Congress  was 
about  to  adjourn  sine  die.  The  members  publicly  proclaimed 
that  all  hope  of  carrying  on  the  Government  was  gone,  and  they 
were  determined  to  end  the  farce  by  going  home.  Houston 
rose  in  the  midst  of  the  tempest,  as  the  members  were  leaving 
their  seats,  and  addressed  the  Speaker.  There  never  was  a 
time  when  that  man  could  not  get  a  hearing,  and  the  rush  to 


A     CRISIS     NOBLY     MET.  203 

the  door  stopped.     "  Let  us  hear  old  Sam,"  was  the  voice  on 
every  side. 

XII. 

The  crowd  began  to  return — members  gradually  resumed 
their  seats  and  dropped  their  hats — they  pressed  up  around 
him — the  House  became  still,  and  not  ten  minutes  went  by  be- 
fore nothing  was  heard  throughout  the  hall  but  the  rich,  deep 
voice  that  had  echoed  over  the  field  of  San  Jaciuto.  No  idea 
of  the  speech  can  be  given  but  by  telling  the  result.  He  closed 
by  reading  a  resolution,  "  that  the  House  adjourn  till  to-morrow 
morning  at  the  usual  hour,"  and  not  a  member  voted  against 
it  !  They  flocked  around  him,  and  so  universal  was  the  feeling, 
that  but  for  him  the  Government  would  have  gone  to  pieces, 
that  even  his  old  enemies  seized  him  by  the  hand,  and  thanked 
him  "  for  saving  the  country." 


204  HOUSTON'S    SECOND   TEKM. 


SECTION  TWELFTH. 

AGAIN    PRESIDENT. 
I. 

HE  was  inaugurated  the  second  time,  on  the  13th  of  Decem- 
ber, 1841.  His  Message  was  hardly  delivered  before  the  news 
came  of  the  capture  of  the  Santa  Fe  Expedition.  This  was  the 
first  greeting  he  had,  in  office,  of  the  fatal  results  of  the  policy 
of  his  predecessor.  He,  however,  began  immediately  to  bethink 
himself  of  the  redemption  of  the  unfortunate  men  who  had  been 
deluded  away  into  the  wilderness— for  the  lives  of  Texan  soldiers 
seemed  to  be  as  dear  to  him  as  they  could  have  been  if  they  had 
been  his  own  children. 

II. 

The  Government  was  now  in  an  infinitely  worse  state  than  it 
had  been  when  he  took  the  reins  five  years  before.  Then  it  was 
a  chaos — now  it  was  a  ruin.  The  body  politic  had  fallen  into 
premature  and  inflammatory  decay.  It  was  not  a  disease  only, 
but  a  relapse.  The  Treasury  was  not  only  empty,  but  millions 
in  debt  ;  and  not  another  dollar  could  be  borrowed  in  Christen- 
dom. The  Promissory  Notes  and  Liabilities  of  the  Government 
depreciated  ten  to  one,  and  they  were  postponed,  but  not  repudi- 
ated. The  money  had  been  squandered,  but  the  debt  must  be 
paid.  But  Texas  could  at  that  time  have  no  more  paid  it  than 
Parliament  could  pay  the  Debt  of  England.  But  something 


DIFFICULTIES     TO     OVERCOME.  205 

had  to  be  done.  Houston  proposed  a  new  currency  called  the 
Exchequer  System — its  entire  issues  were  not  to  exceed 
$200,000.  He  had  asked  as  a  guarantee  for  their  redemption, 
the  Customs  of  the  country,  and  certain  tracts  of  lands,  amount- 
ing to  about  three  million  acres.  While  in  Congress,  he  had 
procured  an  act  to  be  passed,  declaring  these  lands  not  subject 
to  location.  But  now  the  private  interests  of  members  were  to 
be  interfered  with,  and  although  Congress  hypothecated  the 
Customs,  they  would  not  pledge  the  lands. 

III. 

The  President  was  fully  aware  of  the  opposition  that  was 
combining  against  him.  The  game  hostile  clique  which  had 
attempted  to  ruin  him  whenever  he  was  in  power,  and  who  had 
come  so  near  ruining  the  country  when  they  had  power  them- 
selves, were  now  determined  to  control  the  appointments  under 
the  new  administration.  But  all  attempts  to  constrain  his 
policy  proved  as  ineffectual  as  they  had  hitherto  done.  He 
chose  for  his  cabinet  officers  men  in  whom  he  had  unlimited  con- 
fidence, and  they  were  among  the  most  enlightened  and  firm 
statesmen  of  Texas.  Mr.  Jones,  afterwards  President,  became 
Secretary  of  State  ;  Col.  Hockley,  a  warm  patriot  and  a  devoted 
friend  of  Houston  in  all  his  struggles,  Secretary  of  War  and 
Marine  ;  Wm.  H.  Dangerfield,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  G-. 
W.  Terrell,  Attorney-General.  During  these  turbulent  times, 
when  prominent  men  declared  openly  that  they  would  ruin 
Houston's  administration,  even  if  they  had  to  do  it  by  a  revolu- 
tion, multitudes  of  broken-down  speculators  and  politicians  from 
the  United  States  were  continually  flocking  into  Texas  j  and  as 
they  found  little  chance  of  winning  distinction  in  the  new  field 
they  had  chosen,  they  joined  the  ranks  of  the  opposition,  and 
devoted  themselves  zealously  to  the  ruin  of  the  State. 


206          DARK  PROSPECTS  FOR  TEXAS. 

IV. 

But  Houston  had  marked  out  his  policy,  and  he  went  calmly 
and  lirinly  on  to  its  execution.  His  first  measure  was  to 
dispatch  a  minister  to  Washington,  to  open  negotiations  for  the 
annexation  of  Texas.  His  first  object  was  annexation— if  this 
failed,  his  next  was  the  recognition  of  the  independence  of 
Texas  by  Mexico  ;  and  if  he  failed  in  both,  he  was  resolved  to 
open  negotiations  with  France  and  England,  and  enter  into 
some  treaty  or  alliance  which  would  secure  peace  to  Texas, 
extend  her  commerce,  and  advance  her  prosperity.  His  next 
movement  was  to  recall  the  Navy,  which  Mr.  Lamar  had 
dispatched  to  help  on  a  revolt  in  Yucatan. 

* 
V. 

In  the  meantime,  the  country  was  absolutely  stripped  of  all 
her  defences.  A  wide  coast  and  a  broad  sea  were  open  to 
the  depredations  of  the  enemy ;  the  Santa  Fe  expedition  and 
the  league  with  Yucatan  had  given  Mexico  every  provocation 
for  a  renewal  of  hostilities  ;  and  the  outrages  committed  upon 
the  Indian  tribes,  had  broken  the  amity  that  had  subsisted. 

VI. 

In  this  exposed  situation  of  the  country,  when  an  irruption 
from  the  frontiers,  or  an  invasion  from  Mexico,  might  be  rea- 
sonably apprehended,  Houston  recommended  Congress  to  raise 
a  company  of  sixty  men  to  protect  the  archives — for  there  was 
then  no  military  force  in  the  field.  Congress  refused  to  grant 
the  subsidies  necessary,  and  adjourned  the  5th  of  February. 
lie  soon  after  started  for  Houston,  to  bring  his  family  to  tbo 
seat  of  government.  While  he  was  at  Galveston,  in  the  early 


TEXAS     AGAIN     INVADED.  207 

part  of  March,  the  news  came  of  the  invasion  by  Yasquez.  The 
intelligence  spread  che  deepest  alarm  throughout  the  country-. 
All  along  the  western  border,  families  were  seen  flying  from 
their  habitations  towards  the  interior.  The  public  mind  was 
stirred  by  the  wildest  apprehensions.  Everybody  knew-  the 
provocation  that  had  been  given  to  the  enemy — the  follies  and 
the  disasters  of  Santa  Fe  seemed  but  a  prelude  to  another 
Goliad  or  Alamo  slaughter — the  coast  was  without  protection, 
and  no  army  concentrated  to  march  on  the  invader. 


VII. 

Suddenly  all  the  intrigues  and  conspiracies  against  Houston 
ceased.  The  very  men  who  had  been  foremost  to  threaten  the 
overthrow  of  his  administration  in  the  storm  of  a  revolution, 
were  now  the  most  active  in  stimulating  their  neighbors  to  pre- 
pare for  approaching  disasters.  Committees  of  vigilance  and 
safety  were  everywhere  organized,  and  all  those  means  resorted 
to  which  are  called  into  requisition  in  revolutionary  times. 
Houston's  orders  at  this  time,  show  that  he  did  not  believe  the 
enemy  would  remain  long  in  the  country.  The  event  proved 
that  the  Mexicans  had  already  made  a  precipitate  retreat 
beyond  the  Rio  Grande,  after  committing  outrages  upon  the 
citizens  of  San  Antonio. 

VIII. 

In  the  meantime,  the  press  throughout  the  South  and  West 
had  displayed  great  sympathy  for  the  cause  of  Texas,  and  rely- 
ing upon  the  sensation  caused  in  the  United  States  by  the  news 
of  the  reported  invasion  and  the  miscarriage  of  the  Santa  Fe 
expedition,  Houston  made  an  appeal  to  the  American  people. 
He  sent  agents  to  the  United  States  to  receive  contributions, 


208       TEXAS     PREPARES     FOR    ANOTHER     STRUGGLE. 

and  procure  volunteers.  He  issued  a  Proclamation,  in  which  he 
distinctly  required  that  all  troops  which  came  should  be  per- 
fectly armed  and  provisioned  for  a  campaign  of*  six  months — 
since  Texas  had  no  means  of  doing  it  herself.  Several  hundred 
volunteers  went  to  Texas,  in  direct  violation  of  the  Proclamation — 
for  they  went  without  arms  and  without  provisions.  Contri- 
butions were  merely  nominal.  Some  generous  individuals  in 
Greorgia  raised  something  over  $500  at  a  public  meeting — but 
all  that  was  raised  besides,  throughout  the  United  States,  and 
reported  to  the  government  of  Texas,  in  arms,  ammunition,  pro- 
visions, equipments  and  money,  did  not  amount  to  five  hundred 
dollars  ! 

IX. 

In  June,  Houston  called  an  extra  Session  of  Congress,  to 
consider  the  state  of  the  country,  and  devise  means  for  national 
defence.  They  debated  and  legislated  without  much  formality 
or  delay,  for  the  impression  was  general,  that  if  anything  was- 
to  be  done,  it  had  better  be  done  quickly.  So,  too,  all  wise 
men  would  have  said,  "  if  'twere  well  done."  But  their  de- 
liberations ended  in  passing  a  bill  which  invested  Houston  with 
dictatorial  powers,  and  appropriated  ten  million  acres  of  the 
public  domain,  to  carry  on  a  campaign.  But  this  came  no 
nearer  making  a  provision  for  war,  than  a  resolution  appropriat- 
ing ten  million  acres  of  blue  sky,  and  conferring  dictatorial 
power  upon  the  north  wind  !  For  there  was  not  a  dollar  of 
money  in  the  treasury  to  pay  agents  to  go  and  dispose  of  the 
land,  and  Houston  was  the  last  man  to  make  use  of  dictatorial 
powers  in  resisting  the  encroachments  of  a  Dictator. 

X. 

t     But  Congress   thought  they  had   acquitted  themselves   like 


THREATS     AGAINST     HOUSTON.  209 

men— and  their  disposition,  too,  probably,  was  good  enough, 
but  it  had  no  more  efficacy  than  the  disposition  of  the  man  who 
willed  in  his  last  testament  all  his  debts  to  be  paid,  for  in 
neither  case  could  the  executor  find  anything  had  been  left 
to  pay  the  debts  with.  Apprehensions  had  been  felt,  while  the 
bill  was  under  debate,  that  Houston  would  veto  it,  and  the  time 
he  could  constitutionally  keep  it  had  nearly  gone  by.  The 
excitement  was  intense  ;  the  Capital  was  filled  with  angry 
and  desperate  men,  and  their  noisy  clamor  spread  over  the 
country.  All  sorts  of  accusations  were  brought  against  the 
Executive,  and  he  was  plied  with  threats  from  every  quarter. 
He  was  told  that  his  life  would  pay  the  forfeit  if  he  vetoed  the 
bill.  His  friends,  ,who  apprehended  his  assassination,  gathered 
around  him,  and  besought  him  not  to  hazard  a  veto,  for  it 
would  end  in  the  ruin  of  himself  and  his  country.  At  last  the 
ebullitions  of  excitement  began  to  subside,  but  they  were 
followed  by  demonstrations  of  a  deeper  and  more  desperate  feel- 
iug.  For  two  weeks,  few,  even  of  his  friends,  approached  the 
President's  house,  and  when  they  did,  they  stole  there  under  the 
shadow  of  night ; — assassins,  in  the  meantime,  were  lurking 
around  his  dwelling.  Even  his  Cabinet  officers  began  to  talk 
about  resigning. 

XI. 

But  in  the  midst  of  all  this  storm,  which  few  men  could  have 
resisted,  Houston  was  calm  and  cheerful.  He  stationed  no 
guard  aronnd  his  house  ;  he  had  no  spies  on  the  alert  ;  he  did 
not  even  inquire  what  was  said  in  Congress,  or  done  in  the 
streets.  The  blinds  and  the  windows  of  his  dwelling  were  wide 
open,  aud  he  was  often  seen  walking  across  his  parlor,  con- 
versing cheerfully  with  his  family.  His  wife,  whom  he  had 
married  in  1840 — one  of  the  most  accomplished  and  gifted  of 
women — reposed  confidently  upon  his  character,  and  she  calmly 


210         A     VETO     AGAINST     DICTATORIAL     POWER. 

and  confidingly  sustained  him  by  her  placid  and  intellectual  con- 
versations. Long  after  the  lights  had  been  extinguished 
through  the  town,  and  sullen,  desperate,  armed  men  were 
gathered  in  secret  meetings  to  plot,  and  counterplot,  the  gay 
voice  of  his  wife,  mingling  with  the  tones  of  the  harp  and  the 
piano,  which  she  had  carried  with  her  to  the  wilderness,  was 
heard  coming  forth  from  the  open  windows  of  Houston's  dwelling. 

XII. 

All  this  must  seem  strange  to  the  reader,  without  doubt, 
bnt  we  shall  very  soon  solve  the  mystery.  It  was-  a  fearful 
crisis  ;  but  Houston  was  equal  to  it,  and  we  know  of  no  act  of 
his  life  in  which  he  gave  such  indubitable  evidence  that  nature 
had  lavished  upon  him  those  rare  gifts  which  make  up  the  really 
great  man.  The  reader,  too,  will  agree  with  us. 

When  the  time  came,  the  veto  was  sent  up  to  Congress.  In 
it  he  showed  that  they  had  utterly  and  totally  failed  to  accom- 
plish the  object  for  which  he  had  called  them  together.  They 
had  proclaimed  war  against  a  powerful  and  organized  foe,  but 
they  had  made  no  provision  for  carrying  it  on.  The  President 
had  not  the  means  of  buying  a  pound  of  powder.  If  they 
would  provide  the  means  for  a  campaign,  he  would  head  it  him- 
self, if  necessary  ;  but  without  money,  no  army  could  be  made 
ready  to  take  the  field,  and  any  attempt  at  hostilities  would 
only  bring  down  upon  Texas  universal  contempt.  He  also 
dwelt  upon  the  danger  of  the  precedent  they  had  established,  in 
conferring  upon  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  country  unlimited 
powers.  The  prerogatives  of  a  dictator  he  never  would  accept, 
while  they  were  fighting  against  that  same  power  in  a  neigh- 
boring State. 

XIII. 

The  veto  was    published, — a  universal  calm    at    once  sac- 


A  LETTER  TO  SANTA  ANNA.  211 

ceeded,  and  the  man  who  had  been  covered  with  maledictions, 
became  the  idol  of  the  people. 

XIY. 

In  the  meantime,  General  Houston  had  addressed  the  follow- 
ing LETTER  to  SANTA  ANNA,  his  former  captive.  It  should  now 
be  carefully  read,  in  justice  to  both.  Thirteen  years  have  since 
gone  by  ;  but  every  year  has  given  new  significance  to  this 
luminous  and  important  Letter.  It  furnishes  a  complete  confir- 
mation of  this  History  : — 

EXECUTIVE  DEPARTMENT, 
City  of  Houston,  March  21,  1842. 

MOST  EXCELLENT  SIR  :  Your  communications  to  Mr.  Bee  and  General 
Hamilton,  dated  at  the  Palace  of  the  Government  of  Mexico,  have  been 
recently  presented  to  my  notice.  At  the  first  convenient  leisure,  I  have 
not  failed  to  appropriate  my  attention  to  the  subjects  embraced  within  the 
scope  of  your  remarks. 

They  would  have  met  a  more  ready  attention  had  it  not  been  for  a 
marauding  incursion  made  by  a  Mexican  force  on  the  defenceless  town  of 
San  Antonio,  on  the  inhabited  frontier  of  Texas.  Apprehending  that  the 
force  had  some  other  character  more  important  than  that  of  bandits  and 
plunderers,  commanded  as  it  was  by  regular  officers,  it  produced  a 
momentary  excitement,  and  claimed  the  attention  of  the  Executive.  But, 
as  the  bandits  have  withdrawn,  charaterizing  their  retreat  by  pillage  and 
plunder,  as  has  been  usual  with  Mexicans,  I  am  left  at  leisure  to  resume 
in  tranquillity  the  duties  of  my  station. 

In  reference  to  your  correspondence  with  Mr.  Bee  and  General  Hamilton, 
I  have  no  remark  to  offer  in  relation  to  the  communications  which  those 
gentlemen  assumed  the  individual  responsibility  of  making  to  you.  The 
very  nature  of  the  correspondence  manifests  the  fact  that  it  was  not  done 
under  the  sanction  of  this  government,  but  rests  solely  upon  their  action 
as  individuals.  Had  your  response  regarded  them  in  the  light  in  which 
they  were  presented  to  you.  it  would  have  superseded  the  necessity  of  any 
noticc  from  me.  But  as  you  have  thought  proper  to  laud  my  conduct  as 
an  individual,  and  refer  to  transactions  connected  with  this  country,  with 


212         SANTA   ANNA'S   POLITICAL   CHARACTER.- 

which  I  had  official  identity,  and  which  I  also  at  this  time  possess,  and  as 
you  have  taken  the  liberty,  to  an  unwarrantable  extent,  to  animadvert 
upon  circumstances  connected  with  Texas  as  a  nation,  I  feel  myself  com- 
pelled by  a  sense  of  duty  to  refute  a  portion  of  the  calumnies  which  you 
have  presented  to  the  world  under  the  sanction  of  your  official  averment. 

You  appear  to  have  seized  upon  the  flimsy  pretext  of  confidential  com- 
munications unknown  to  the  officers  of  this  government,  and  unknown  to 
ihe  world  until  divulged  by  you,  for  the  purpose  of  manufacturing  a 
capital  of  popularity  at  home,  and  which  you  have  submitted  to  the 
world  as  a  manifesto  in  behalf  of  what  you  are  pleased  to  term  the  rights 
of  a  great  nation,  "by  so  many  titles  respectable." 

Whatever  opinions  you  may  have  entertained  in  relation  to  the  diffi- 
culties existing  between  Mexico  and  Texas  cannot  materially  vary  the 
facts  and  principles  involved,  nor  will  they  materially  influence  the 
decision  of  mankind  upon  the  justice  of  our  cause. 

Decency  and  self-respect,  at  least,  should  have  induced,  on  your  part, 
the  pursuit  of  a-  course  different  from  that  which  you  have  adopted.  The 
abuse  and  ribald  epithets  which  you  have  applied  to  the  citizens  of  this 
country,  as  well  as  those  of  the  Mississippi  valley  of  the  United  States, 
are  doubtless  characteristic  of  the  individual  who  gave  them  utterance. 
So  far  as  the  people  of  this  country  are  concerned,  I  shall  refer  mankind 
to  a  history  of  facts  and  circumstances  connected  with  the  settlement  of 
the  country.  I  shall  pass  by  with  slight  notice  your  remarks  relative  to. 
the  people  of  the  United  States.  So  far  as  our  origin  is  connected  with 
them,  and  the  unity  of  sympathy  exists,  we  are  proud  to  hail  them  as  our 
kindred— kindred  in  blood,  kindred  in  laws,  kindred  in  all  the  ennobling 
attributes  of  humanity.  They  will  hear  your  taunts  of  defiance  with  the 
same  contempt  and  derision  that  Texans  regard  your  silly  gasconade.  If 
they  have  heretofore  sympathized  with  us  in  our  struggle  for  liberty  and 
independence,  it  was  from  a  knowledge  of  the  fact  that  we  had  been 
deceived  and  oppressed  by  Mexico,  and  that  the  cause  in  which  we  were 
engaged  was  that  of  humanity  struggling  against  usurpation  and  despot- 
ism. 

The  people  of  Texas  were  invited  to  migrate  to  this  country  for  the  pur- 
pose of  enjoying  equal  rights  and  constitutional  liberty.  They  were 
promised  the  shield  of  the  Constitution  of  1824,  adopted  by  Mexico.  Con- 
fiding in  this  pledge,  they  removed  to  the  country  to  encounter  all  the 
privations  of  a  wilderness,  under  the  alluring  promises  of  free  institutions. 
Other  reasons  operated  also.  Citizens  of  the  United  States  had  engaged 


ANGLO-SAXONS,     AND     MEXICANS.  213 

in  the  revolution  of  Mexico,  in  1812.  They  fought  gallantly  in  the 
achievement  of  Mexican  independence,  and  many  of  them  survive,  and  to 
this  day  occupy  the  soil  which  their  privations  and  valor  assisted  in 
achieving.  On  their  removal  here,  they  brought  with  them  no  aspirations 
or  projects  but  such  as  were  loyal  to  the  Constitution  of  Mexico.  They 
repelled  the  Indian  savages ;  they  encountered  every  discomfort  5  they 
subdued  the  wilderness,  and  converted  into  cultivated  fields  the  idle  waste 
of  this  now  prolific  teritory.  Their  courage  and  enterprise  achieved  that 
which  the  imbecility  of  your  countrymen  had  either  neglected,  or  left  for 
centuries  unaccomplished.  Their  situation,  however,  was  not  disregarded 
by  Mexico,  though  she  did  not,  as  might  have  been  expected,  extend  to 
them  a  protecting  and  fostering  care,  but  viewed  them  as  objects  of 
cupidity,  rapacity,  and  at  least  jealousy. 

The  Texans,  enduring  the  annoyances  and  oppressions  inflicted  upon 
them,  remained  fai-thful  to  the  Constitution  of  Mexico.  In  1832,  when  an 
attempt  was  made  to  destroy  that  Constitution,  and  when  you,  sir,  threw 
yourself  forward  as  its  avowed  'champion,  you  were  sustained  with  all  the 
fidelity  and  valor  that  freemen  could  contribute.  On  the  avowal  of 
your  principles,  and  in  accordance  with  them,  the  people  put  down  the 
serviles  of  despotism  at  Anahuac.  Velasco,  and  Nacogdoches.  They 
treated  the  captives  of  that  struggle  with  humanity,  and  sent  them  to 
Mexico  subject  to  your  orders.  They  regarded  you  as  the  friend  of  liberty 
and  free  institutions  ;  they  hailed  you  as  a  benefactor  of  mankind.;  your 
•name  and  your  actions  were  lauded,  and  the  manifestations  you  had  given 
in  behalf  of  the  nation,  were  themes  of  satisfaction  and  delight  to  the 
Texan  patriots. 

You  can  well  imagine  the  transition  of  feeling  which  ensued  on  your 
accession  to  power.  Your  subversion^pf  the  Constitution  of  1824,  your 
establishment  of  centralism,  your  conquest  of  Zacatecas,  characterized  by 
every  act  of  voilence,  cruelty,  and  rapine,  inflicted  upon  us  the  profound- 
est  astonishment.  "We  realized  all  the  uncertainty  of  men  awakening  to 
reality  from  the  unconsciousness  of  delirium.  In  succession  came  your 
order  for  the  Texans  to  surrender  their  private  arms.  The  mask  was 
thrown  aside,  and  the  monster  of  despotism  displayed  in  all  the  habiliments 
of  loathsome  detestation.  Then  was  presented  to  Texans  the  alternative 
of  tamely  crouching  to  the  tyrant's  lash,  or  exalting  themselves  to  the 
attributes  of  freemen.  They  chose  the  latter.  To  chastise  them  for  their 
presumption  induced  your  advance  upon  Texas,  with  your  boasted  veteran 
army,  mustering  a  force  nearly  equal  to  the  whole  population  of  this 


214          HISTORY    OF    THE    MEXICAN    DICTATOR. 

country  at  that  time.  You  besieged  and  took  the  Alamo  ;  but  under 
what  circumstances  ?  Not  those,  surely,  which  should  characterize  a  gene- 
ral of  the  nineteenth  century.  You  assailed  one  hundred  and  fifty  men, 
destitute  of  every  supply  requisite  for  the  defence  of  that  place.  Its 
brave  defenders,  worn  by  vigilance  and  duty  beyond  the  power  of  human 
nature  to  sustain,  were  at  length  overwhelmed  by  a  force  of  nine  thousand 
teen,  and  the  pla/e  taken.  I  ask  you  sir,  what  scenes  followed?  Were 
they  such  as  should  characterize  an  able  general,  a  magnanimous  warrior, 
and  the  President  of  a  great  nation  numbering  eight  millions  of  souls? 
No.  Manliness  and  generosity  would  sicken  at  the  recital  of  the  scenes 
incident  to  your  success,  and  humanity  itself  would  blush  to  class  you 
among  the  chivalric  spirits  of  the  age  of  vandalism.  This  you  have  been 
pleased  to  class  in  the  "succession  of  your  victories  ;"  and  I  presume  you 
would  next  include  the  massacre  at  Goliad. 

Your  triumph  there,  if  such  you  are  pleased  to  term  it,  was  not  the 
triumph  of  arms — it  was  the  success  of  perfidy.  Fannin  and  his  brave 
companions  had  beaten  back  and  defied  your  veteran  soldiers.  Although 
outnumbered  more  than  seven  to  one,  their  valiant,  hearty,  and  indomita- 
ble courage,  with  holy  devotion  to  the  cause  of  freedom,  foiled  every 
effort  directed  by  your  general  to  insure  his  success  by  arms.  He  had 
recourse  to  a  flag  of  truce ;  and  when  the  surrender  of  'the  little  patriot- 
band  was  secured  by  the  most  solemn  treaty  stipulations,  what  were 
the  tragic  scenes  that  ensued  to  Mexican  perfidy?  The  conditions  of  the 
surrender  were  submitted  to  you  ;  and.  though  you  have  denied  the  factg, 
instead  of  restoring  them  to  liberty,  according  to  the  capitulation',  you 
ordered  them  to  be  jexecuted  contrary  to  every  pledge  given  them,  con- 
trary to  the  rules  of  war,  and  contrary  to  every  principle  of  humanity. 
Yet,  at  this  day,  you  have  the  effrontery  to  animadvert  upon  the  conduct 
of  Texans  relative  to  your  captivity  after  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto. 

You  have  presumed  to  arraign  the  conduct  of  the  then  existing  Cabinet, 
and  to  charge  it  with  bad  faith  ;  and  though  you  are  pleased  to  commend 
the  ccnduct  of  the  illustrious  Stephen  F.  Austin,  the  father  of  Texas, 
and  myself,  for  acts  of  generosity  exercised  towards  you,  you  take  much 
care  to  insinuate  that  we  only  were  capable  of  appreciating  your  proper 
merits.  That  you  may  no  longer  be  induced  to  misconstrue  acts  of  gene- 
rosity and  appropriate  them  to  the  gratification  of  your  self-complacent 
disposition,  I  will  inform  you  that  they  were  acts  of  magnanimity  charac- 
teristic of  the  nation  to  which  we  belong.  They  had  nothing  to  do  with 
your  merits  or  demerits.  The  perfidy  and  cruelty  which  had  been  exer- 


DEFENCE     OF    TEXAS.  215 

cised  towards  our  companions  in  arms  did  not  enter  into  our  calculation. 
Your  sacrifice  would  not  restore  to  our  gallant  companions  their  lives, 
nor  to  our  country  their  services.  Although  the  laws  of  war  would  have 
justified  the  retaliation  of  your  execution,  yet-it  would  have  characterized 
the  acts  of  a  nation  by  passion  and  revenge  ;  and  would  have  evinced  to 
the  world  that  individuals  who  bad  an  influence  on  the  destinies  of  a  peo- 
ple were  sulject  to  the  capricious  impulses  of  vengeance,  of  which  you 
had  so  recently  set  an  example. 

So  far  as  I  was  concerned  in  preserving  your  life  and  subsequent  libera- 
tion, I  was  only  influenced  by  considerations  of  mercy,  humanity,  and  the 
establishment  of  a  national  character. 

Humanity  was  gratified  by  your  preservation.  The  magnanimous  of  all 
nations  would  have  justified  your  release,  had  they  known  how  little  its 
influence*was  dreaded  by  the  Texans.  If,  upon  your  return  to  Mexico, 
you  should  have  power,  and  a  disposition  to  redeem  the  pledges  you  had 
voluntarily  made  to  myself,  as  well  as  this  Government,  of  no  earnest 
disposition  to  see  the  independence  of  Texas  recognized  by  Mexico,  I 
believe  it  would  have  a  tendency  to  restore  peace  to  the  two  nations, 
diminish  the  aggregate  sufferings  of  their  citizens,  and  promote  the  pros- 
perity of  both  countries.  In  the  event  that  you  were  not  disposed  to 
redeem  the  pledges  thus  given,  but  urge  a  prosecution  of  the  war  by 
Mexico  against  us,  I  wished  to  evince  to  mankind  that  Texans  had  mag- 
nanimity, resources,  and  confidence  sufficient  to  sustain  them  against  all 
your  influence  in  favor  of  their  subjugation. 

Your  liberation  was  Induced  by  such  principles  as  these  ;  and  though  you 
tendered  pledges,  doubtless  to  facilitate  and  insure  your  release,  they  were 
received,  but  not  accepted,  as  a  condition.  I  believe  that  pledges  made 
in  duress  are  not  obligatory  upon  the  individual  making  them ;  and,  if 
you  intend  to  exercise  the  influence  which  you  declared  you  would, 
the  unconditional  liberty  extended  to  you  would  interpose  no  obstacle  to 
their  fulfillment. 

Without  adverting  to  any  treaty  stipulations  which  you  had  made 
with  the  Cabinet  of  Texas,  I  gave  you  your  entire  liberty  and  safe  conduct 
to  the  city  of  Washington. 

You  have  asserted  to  the  world  that  you  have  given  no  pledge  to  tho 
Texan  Government  whatever  of  your  disposition  in  favor  of  its  separation 
ir«;m  Mexico.  That  the  tribunal  to  which  you  have  appealed,  may  judge 
of  the  validity  of  your  assertion,  I  shall  submit  with  this  communication  a 
letter  of  yours  addressed  to  me  at  Columbia,  dated  the  5th  November, 


216     SANTA   ANNA'S  TREATMENT   BY   HOUSTON. 

1836,  after  my  determination  to  give  you  your  liberty  had  been  commu- 
nicated. I  shall  present  it  in  the  original,  accompanied  with  its  transla- 
tion into  English.  I  will  also  give  publicity  to  a  veto  which  I  communi- 
cated to  the  Senate,  in  consequence  of  a  resolution  of  that  honorable  body 
respecting  your  detention  as  a  prisoner. 

You  have  spoken  of  events  subsequent  to  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto,  and 
endeavor  to  convey  the  idea  that  promises  had  been  extorted  from  you 
"  under  the  rifles  of  a  tumultous  soldiery."  I  am  at  a  loss  to  comprehend 
your  meaning  by  this  reference.  When  you  were  brought  into  the 
encampment  as  a  prisoner,  the  second  day  after  the  battle,  you  were  con- 
ducted to  the  presence  of  the  command er-in-chief — not  amidst  noise  and 
tumult,  nor  did  any  exist.  When  the  character  of  the  prisoner  became 
known  to  the  army,  much  curiosity  was  excited ;  but  there  was  no  menace 
used  nor  violence  offered.  You  were  treated  with  calmness,  and  every 
courtesy  extended  to  you  that  our  situation  would  afford.  Had  you  been 
a  private  gentleman  and  friend,  you  could  have  received  no  greater  faci- 
lities than  those  which  were  extended  to  you.  As  you  desired,  you  were 
placed  near  my  person,  and  were  never  sent  with  the  rest  of  the  pri- 
soners. You  were  informed  that  you  could  have  your  camp-bed  and 
markee  brought  to  my  quarters,  where  I  lay  confined  with  my  wound. 
You  were  permitted  to  command  the  services  of  your  attendants.  You 
were  informed,  also,  that  your  baggage  would  be  selected  from  the  spoils 
taken  by  the  army  on  the  field  ;  which  was  accordingly  done,  and  never 
inspected.  These  privileges  were  granted  by  my  order.  Your  aide-de-camp, 
Colonel  Almonte,  and  your  private  secretary,  were  permitted  to  remain 
with  you  in  your  markee.  A  guard  was  detailed  for  the  purpose  of  allay- 
ing any  apprehension  you  might  have  for  your  personal  safety,  and  every 
liberty  extended  to  you  except  your  absolute  release. 

You  submitted  propositions  to  me  embracing  the  questions  of  the  recog- 
nition of  the  Texan  independence,  and  the  termination  of  our  struggle.  I 
unequivocally  refused  the  acceptance  of  any  offer  upon  the  subject  of  a 
treaty,  alleging  as  reasons  that  we  had  a  constitutional  government,  and 
that  the  subject  would  properly  come  before  the  Cabinet  of  Texas,  the 
members  of  which  would  be  present  in  camp  within  a  few  days.  You 
urged  the  further  consideration  of  your  propositions  upon  me,  declaring 
that  you  would  rather  enter  into  stipulations  with  a  general  of  the  army 
than  with  the  civil  authorities  of  the  country.  I  positively  declined  tak- 
ing any  action  upon  them,  and  they  were  referred  to  the  Cabinet  on  its 
arrival.  Declining  the  consideration  of  your  proposals  myself,  I  required 


SANTA    ANNA'S    CONDUCT.  21 1 

you  to  issue  orders  forthwith  to  the  General  next  in  command  to  evacuate 
Texas  with  the  troops  composing  the  Mexican  army,  and  to  full  back  with 
them  to  Monterey.  Orders  to  this  effect  were  issued  by  you  to  General 
Filisola,  and  dispatched  by  an  express,  which  could  not  overtake  him, 
however,  until  he  had  reached  the  Colorado  on  his  retreat,  conducted  in 
the. greatest  panic  and  confusion.  Owing  to  his  precipitate  flight,  and  your 
execution  of  my  orders,  the  Mexicans  were  permitted  to  leave  Texas  with- 
out further  molestation. 

In  the  meantime,  General  Adrian  Woll.  of  the  Mexican  army,  came 
into  the  encampment  at  San  Jacinto  without  my  knowledge,  and  not 
"  upon  my  word  or  honor  ;"  nor  was  I  apprised  of  his  presence  until  I 
learned  that  he.  together  with  his  aid,  had  been  traversing  our  lines.  So 
soon  as  I  was  advised  of  this  fact,  I  ordered  them  to  my  presence,  and 
instructed  them  that  such  conduct  would  not  be  tolerated,  and  caused 
them  to  be  placed  under  vigilance.  This  reason  I  deemed  sufficient  to 
detain  General  Woll  as  a  prisoner  of  war.  His  subsequent  conduct  to 
Captain  Dimitt  was  such  as  to  justify  any  unfavorable  opinion  which  I  had 
formed  of  his  character.  He  had  rendered  himself  so  obnoxious  to  the- 
army,  that,  from  a  desire  for  his  personal  security,  I  did  not  permit  his 
release  until  he  could  go  in  perfect  safety.  In  no  respect  had  the  prisoners 
taken  on  that  occasion  reason  of  complaint.  Their  lives  were  all  forfeited 
by  the  laws  of  war.  conformably  to  the  precedent  which  you  had  exhibited. 

General  Cos,  who  had  surrendered  in  1835,  a  prisoner  of  war  at  San 
Antonio,  where  one  hundred  and  ninety-five  Texans  stormed  and  took 
the  Alamo,  with  the  town,  when  it  was  defended  by  seventeen  hundred 
regular  troops  of  Mexico,  was  again  taken  prisoner  at  San  Jacinto,  after 
he  had  violated  his  parole  of  honor,  by  which  he  had  forfeited  his  life  to 
the  law  of  arms.  Yet  such  was  the  lenity  of  Texans  that  even  he  was 
spared — thereby  interposing  mercy  to  prevent  reclamation  being  made 
for  the  brave  Texans  perfidiously  massacred. 

From  the  5th  of  May  I  had  no  connection  with  the  encampment,  nor  the 
treatment  which  the  prisoners  received,  until  the  month  of  October,  when 
I  was  inducted  into  the  office  of  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  nation.  It  is  true 
that  you  were  chained  to  an  iron  bar,  but  not  until  an  attempt  had  been 
made  to  release  you,  with  your  knowledge  and  assent.  A  vessel  had 
arrived  at  Orizimbo,  on  the  Brazos,  where  you  were  confined.  In  pos- 
session of  its  captain  were  found  wines  and  other  liquors,  mixed  with  poi- 
son for  the  purpose  of  poisoning  the  officers  and  guard  in  whos.e  charge 
you  were,  and  thereby  insuring  your  escape.  In  consequence  of  the  sen- 

10 


218  H  0  U  S  T  0  N  7  S     A  R  G  U  M  E  N  T  . 

sation  produced  by  this  circumstance,  you  were  confined  and  treated  in 
the  manner  you  have  so  pathetically  portrayed. 

"Whilst  confined  by  my  wounds  in  San  Augustine,  I  learned  that  it  was 
the  intention  of  the  army  to  take  you  to  the  theatre  of  Fannin's  massacre, 
and  there  to  have  had  you  executed.  Upon  the  advertisement  of  this  fact,  I 
immediately  sent  an  express  to  the  army,  solemnly  protesting  against  any 
such  act,  and  interposing  every  obstacle  possible  against  your  further  moles- 
tation, or  any  action  which  might  not  recognize  you  as  a  prisoner  of  war. 

Your  recent  communications  have  necessarily  awakened  attention  to 
these  facts — otherwise  they  would  have  remained  unrecited  by  me.  Any 
part  which  I  bore  in  the  transaction  is  not  related  in  imitation  of  the  ego- 
tistical style  of  your  communication.  It  is  done  alone  for  the  purpose  of 
presenting  the  lights  of  history.  You  have  sought  to  darken  its  shades, 
and  appeal  to  the  sympathies  and  command  the  admiration  of  mankind, 
and  have  even  invoked  "  the  prismatic  tints  of  romance." 

Now  the  tribunal  to  which  you  have  appealed,  will  have  an  opportunity 
of  contrasting  the  treatment  which  you  and  the  prisoners  taken  at  San 
Jacinto,  received,  with  that  of  those  who  have  fallen  within  your  power, 
and  particularly  those  perfidiously  betrayed  on  a  recent  trading  excursion 
to  Santa  Fe.  You  have  endeavored  to  give  that  expedition  the  complexion 
of  an  inva'ding  movement  upon  the  rights  of  Mexico.  To  believe  you 
serious  in  the  idle  display  of  words  made  on  this  occasion,  would  be  pre- 
senting an  absurdity  to  the  common  sense  of  the  age.  Your  fears  may 
have  given  it  a  character  different  from  that  to  which  it  was  entitled. 
Examine  the  circumstances  accompanying  it.  It  was  not  an  act  of  Texas. 
Congress  had  refused  to  sanction  any  enterprise  of  the  kind.  A  number 
of  individuals  were  anxious  to  open  a  lucrative  trade  (as  they  believed  it 
would  be)  with  Santa  Fe.  Such  a  commerce  has  been  carried  on  for  years 
by  the  .citizens  of  the  United  States  from  Missouri ;  and  the  preparations, 
connected  with  the  fact  that  the  citizens  took  with  them  a  considerable 
amount  of  merchandise,  show  that  their  enterprise  was  not  one  of  conquest 
or  invasion.  You  may  allege  that  it  had  connection  with  the  Government, 
from  the  fact  that  the  President  identified  himself  with  it,  by  furnishing 
arms  to  those  connected  with  the  project.  This  may  have  induced  you  to 
characterize  the  expedition  as  you  have,  in  your  tirade  against  Texas. 
Whatever  part  the  President  bore  in  this  transaction  was  contrary  to  law, 
and  in  violation  of  his  duty.  A  large  portion  of  the  people  of  Texas  were 
apprised  of  the  existence  of  such  an  enterprise.  You  doubtless  would 
insist  that'it  bad  means  of  offence  against  Mexico.  So  far  as  their  prepa- 


THE     SANTA     FE     EXPEDITION.  219 

ration  could  give  character  to  the  undertaking,  by  carrying  with  them 
artillery  and  other  munitions  of  war,  it  can  be  accounted  for  most  readily. 
They  had  to  pass  through  a  wilderness  six  hundred  miles  from  the  frontier 
of  Texas,  before  they  could  reach  Santa  Fe.  It  was  reasonable  to  suppose 
that  they  would  encounter  many  hostile  tribes  of  Indians,  and  it  was  pro- 
per and  necessary  that  they  should  be  in  a  situation  to  repel  any  attacks 
made  upon  them,  and,  as  their  objects  were  pacific,  they  were  justified  in 
resisting  aggression  from  any  quarter.  The  instructions  given  to  them  by 
the  President,  did  not  contemplate  hostilities,  but  that  the  enterprise  would 
terminate  without  bloodshed  and  violence.  Scientific  gentlemen  from 
Europe  and  the  United  States  accompanied  them,  not  for  warlike  purposes, 
but  for  the  purpose  of  adding  rich  stores  to  the  treasury  of  science.  It 
had  likewise  been  communicated  to  the  people  of  Texas,  that  all  the  inha- 
bitants east  of  the  Rio  Grande  were  anxious  to  enjoy  the  benefits  of  our 
institutions.  You  cannot  allege  that  you  were  not  willing  to  admit  the 
justice  of  our  claims  to  the  Rio  Grande,  or  that  you  were  not  anxious  to 
facilitate  the  object.  Your  communication  to  me  on  that  subject  is  con- 
clusive. Texans  were  apprised  of  it  from  your  repeated  declarations  to 
that  effect  while  in  this  country,  and  on  your  way  to  Washington  City.  At 
the  time  the  expedition  started,  no  hostilities  were  carried  on  between 
this  country  and  Mexico.  Commissioners  from  General  Arista,  were  at 
Austin  at  the  time  the  party  started  for  Santa  Fe.  They  were  kindly 
received,  and  made  the  most  sincere  profession  of  amity  and  reconciliation 
with  this  Government.  They  were  treated  with  kindness,  and  corres- 
ponding commissioners  appointed  to  General  Arista.  To  them  every 
facility  was  extended,  and  they  were  permitted  to  return  without  molest- 
ation. This  was  the  attitude  of  the  two  countries  at  that  time.  Will  you 
allege  that  this  was  not  sanctioned  by  your  Government,  or  will  you 
insist  that  it  was  a  trick  of  diplomacy?  For  myself,  I  would  not  have 
been  deluded  by  any  professions  which  might  have  been  tendered  to  Texas 
by  Mexico,  when  a  departure  from  the  most  solemn  pledges  would  result 
in  injury  to  the  former,  and  benefit  to  the  latter. 

That  the  ministers  of  General  Arista  played  their  parts  with  fidelity  to 
their  instructions,  I  have  no  doubt,  and  that  all  the  information  that  could 
be  derived  in  relation  to  the  trading  company  was  faithfully  transmitted 
to  the  Government  of  Mexico.  Nor  do  I  doubt  but  that  the  population  of 
the  northern  parts  of  your  country,  so  soon  as  the  intelligence  was 
received,  were  thrown  into  the  utmost  consternation,  and  a  nation  num- 
bering eight  millions  of  people,  inhabiting  "  valleys,  mountains,  towns, 


220  NOBLE     DEFENCE     OF     TEXAS. 

and  large  cities,"  "by  so  many  titles  respectable,"  was  convulsed  at  the 
apprehended  approach  of  three  hundred  Texan  traders !  But  what  has 
been  the  sequel  of  this  expedition?  On  their  approach  to  the  settlements 
of  the  Rio  Grande  they  obtained  supplies  from  the  inhabitants,  not  as  a 
hostile  and  marauding  party,  but  they  paid  a  valuable  consideration  for 
every  supply  they  obtained.  They  were  met  by  the  Mexican  authorities 
with  overtures  of  peace,  assurances  of  friendship,  and  pledges  of  security, 
provided  they  would  give  up  their  arms  for  the  purpose  of  tranquilizing 
the  Mexican  population.  Detached,  as  the  company  was,  into  parties 
remote  from  each  other,  and  deluded  by  pledges,  they  acquiesced 
in  the  wishes  of  the  authorities  of  the  country,  thereby  evincing 
to  them  that  they  had  no  disposition  to  disturb  the  tranquillity  of  the 
inhabitants,  and  that  their  objects  were  pacific.  But  no  sooner  were 
they  in  the  power  of  the  authorities  than  they  were  stripped  of  their 
clothing,  deprived  of  everything  valuable,  treated  in  the  most  barbarous 
manner,  and  marched  like  convicts  to  the  capital  of  Mexico.  On  their 
route  every  act  of  inhumanity,  cruelty,  and  hatred  was  evinced.  When 
their  sick  and  helpless  condition  required  the  assistance  of  Christian 
charity  and  humanity,  it  was  denied  them.  They  were  barbarously  shot, 
their  bodies  mangled,  and  their  corpses  left  unburied.  The  butchery  of 
McAllister,  Galphin,  Yates,  and  others,  appeal  to  Heaven  and  this  nation 
for  retribution  upon  the  heads  of  their  inhuman  murderers.  You  may 
allege  that  you  did  not  authorize  the  perpetration  of  these  outrages,  com- 
mitted upon  men  who  had  violated  no  rule  of  law  known  to  this  civilized 
age.  This  will  be  no  excuse  for  you.  Your  sanction  to  these  acts  is  as 
culpable  as  their  perpetration  was  degrading  to  their  authors.  Their 
detention  as  prisoners  by  you,  may  gratify  the  malignity  of  little  minds; 
but  the  just,  the  chivalric,  the  brave,  and  the  generous  of  all  nations,  may 
pity,  but  must  despise  your  conduct.  Had  it  not  been  for  the  faithless 
professions  tendered  to  them,  and  their  too  ready  belief,  they  could 
have  maintained  their  position  against  all  the  forces  of  northern  Mexico, 
and,  if  necessary,  could  have  made  good  their  retreat  to  their  homes, 
defying  the  li  generous  effort  of  the  people  of  New  Mexico."  Your  con- 
duct on  this  occasion  will  present  your  humanity  and  sense  of  propriety 
in  very  awkard  contrast  with  the  treatment  extended  to  you  and  your 
followers  after  the  victory  of  San  Jacinto,  being  not,  as  you  suppose,  one 
of  the  "  freaks  of  fortune,"  but  one  of  the  accompaniments  of  that  destiny 
which  will  mark  the  course  of  Texas  until  the  difficulties  between  the  two 
countries  shall  be  satisfactorily  adjusted. 


MEXICAN,     AND     AMERICAN     CHARACTER.  221 

But  you  declare  that  you  will  not  relax  your  exertions  until  you  have 
subjugated  Texas;  that  you  "have  weighed  its  possible  value,''  and  that 
you  are  perfectly  aware  of  the  magnitude  of  the  task  which  you  have 
undertaken  ;  that  you  "  will  not  permit  a  Colossus  within  the  limits  of 
Mexico  ;"  that  our  title  is  that  of  "  theft  and  usurpation,"  and  that  "  the 
honor  of  the  Mexican  nation"  demands  of  you  "  tne  reclamation  of 
Texas  ;"  that  "  if  it  were  an  unproductive  desert,  useless,  sterile,  yielding 
nothing  desirable,  and  abounding  only  in  thorns  to  wound  the  feet  of  the 
traveller,  you  would  not  permit  it  to  exist  as  an  independent  government, 
in  derision  of  your  national  character,  your  hearths  and  your  individu- 
ality.'' Allow  me  to  assure  you  that  our  title  to  Texas  has  a  high  sanc- 
tion ;  that  of  purchase,  because  we  have  performed  our  conditions  ;  that 
of  conquest,  because  we  have  been  victorious  ;  it  is  ours  because  you  can- 
not subdue  us ;  it  has  been  consecrated  ours  by  the  blood  of  martyred 
patriots ;  it  is  ours  by  the  claims  of  patriotism,  superior  intelligence,  and 
unsubduable  courage.  It  is  not  a  sterile  waste  or  a  desert ;  it  is  the  home 
of  freemen — it  is  the  land  of  promise — it  is  the  garden  of  America.  Every 
citizen  of  Texas  was  born  a  freeman,  and  he  would  die  a  recreant  to 
the  principles  imbibed  from  his  ancestry,  if  he  would  not  freely  peril  his 
life  in  defence  of  his  home,  his  liberty,  and  his  country. 

Although  you  are  pleased  to  characterize  our  occupation  of  Texas  and 
defence  of  our  imprescriptible  rights  as  the  "  most  scandalous  robbery  of 
the  present  age,"  it  is  not  one-fourth  of  a  century  since  Mexico  perpe- 
trated a  similar  robbery  upon  the  rights  of  the  Crown  of  Spain.  The 
magnitude  of  the  theft  may  give  dignity  to  the  robbery.  In  that  you 
have  the  advantage.  That  you  should  thus  have  characterized  a  whole 
nation  I  can  readily  account  for.  Heretofore  you  entertained  the  opinion 
that  Mexico  could  never  conquer  Texas,  and,  if  it  were  possible  for  her  to 
drive  every  Texan  from  the  soil,  that  Mexico  could  not  maintain  her 
position  on  the  Sabine,  and  the  retreat  of  her  army  would  be  the  signal 
for  the  return  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  race,  who  would  re-occupy  their  homes 
and  pursue  the  Mexicans  as  far  as  the  Rio  Grande ;  and  that  Mexico,  in 
preservation  of  the  integrity  of  the  territory  which  she  then  possessed, 
would  gain  an  advantage  by  abandoning  all  hopes  of  conquering  Texas, 
and  direct  her  attention  to  the  improvement  of  her  internal  condition. 
Your  recent  opinions,  as  declared  by  you,  appear  to  be  at  variance  with 
these  speculations,  and  are  most  vehemently  avowed.  It  is  an  attribute 
of  wisdom  to  change  opinions  upon  conviction  of  error,  and  perhaps  for  it 
you  are  justifiable  ;  at  least,  I  discover  that  you  have  one  attribute  of  a 


222  DESPOTISM     IN     MEXICO. 

new  convert :  you  are  quite  zealous  and  wordy  in  the  promulgation  of  the 
doctrine  which  you  have  espoused. 

Sir.  from  your  lenity  and  power  Texans  expect  nothing — from  your 
humanity  less  ;  and  when  you  invade  Texas  you  will  not  find  "  thorns  to 
wound  the  foot  of  the  traveller,"  but  you  will  find  opposed  to  Mexican 
breasts,  arms  wielded  by  freemen  of  unerring  certainty,  and  directed  by  a 
purpose  not  to  be  eluded.  Texans  war  not  for  gewgaws  and  titles ;  they 
battle  not  to  sustain  dictators  or  despots ;  they  do  not  march  to  the  field 
unwillingly,  nor  are  they  dragged  to  the  army  in  chains,  with  the  mock- 
title  of  volunteers.  For  awhile  they  lay  by  the  implements  of  husbandry, 
and  seize  their  rifles  ;  they  rally  in  defence  of  their  rights  ;  and,  when 
victory  has  been  achieved,  they  return  to  the  cultivation  of  the  soil. 
They  have  laws  to  protect  their  rights.  Their  property  is  their  own. 
They  do  not  bow  to  the  will  of  despots  ;  but  they  bow  to  the  majesty  of 
the  Constitution  and  laws.  They  are  freemen  indeed.  It  is  not  so  with 
your  nation.  From  the  alcalde  to  the  dictator,  all  are  tyrants  iu  Mexico  ; 
and  the  community  is  held  in  bondage,  subject  not  to  law,  but  to  the 
will  of  a  superior,  and  confined  in  hopeless  subjection  to  usurpation. 

In  an  individual  so  intelligent  as  yourself,  it  does  seem  to  me  that  you 
have  evinced  very  bad  taste  by  adverting  to  the  subject  of  slavery,  in  the 
internal  affairs  of  this  country.  Your  opinions,  whilst  here,  on  this  sub- 
ject, were  fully  and  freely  avowed.  You  then  believed  that  it  would  be 
of  great  advantage  to  Mexico  to  introduce  slave  labor  into  that  country  ; 
that  it  would  develop  her  resources,  by  enabling  her  to  produce  cotton, 
sugar,  and  coffee,  for  purposes  of  exportation ;  and  that  without  it  she 
would  be  seriously  retarded  in  her  march  to  greatness  and  prosperity. 
Your  sympathy  and  commiseration  at  present  expressed,  are  no  doubt 
very  sincere,  and  I  only  regret  that  they  partake  so  little  of  consistency. 
You  boast  that  Mexico  gave  the  noble  and  illustrious  example  of  emanci- 
pating her  slaves.  The  fact  that  she  has  the  name  of  having  done  so,  has 
enabled  you  to  add  another  flourish  to  your  rhetoric.  But  the  examina- 
tion of  facts  for  one  moment  will  disclose  the  truth.  The  slaves  of  Mexico, 
you  say,  were  emancipated.  Did  you  elevate  them  to  the  condition  of 
freemen?  No,  you  did  not :  you  gave  them  the  name  of  freedom,  but  you 
reduced  the  common  people  to  the  condition  of  slaves.  It  is  not  uncom- 
mon in  Mexico  for  one  dignitary,  upon  his  hacienda,  to  control  from  one 
hundred  to  ten  thousand  human  beings,  in  a  state  of  bondage  more  abject 
and  intolerable,  than  the  negroes  on  any  cotton  plantation  in  this  country. 
If  an  individual  in  Mexico  owes  but  twenty-five  cents,  by  application  to  an 


TEXAS     AGAINST     MEXICO.  223 

alcalde,  the  creditor  can  have  htm,  with  his  family,  decreed  to  his  service, 
and  to  remain  in  that  state  of  slavery  until  he  is  able  to  pay  the  debt  from 
the  wages  accruing  from  his  labor,  after  being  compelled  to  subsist  his 
dependent  family.  This  you  call  freedom ;  and  graciously  bestow  your 
sympathy  upon  the  African  race.  The  Abolitionists  of  the  present  day 
will  not  feel  that  they  are  not  indebted  to  you  for  your  support  of  their 
cause.  Had  some  one  else  than  the  dictator  of  Mexico,  or  the  self-styled 
"  Napoleon  of  the  "West  "—the  subverter  of  the  Constitution  of  1824,  the 
projector  of  centralism,  and  the  man  who  endeavors  to  reduce  a  nation  to 
slavery — become  their  advocate,  they  might  have  been  more  sensible  of 
their  obligation.  Slavery  is  an  evil ;  it  was  entailed  upon  us  by  Mexico. 
So  far  as  its  increase  can  be  prevented,  our  Constitution  and  laws  have  pre- 
sented every  obstacle.  They  will  be  maintained  to  the  letter  :  and  on 
account  of  slavery,  Texas,  will  incur  no  feproach. 

You  tauntingly  invite  Texas  to  cover  herself  anew  with  the  Mexican 
flag.  You  certainly  intend  this  as  mockery.  You  denied  us  the  enjoy- 
ment of  the  laws  under  which  we  came  to  the  country.  Her  flag  was 
never  raised  in  our  behalf,  nor  has  it  been  seen  in  Texas  unless  when  dis- 
played in  an  attempt  at  our  subjugation.  We  know  your  lenity — we 
know  your  mercy — we  are  ready  again  to  test  your  power.  You  have 
threatened  to  plant  your  banner  on  the  banks  of  the  Sabine.  Is  this  done 
to  intimidate  us  ?  Is  it  done  to  alarm  us  ?  Or  do  you  deem  it  the  most 
successful  mode  of  conquest  ?  If  the  latter,  it  may  do  to  amuse  the 
people  surrounding  you.  If  to  alarm  us.  it  will  amuse  those  conversant 
with  the  history  of  your  last  campaign.  If  to  intimidate  us,  the  threat  is 
idle.  We  have  desired  peace.  You  have  annoyed  our  frontier — you 
have  harassed  our  citizens — you  have  incarcerated  our  traders,  after  your 
commissioners  had  been  kindly  received,  and  your  citizens  allowed  the 
privileges  of  commerce  in  Texas  without  molestation — you  continue 
aggression — you  will  not  accord  us  peace.  We  will  have  it.  You 
threaten  to  conquer  Texas— we  will  war  with  Mexico.  Your  pretensions, 
with  ours,  you  have  referred  to  the  social  world  and  to  the  God  of  Battles. 
We  refer  our  cause  to  the  same  tribunals.  The  issue  involves  the  fate  of 
nations.  Destiny  must  determine.  Its  course  is  only  known  to  the 
tribunal  of  Heaven.  If  experience  of  the  past  will  authorize  speculations 
of  the  future,  the  attitude  of  Mexico,  is  more  "  problematical "  than  that 
of  Texas. 

In  the  war  which  will  be  conducted  by  Texas  against  Mexico,  our  incen- 
tive will  not  be  a  love  of  conquest ;  it  will  be  to  disarm  tyranny  of  its 


224  THE     FORESHADOWING     OF     EMPIRE. 

| 

power.  "We  will  make  no  war  upon  Mexicans,  or  their  religion.  Our 
efforts  shall  be  made  in  behalf  of  the  liberties  of  the  people,  and  directed 
against  the  authorities  of  the  country,  and  against  your  principles.  We 
will  exalt  the  condition  of  the  people  to  representative  freedom  ;  they 
Ehall  choose  their  own  rulers ;  they  shall  possess  their  property  in  peace, 
and  it  shall  not  be  taken  from  them  to  support  an  armed  soldiery,  for  the 
purpose  of  oppression. 

With  these  principles,  we  will  march  across  the  Rio  Grande  :  and 
believe  me,  sir,  ere  the  banner  of  Mexico  shall  triumphantly  float  on  the 
banks  of  the  Sabine,  the  Texan  standard  of  the  single  star,  borne  by  the 
Anglo-Saxon  race,  shall  display  its  bright  folds  in  liberty's  triumph  on 
the  Isthmus  of  Darien. 

With  the  most  appropriate  consideration,  I  have  the  honor  to  present 
you  my  salutation.  • 

SAM  HOUSTON. 
To  His  Excellency,  ANTONIO  LOPEZ  DE  SANTA  ANNA, 

President  of  the  Republic  of  Mexico. 


XY. 

We  are  now  obliged  to  cut  short  our  relation  of  events  in 
detail,  to  give  a  brief  account  of  other  more  important  move- 
ments. Confidence  began  to  be  restored.  One  open  rebellion 
against  the  Jaws  of  the  country  Houston  put  down  by  going  to 
the  scene,  and  calling  out  the  militia.  When  desperadoes 
found  there  was  a  man  at  the  head  of  affairs,  who  could  not  be 
trifled  with,  the}7  soon  disbanded,  and  the  supremacy  of  law  was 
again  restored.  A  new  set  of  men  were  in  office— justice  was 
efficiently  administered — economy  was  observed,  and  although 
Mr.  Lamar  had  saddled  an  enormous  debt  upon  the  country, 
which  could  not  be  discharged  for  a  long  time  to  corne,  yet 
public  credit  was  being  restored,  and  men  began  to  feel  Aproud 
of  their  Government. 

XVI. 

Houston  had  left  no  resource  untried  to  effect  the  liberation 


EFFORTS     FOR    TEXAS.  225 

of  the  Santa  Fe  prisoners.  He  had  appealed  to  all  friendly 
Powers  to  mediate  in  their  release.  The  Congress  of  Texas  had 
adjourned,  after  the  news  of  their  capture  had  arrived,  without 
doing  anything  to  aid  the  President  in  restoring  them  to  their 
liberty.  They  had  been  given  up  as  doomed  men  ;  they  had 
gone  to  Santa  Fe  in  violation  of  the  law  of  nations,  and  with  no 
constitutional  authority  from  their  Government.  They  had 
been  thrown  on  Houston's  hands  ;  his  only  reliance  was  on  the 
terms  of  their  capitulation,  for  he  insisted  that,  even  if  they  had 
been  outlaws  before,  this  had  brought  them  within  the  pale  of 
civilized  warfare.  We  have  no  space  to  give  the  history  of  the 
negotiations  that  were  carried  on  for  the  release  of  these  brave 
but  misguided  men.  Suffice  it  to  say,  that  they  were  liberated. 
Nor  have  we  space  to  give  the  history  of  the  Mier  Expedition. 

XVII. 

Texas  had  now  been  repeatedly  invaded  by  predatory  Mexi- 
can bands,  who  seemed  to  have  but  two  objects — to  harass  the 
nation  they  could  not  subdue,  and  pay  up  arrearages  due  to 
their  soldiers  from  the  treasury  of  Mexico,  with  spoils  of  the 
robber.  Mexico  was  always  talking  about  a  grand  campaign, 
but  since  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto,  she  had  not  dared  to  meet 
the  revolted  Province  in  honorable  battle.  The  people  of 
Mexico  knew  that  the  tyranny  of  her  Dictators  had  lost  them 
for  ever  that  portion  of  their  dominion  ;  and  at  no  period  did 
they  wear  the  yoke  so  tamely,  that  the  tyrant  in  power  dared 
to  leave  the  Capital  to  head  any  army  of  invasion.  Whoever 
that  tyrant  may  have  been,  he  knew  that  his  worst  enemies  were 
the  Mexicans  themselves  ;  his  supremacy  rested  upon  the 
presence  of  his  troops  in  the  city,  and  if  he  succeeded  in  con- 
solidating his  power  at  home,  and  turned  his  face  towards 
Texas,  he  was  sure  to  be  overtaken  by  a  courier  from  the  Capi- 

10* 


226  APPEAL    TO     THE     GREAT    POWERS. 

tal  with  the  news,  that  his  dominion  was  ended,  and  another 
dictator  had  been  proclaimed.  In  the  opinion  of  the  Texan  Pre- 
sident, the  time  had  come  when  the  civilized  world  should  inter- 
fere to  end  this  contemptible  system  of  pillage,  and  robbery  of 
the  Republic. 

XYIII. 

Accordingly,  he  caused  his  Secretary  of  State  to  address  the 
following  high-toned  and  honorable  appeal  to  the  Great  Powers, 
which  had  acknowledged  the  Independence  of  Texas.  It  shows 
clearly  the  condition  of  Texas,  and  will  correct  many  false 
impressions  which  have  gone  abroad  in  reference  to  the  struggles 
of  that  nation.  It  is  also  proper  to  add,  that  this  was  the  paper 
which  proved  so  powerful  in  winning  the  sympathy  and  respect 
of  Sir  Robert  Peel,  and  M.  Guizot,  who  ever  after  showed  the 
deepest  interest  in  the  fortunes  of  Texas. 


XIX. 

DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE,  TEXAS, 

WasJiington,  October  I5th,  1842. 

I  am  instructed  by  his  Excellency,  the  President,  to  submit  for  your 
consideration  and  action,  a  subject  of  general  concern  to  civilized 
nations,  but  of  peculiar  interest  to  Texas,  viz. :  the  character  of  the  war 
at  present  waged  by  Mexico  against  this  country.  The  President  is  led 
to  believe,  from  the  nature  of  the  facts  involved,  that  this  step  will  be 
deemed  not  only  admissible,  but  entirely  proper.  The  civilized  and 
Christian  world  is  interested  in  the  unimpaired  preservation  of  those 
principles  and  rules  of  international  intercourse,  both  in  peace  and  war, 
which  have  received  the  impress  of  wisdom  and  humanity,  and  been 
strengthened,  through  a  long  course  of  time,  by  the  practice  and  approval 
of  the  most  powerful  and  enlightened  of  modern  States.  To  these  rules, 
in  their  application  to  the  pending  difficulties  between  this  Republic  and 
Mexico,  your  attention  is  respectfully  invited. 

Whenever  a  people,  separate  and  sovereign  in  their  political  character, 


MEXICAN     INCURSIONS.  227 

are  admitted  into  the  great  community  of  nations,  they  incur  responsi- 
bilities and  contract  obligations  which  are  reciprocal  in  their  character, 
and  naturally  binding  upon  all  the  members  of  the  community,  the  extent 
and  force  of  which  depend  upon  that  code  of  ethics  which  prescribes  tho 
reciprocal  duties  and  obligations  of  each  sovereign  member.  Hence 
arises  the  right  to  control  the  mode  of  warfare  pursued  by  one  nation 
towards  another,  and  the  corresponding  duty  of  providing  against  the  per- 
petration of  acts  at  variance  with  the  laws  of  humanity,  and  the  settled 
usages  of  civilized  nations. 

In  view  of  the  character  of  hostilities,  at  present  waged  by  Mexico 
against  Texas,  and  of  those  principles  which  have  been,  in  the  opinion  of 
this  government,  so  frequently  and  so  flagrantly  violated  by  our  enemy, 
the  hope  is  confidently  indulged  by  the  President,  that  the  direct  inter- 
ference of  nations  mutually  friendly,  will  be  extended  to  arrest  a  species 
of  warfare,  unbecoming  the  age  in  which  we  live,  and  disgraceful  to  any 
people  professing  to  be  civilized. 

The  course  of  conduct  uniformly  observed  by  the  government  and 
people  of  Texas  towards  our  enemy,  stands  in  palpable  contrast  with  their 
manifold  enormities  and  wanton  aggression,  and  will,  it  is  confidently 
expected,  furnish  abundant  ground  for  the  exercise  of  the  right  of  inter- 
ference now  invoked. 

It  has  now  been  nearly  seven  years  since  the  Declaration  and  the 
establishment  of  the  Independence  of  this  Republic.  During  the  whole 
of  this  time,  Mexico,  although  uniformly  asserting  the  ability  and  deter- 
mination to  re-subjugate  the  country,  has  never  made  a  formidable  effort 
to  do  so.  Her  principal  war  has  consisted  of  silly  taunts  and  idle  threats, 
of  braggadocio  bulletins  and  gasconading  proclamations.  All  her  boasted 
threats  of  invasion  have  resulted  in  nothing  more  than  fitting  out  and 
sending  into  the  most  exposed  portions  of  our  territory,  petty  marauding 
parties,  for  the  purpose  of  pillaging  and  harassing  the  weak  and  isolated 
settlements  on  our  western  border. 

Since  March  last,  no  less  than  three  incursions  of  that  character  have 
been  made,  none  of  which  have  continued  longer  than  eight  days.  The 
\first  party  was  composed  of  artillery,  infantry,  rancheros,  and  Indian 
[warriors,  in  all  about  700.  Their  attack  was  made  upon  the  defenceless 
lto\vii  of  San  Antonio.  The  second,  consisting  of  about  800,  attacked  a 
party  of  about  200  emigrants  at  Lipantillan.  They  were  repulsed  with 
loss,  and  retreated  from  the  country.  The  last,  under  Gen.  Woll,  of 
about  1300,  attacked  and  took  San  Antonio  the  second  time,  by  surprise, 


228  NOBLE     ATTITUDE     OF     TEXAS. 

during  the  session  of  the  District  Court.  His  force  was  composed  of  regu- 
lars, rancheros  and  Indians.  The  Indians  employed  by  the  Mexicans  are 
fragments  of  bands  originally  from  the  United  States,  but  now  located 
within  the  limits  of  Texas.  This  government  has  always  refused  to 
employ  the  services  of  Indians,  when  tendered  against  Mexico,  and  has 
sought  every  possible  means  to  mitigate,  rather  than  increase,  the  calami- 
ties of  war.  Persisting  in  this  effort,  the  President  has  had  recourse  to  the 
present  measure,  with  a  hope  to  subserve  the  cause  of  humanity.  Should 
this  effort  fail,  the  government  must  resort  to  retaliatory  measures,  grow- 
ing out  of  our  peculiar  situation,  which  are  to  be  deprecated  by  every 
Christian  and  generous  feeling.  The  rulers  of  nations  are  responsible  for 
their  preservation,  and  as  a  last  resort,  must  adopt  a  just  retaliation. 
What  is  most  to  be  deplored  in  a  war  of  this  character,  is,  that  the  unof- 
fending and  defenceless  become  victims  of  the  most  relentless  cruelty. 
War,  in  its  most  generous  and  noble  aspect,  is  accompanied  by  great 
calamities.  Nations  are  not  benefited  by  it,  and  it  must  be  productive  of 
great  individual  sufferings.  But  when  individuals  and  nations  are  exas- 
perated by  repeated  wrongs,  even  cruelty  itself  may  be  rendered  tolerable, 
if  it  be  used  as  retaliation  for  injuries  long  endured.  The  massacres  and 
cruelties  which  have  been  inflicted  upon  Texas,  since  the  commencement 
of  her  Revolution,  have  been  responded  to  by  a  generous  forbearance,  but 
that  cannot  be  expected  longer  to  exist. 

The  object  of  Mexico,  in  her  course,  cannot  be  misunderstood.  By 
incursions  of  the  character  complained  of,  the  spirits  of  our  husbandmen 
and  farmers  are  depressed — the  cry  of  invasion  is  kept  up,  and  the  excite- 
ment incidental  to  war  prevents  emigration,  and  embarrasses  our 
resources,  by  deterring  men  of  enterprise  and  capital  from  making  impor- 
tations of  goods  into  our  country.  This,  for  a  time,  may  avail  her  some- 
thing ;  but  the  aggregate  of  human  suffering  will  be  a  poor  recompense  for 
the  advantages  she  may  gain.  The  origin,  genius,  and  character  of  the 
people  of  Texas,  are  guarantees  for  her  ultimate  success.  Nations  that 
contribute  to  her  advancement,  will  command  her  gratitude.  Never,  since 
1836,  has  Mexico  attempted  anything  like  a  general  invasion  of  the 
country,  or  conducted  the  war  upon  any  plan  calculated  to  test  the 
superiority  of  the  two  nations  on  the  field  of  battle,  and  bring  the  war  to 
»,  close  by  the  arbitration  of  arms.  Her  hostile  demonstrations,  thus  far, 
have  consisted,  exclusively,  in  the  clandestine  approach  of  small  bauds  of 
rancheros  from  the  the  valley  of  the  Rio  Grande,  for  plunder  and  theft, 
but  sometimes  associated  with  fragments  of  the  Mexican  army,  composed 


BARBARITY     OF     MEXICO.  229 

.for  the  most  part  of  convict  soldiery,  fit  for  nothing  either  honorable  in 
enterprise  or  magnanimous  in  conduct.  The  people  of  Texas,  being,  for 
most  part,  agriculturalists,  engaged  in  the  tillage  of  the  soil,  the  conse- 
quences of  this  predatory  system  of  warfare  have  been  to  them  extremely 
vexatious  and  harassing,  without  in  any  degree  hastening  the  adjustment 
of  the  difficulties  existing  between  the  parties.  Entirely  different  is  the 
general  character  of  the  Mexican  population.  They  are  literally  a  nation 
of  herdsmen,  subsisting,  in  a  great  measure,  on  the  proceeds  of  their  flocks 
and  herds.  They  can  move  about  from  place  to  place,  and  make  their 
homes  wherever  inclination  or  convenience  may  prompt,  without  detri- 
ment. 

Hitherto  the  conduct  and  disposition  of  the  Government  and  people  of 
Mexico  have  been  diametrically  opposed  to  those  manifested  by  the  people 
of  Texas.  While  the  one  has  been  depredating  upon  the  property  and 
dwellings  of  our  exposed  and  defenceless  frontier,  murdering  the  inhabi- 
tants in  cold  blood,  or  forcing  them  away  into  loathsome,  and  too  often 
fatal,  captivity  ;  inciting  the  murderous  tribes  of  hostile  Indians,  who 
reside  along  our  northern  border,  to  plunder  our  exposed  settlements, 
stimulating  to  the  most  cruel  and  barbarous  massacres,  and  inhuman 
butcheries,  even  of  our  defenceless  women  and  children,  and  to  commit 
every  excess  of  savage  warfare — the  other,  animated  by  the  hope  of  a 
further  resort  to  arms  and  their  attendant  calamities,  for  injuries  received, 
returned  forbearance. 

The  President  has  sought  to  abstain  from  the  effusion  of  blood,  and  in 
that  aim  has  uniformly  restrained  the  impetuosity,  and  calmed  the  excite- 
ment of  his  countrymen,  so  often  aroused  by  a  course  of  conduct  which 
violates  every  right,  both  private  and  national,  and  a  cruelty  and  depravity 
which  would  disgrace  the  darkest  ages  of  feudal  barbarism.  The  popular 
impulse  might  have  been  turned  upon  the  enemy,  on  their  own  soil.  The 
result  might  have  proved  that  a  free  people,  burning  with  vengeance 
long  restrained,  could  levy  a  heavy  retaliation. 

Such  being  the  character  of  hostile  operations  against  Texas,  on  the 
part  of  our  enemy,  which  being  plainly  in  violation  of  every  principle  of 
civilized  or  honorable  warfare,  and,  at  the  same  time,  so  little  calculated 
to  achieve  the  professed  object  of  the  war — the  re-conquest  of  Texas,  the 

President  confidently  hopes  the  Government  of will  feel  not  only 

justified,  but  even  called  upon,  to  interpose  its  high  authority  and  arrest 
their  course  or  proceedings,  and  require  of  Mexico  either  the  recognition 
of  the  Independence  of  Texas,  or  to  make  war  upon  her  according  to 


230  CLOSE    or    THE   APPEAL. 

the  rights  established  and  universally  recognized  by  civilized  nations.  If 
Mexico  believes  herself  able  to  re-subjugate  this  country,  her  right  to 
make  the  effort  to  do  so  is  not  denied,  for,  on  the  contrary,  if  she  choose 
to  invade  our  territory  with  that  purpose,  the  President,  in  the  name  of 
the  people  of  all  Texas,  will  bid  her  welcome.  It  is  not  against  a  war 
with  Mexico  that  Texas  would  protest.  This  she  deprecates  not.  She  is 
willing  at  any  time  to  stake  her  existence  as  a  nation  upon  the  issue  of  a 
war  conducted  on  Christian  principles.  It  is  alone  against  the  unholy, 
inhuman,  and  fruitless  character  it  has  assumed,  and  still  maintains,  which 
violates  every  rule  of  honorable  warfare,  every  precept  of  religion,  and 
sets  at  defiance  even  the  common  sentiments  of  humanity,  against  which 
she  protests,  and  invokes  the  interposition  of  those  powerful  nations 
which  have  recognized  her  independence. 

The  Government  of  this  Republic  has  already  given  an  earnest  of  its 
disposition  to  consult  the  wishes  of  other  nations,  when  those  wishes  do 
not  conflict  with  the  general  interests  and  convenience  of  the  country. 
Fully  appreciating  the  friendly  sentiments  of  those  Powers,  which  have 
acknowledged  the  Independence  of  Texas,  and  relying  much  upon  their 
ability  and  influence  in  securing  an  early  and  permanent  adjustment  of 
our  difficulties  with  Mexico,  the  President,  in  compliance  with  the  desire 
of  those  Nations,  expressed  through  their  Representatives  to  this  Govern-' 
ment,  revoked  the  late  proclamation  of  blockade  against  Mexico,  and 
thus  removed  every  cause  of  embarrassment  to  those  nations  in  their  inter- 
course with  our  enemy.  Having  thus  yielded  the  opportunity  of  retali- 
ating upon  our  enemy  the  many  injuries  we  have  received  at  her  hands, 
the  President  feels  less  reluctance  in  making  this  representation,  and 
invoking  the  interposition  of  those  nations  to  put  an  end  to  a  mode  of 
warfare  at  once  disgraceful  to  the  age,  so  evil  in  its  consequences  to  civil 
society,  so  revolting  to  every  precept  of  the  Christian  religion,  and  shock- 
ing to  every  sentiment  of  humanity. 

G.  W.  TERRELL, 
Attorney- General,  and  Acting  Secretary  of  State. 


RECEPTION     OF    THE     APPEAL.  231 


SECTION    THIRTEENTH. 

ANNEXATION FRENCH,    BRITISH,    AND   AMERICAN   CABINETS. 

I. 

THIS  luminous  and  able  paper,  unfolded  clearly  the  merits  of 
the  Texan  struggle,  and  it  received  the  profound  attention  of 
the  Cabinets  of  Washington,  London,  and  Paris.  The  leading 
Journals  of  England  and  France,  borrowing  their  prejudices  and 
their  intelligence  about  Texan  affairs,  from  powerful  and  widely 
circulated  American  Papers,  had  hitherto  regarded  the  people 
of  Texas  as  a  band  of  outlaws.  Scarcely  a  word  of  encourage- 
ment or  sympathy  had  been  uttered  by  their  ministers  to  the 
agents  of  Texas  in  Europe,  and  beyond  a  tardy  recognition  of 
her  independence,  they  hardly  ventured.  The  American  Press 
groaned  under  the  burden  of  calumnies  against  the  Texan  people 
and  their  bold  leader. 

II. 

Consequently,  this  appeal  was  received,  and  read  with  surprise 
and  mortification.  They  saw  that  the  same  high  veneration  for 
justice — the  same  lofty  regard  for  national  honor,  and  the  same 
(if  not  a  nobler)  recognition  of  the  claims  of  humanity  and 
Christian  principle  which  had  characterized  the  progress  and 
the  intercourse  of  those  great  kingdoms — inspired  the  councils 
of  the  man  who  had  given  freedom  to  his  outraged  country. 


232  TEXAS    IN    THE    MARKET. 

III. 

We  have  been  told,  and  we  do  not  doubt  it,  that  both  of 
those  great  ministers,  who  guided  the  destinies  of  England  and 
France,  declared,  on  reading  this  appeal,  that  it  would  have 
done  honor  to  the  bravest  nation,  and  most  enlightened  states- 
man. However  this  may  have  been,  we  do  know,  from  the 
archives  of  Texas,  that  immediately  afterward,  a  rivalry  began 
between  the  French  and  English  Cabinets,  for  the  cultivation  of 
friendly  relations  with  Texas.  Instructions  were  sent  to  the 
ministers  of  those  nations  accredited  to  the  Texan  Government, 
to  allow  no  opportunity  of  winning  the  regard  and  friendship  of 
the  Republic  to  pass  unimproved.  We  also  know,  too,  that  no 
effort  which  vigilant  ministers  could  put  forth,  and  no  motives 
which  keen-sighted  diplomatists  could  press,  were  left  untried, 
to  gain  for  their  Sovereigns,  control  over  the  commerce  and  the 
political  fortunes  of  Texas.  They  saw  that,  as  an  independent 
power,  no  barriers  could  be  interposed  to  her  ultimate  advance- 
ment ;  and  it  became  a  matter  of  infinite  moment  to  France 
and  England,  to  prevent  the  final  union  of  Texas  with  the 
United  States.  Hence,  those  powers  watched  with  so  much 
vigilance  and  alarm,  the  tendency  of  affairs  towards  annexation. 
Hence  they  brought  into  requisition  all  their  diplomatic, 
commercial,  and  financial  machinery,  to  prevent  what  they 
clearly  foresaw  would  prove  so  detrimental  to  their  ancient 
supremacy  in  the  New  World.  We  have  had  facilities  for 
knowing  something  of  these  movements,  and  we  venture  to  say, 
that  had  not  Houston  held  the  control  of  these  negotiations, 
and  been  a  man  whose  policy  neither  England  nor  France  could 
constrain  or  coerce  by  any  motives  of  personal  aggrandizement — 
Texas  never  would  have  been  a  part  of  our  confederacy,  and  those 
great  powers  would  have  gained  a  foothold  beyond  the  Sabine, 
which  would  not  unlikely  have  transferred  to  their  hands  that  vast 
empire  which  we  are  now  wielding  on  the  shores  of  the  Pacific. 


JOHN  TYLER'S   NOBLE   CONDUCT.  233 

IV. 

The  very  moment  the  French  and  British  Cabinets  saw  the 
tendency  of  events,  they  increased  'their  vigilance  just  in  propor- 
tion  as   Texas   was   spurned   from   our  embraces.     But  while 
timidity  and  apprehensions  filled  the  minds  of  the  friends  of 
Texas  in  this  country,  and  Congress,  blinded  by  falsehood  and 
prejudice,  plied  by  threats  and  awed  by  clamor,  still  held  itself 
aloof  from  all  legislation  on  the  subject,  Mr.   Tyler   and  his 
cabinet  were  no  idle  spectators  of  the  advancing  drama.     That 
President — whatever  may  have  been  the  wisdom  of  the  rest  of  his 
course — pursued,  in  the  affair  of  Texas,  a  most  enlightened,  saga- 
cious, and  American  policy.     He  saw  the  vast  importance  of 
consummating  annexation  at  the  earliest  possible  moment;  and 
all  that  vigilance,  activity,  and  a  complete  understanding  of 
the  merits  of  the  question,  could  accomplish,  was  done.'    His 
efforts  were  at  last  successful.     And  although  his  reputation  as 
a  statesman  may  have  suffered,  and  he  may  have   paid  the 
penalty  Of  having  in  some  things  proved  untrue  to  both  parties 
as  well  as  to  himself,  yet  all  this  has  been  in  a  great  measure 
forgotten,  and  the  time  will  come  when  the  vast  consequences  of 
that  great  act,  whose  consummation  is  so  much  due  to  him,  will 
become  so  apparent  to  all  our  people,  that  his  name  will  be 
cherished  by  every  American.     Throughout  his  administration, 
he  was  true  to  his  policy  on  this  question.     Unawed  by  popular 
clamor,  and  unseduced   by  the  minions  who  pressed  around  his 
feet  (and  who  brought  the  transient  eclipse  over  his  fame),  he 
steadily  and  firmly  pursued  his  noble  purpose. 


Y. 

In   the   meantime,  France  and  England   did  interfere,   and 
brought  about  an  armistice  between  Mexico  and  Texas.     The 


234        HOUSTON'S   POLICY    OF   ANNEXATION. 

friendly  offices  of  our  Cabinet  were  also  proffered,  but  they  had 
little  influence  with  Mexico.  The  negotiations  in  London  were 
conducted  with  consummate  ability  by  Mr.  Ashbel  Smith. 

In  a  dispatch  from  the  Department  of  State  of  Texas,  to  Mr. 
Yan  Zandt,  Charge  d'  Affaires  of  the  Republic  at  Washington, 
dated  July  6th,  1843,  that  functionary  was  thus  instructed  : 
"The  United  States  having  taken  no  definite  action  in  this  matter, 
and  there  now  being  an  increased  prospect  of  an  adjustment  of 
our  difficulties  with  Mexico,  the  President  deems  it  advisable  to 
take  no  further  action  at  present  in  reference  to  annexation, 
but  has  decided  to  await  the  issue  of  events  now  in  progress,  and 
to  postpone  that  subject  for  future  consideration,  and  for  such 
action  as  circumstances  may  hereafter  render  most  expedient  for 
the  interests  of  this  country." 

VI. 

This  extract,  with  others  we  shall  presently  give,  will  unfold 
what  has  been  a  matter  of  some  dispute,  viz.  : — the 'policy  of 
Houston  on  this  important  subject.  Whatever  his  own  private 
feelings  may  have  been,  it  was  exceedingly  doubtful  whether  our 
Government  would  ever  consent  to  annexation  on  what  he  con- 
sidered fair  and  equal  terms  ;  and  he  was  resolved  to  maintain 
with  France  and  England  the  most  friendly  relations  ;  that  in 
the  event  of  Texas  being  spurned  from  the  embrace  of  the 
United  States,  she  might  fall  back  upon  a  Treaty  with  a  power- 
ful ally,  under  whose  patronage  she  might  claim  protection  from 
her  foe,  and  under  whose  policy  (made  liberal  by  interest)  she 
might  advance  rapidly  to  power. 

VII. 

The  French  and  English  ministers  resident  in  Texas,  had 
already  manifested  some  little  jealousy  on  the  subject  of  Hous- 


EFFECTIVE     DIPLOMACY.  235 

ton's  negotiations  with  the  Washington  Cabinet,  and  seeing 
little  probability  of  consummating  a  treaty  of  annexation,  he 
instructed  Mr.  Yan  Zandt  to  defer  all  further  action  for  the 
time  being. 

Accordingly,  instructions  were  forwarded  to  Mr.  Yan  Zandt 
on  the  13th  of  December  (1843).  The  following  extracts  will 
clearly  unfold  the  reasons  for  Houston's  policy. 

"  The  interposition  of  foreign  friendly  governments,  by  which  an 
Armistice  has  been  established  between  Texas  and  Mexico,  and  the 
prospect  of  a  permanent  peace  with  that  power  given,  has  been  extended 
by  the  particular  governments  mostly  influential  in  obtaining  these  most 
desirable  results  chiefly  with  a  view  that,  in  the  event  of  Mexico's  agree- 
ing to  acknowledge  the  independence  of  Texas,  she  should  continue  to 
exist  as  a  separate  and  independent  nation.  The  great  object  and  desire 
of  Texas  is  the  establishment  of  a  permanent  and  satisfactory  peace  with  \ 
her  enemy,  and  for  this  purpose  the  good  offices  of  these  powers  have  been/ 
asked  and  obtained,  and  the  object  sought  for,  through  their  intervention,/ 
appears  now  on  the  eve  of  being  realized. 

"  This  intervention  and  these  good  offices  have  been  gratuitously  and 
unconditionally  given,  and  although  Texas  is  entirely  free  to  pursue  any 
course  she  may  please  in  future,  the  President  thinks  that,  in  the  present 
state  of  our  foreign  relations,  it  would  not  be  politic  to  abandon  the 
expectations  which  now  exist  of  a  speedy  settlement  of  our  difficulties 
with  Mexico  through  the  good  offices  of  other  powers,  for  the  very 
uncertain  prospect  of  annexation  to  the.  United  States,  however  desirable 
that  event,  if  it  could  be  consummated,  might  be.  "Were  Texas  to  agree 
to  a  treaty  of  annexation,  the  good  offices  of  these  powers  would,  it  is 
believed,  be  immediately  withdrawn,  and  were  the  treaty  then  to  fail  of 
ratification  by  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  Texas  would  be  placed  in 
a  much  worse  situation  than  she  is  at  present,  nor  could  she  again  ask  or 
hope  for  any  interposition  in  her  behalf,  either  by  England  or  France  ; 
and  with  our  consequent  supposed  dependence  upon  the  United  States, 
might  again  return  the  apathy  and  indifference  towards  us  which  has 
always,  until  now,  characterized  that  government.  Texas  would  then  be 
left  in  the  same  situation  she  was  two  years  since,  without  a  friend,  and 
her  difficulties  with  Mexico  unsettled. 

"This  government   is   duly  sensible   of  the  very  friendly  feelings 


236  TEXAS     WITHDRAWS     ANNEXATION. 

evinced  by  the  President  of  the  United  States,  in  the  offer  to  conclude  a 
treaty  for  the  annexation  of  this  country,  but  from  all  the  information 
which  he  has  been  able  to  obtain  in  relation  to  .the  views  and  feelings  of 
the  people  of  the  United  States,  he  is  induced  to  believe  that  its  approval 
by  the  other  branches  of  that  government  would  be,  if  not  refused,  at 
least,  of  very  uncertain  attainment  at  this  particular  time — therefore, 
and  until  such  an  expression  of  their  opinion  can  be  obtained  as  \vould 
render  this  measure  certain  of  success,  the  President  deems  it  most  proper 
and  most  advantageous  to  the  interests  of  this  country,  to  decline  the 
proposition  for  concluding  a  treaty.  In  making  a  communication  of  this 
determination  to  the  government  of  the  United  States,  it  will  be  proper 
to  inform  that  government  that  whenever  the  Congress  or  Senate  of  the 
United  States  shall  throw  wide  open  the  door  to  annexation,  by  a  reso- 
lution authorizing  the  President  of  that  country  to  propose  a  treaty  for 
the  purpose,  the  proposition  will  be  immediately  submitted  to  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  people  of  this  country,  and  promptly  responded  to  on 
the  part  of  its  government. 

"  The  present  determination  of  the  President  on  this  subject,  does  not 
proceed  from  any  change  in  his  views  of  the  general  policy  of  the 
measure,  but  from  a  change  in  the  relations  of  this  country  with  other 
powers." 

.VIII. 

These  instructions  to  suspend  negotiations  on  the  subject  of 
annexation,  with  a  knowledge  that  England  was  pressing  her 
powerful  and  friendly  offices  upon  the  Republic,  alarmed  the 
Cabinet  at  Washington.  The  facts  which  were  soon  after 
made  public,  excited  the  apprehensions  also,  not  only  of  all  the 
friends  of  annexation,  but  of  all  those  Americans,  who  had  the 
foresight  to  anticipate  the  prejudicial  consequences  that  would 
come  upon  this  country,  by  allowing  England  to  gain  a  foot- 
hold on  our  Southern  frontier.  She  had  sometimes  proved  a 
bad  neighbor,  as  our  difficulties  growing  out  of  the  North- 
Eastern  and  Oregon  boundaries  had  abundantly  proved — and 
the  deepest  anxiety  was  everywhere  manifested  for  the  prompt 
action  of  Congress.  In  the  meantime,  Mr.  Tyler,  fearing  the 


SECRET    MESSAGE    TO     CONGRESS.  23t 

result,  had  instructed  his  Secretary  of  State  to  lose  no  oppor- 
tunity of  assuring  the  Texan  government  of  his  earnest  desiie  to 
consummate  annexation. 


IX. 

The  President  of  Texas  was  placed  in  a  position  of  extreme 
delicacy,  and  any  imprudent  act  or  movement  would  have  proved 
exceedingly  hazardous  to  the  interests  of  his  country.  He  had 
early  manifested  his  desire  for  annexation,  and  done  all  he  could 
to  effect  it  during  his  first  executive  term.  Under  Mr.  Lamar's 
administration,  the  question  had  slept.  Houston  had  pursued  a 
discreet  course  in  regard  to  it  after  his  re-election,  and  although 
he  had  now  been  for  some  time  earnestly  occupied  in  securing 
annexation,  he  had,  like  a  wise  man,  kept  his  own  counsels. 


X. 

On  the  20th  of  January,  1844,  however,  he  sent  a  secret  mes- 
sage to  Congress,  in  which  he  uses  the  following  language  : 

"Connected  with  our  present  condition,  our  foreign  relations  are 
becoming  daily  more  and  more  interesting  ;  and  it  seems  to  me  that  the 
representatives  of  the  people  should  anticipate  the  events  which  may  in 
all  probability  occur.  ****** 

*  *          "  The  Executive,  therefore,  relies  upon  the  delibe- 

rative wisdom  and  decision  of  the  representatives  of  the  people,  to  give 
him  all  the  aid  in  their  power  to  conduct  the  affairs  of  Texas  to  such  an 
issue,  as  will  be  promotive  of  its  interests  as  a  community,  and  at  the  same 
time  gratifying  to  the  people.  Heretofore,  he  has  carefully  abstained, 
during  his  present  administration,  from  the  expression  of  any  opinion  in 
reference  to  the  subject  of  annexation  to  the  United  States.  And,  in  sub- 
mitting this  communication,  he  does  not  think  it  becoming  in  him  now  to 
express  any  preference. 

"  It  will  be  perceived  by  the  honorable  Congress,  that  if  any  effort 


238  POLICY     OF     ANNEXATION. 

were  made  on  the  part  of  this  Government  to  effect  the  object  of  annex- 
ation, which  is  so  desirable,  and  if  it  should  fail  of  meeting  responsive  and 
corresponding  action  on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  it  might  have  a 
seriously  prejudicial  influence  upon  the  course  which  England  and  France 
might  otherwise  be  disposed  to  take  in  our  favor.  And  a  failure  on  our 
part,  after  a  decided  expression,  could  not  but  be  mortifying  to  us,  and  to 
a  great  extent  diminish  our  claims  to  the  confidence  of  other  nations.  It 
would  create  distrust  on  their  part  towards  us ;  because  the  opponents  of 
our  interests  would  allege  there  was  no  stability  in  our  purposes,  and 
therefore  it  would  be  unsafe  in  other  nations  to  cultivate  very  intimate 
relations  with  us,  or  even  to  maintain  those  which  now  exist.  They  might 
apprehend  that  after  the  lapse  of  a  few  more  years,  Texas,  once  having 
acquired  increased  importance  from  their  friendly  aid  and  good  offices, 
would  be  induced  again,  by  the  agitation  of  the  same  question  in  the 
United  States,  to  apply  for  admission  into  that  Union,  and  that  by  possi- 
bility it  might  be  effected.  Hence  the  utmost  caution  and  secresy  on  our 
part,  as  to  the  true  motives  of  our  policy,  should  be  carefully  observed." 


XI. 

He  recommends  that  in  the  event  of  the  failure  of  Texas, 
she  should  enter  into  "  a  treaty  of  alliance,  defensive  at  least,  if 
not  offensive,"  with  the  United  States. 

"  If  nothing  else,"  he  says,  "  were  effected  in  a  treaty  for  defence,  it 
would  secure  to  Texas  a  position  that  would  for  ever  bid  defiance  to  our 
Mexican  enemy.  It  would  be  as  important  to  us,  in  fact,  as  the  recog- 
nition of  our  independence  by  Mexico." 

He  also  proposes  the  appointment  of  "an  additional  agent  to 
the  Government  of  the  United  States,  to  co-operate  with  our 
agent  there."  He  thus  concludes  : 

•'•  If  the  honorable  Congress  should  think  well  of  these  suggestions,  they 
will  be  aware  of  the  propriety  of  immediate  action  on  the  subject.  The 
Congress  of  the  United  States  have  now  been  in  session  some  time,  and 
i'i.-n;  can  be  but  little  doubt  that  if  they  have  not  already  done  so,  they 


SHOULD  TEXAS  BE  ANNEXED.          239 

will  soon  indicate  their  disposition,  and  course  of  policy  towards  this 
country. 

"Believing  as  the  Executive  did,  at  the  commencement  of  the  present 
Session,  that  the  subject  of  annexation  was  in  the  best  position  in  which 
Texas  could  place  it,  he  did  not  allude  to  it  in  his  general  Message- 
apprehending  that  any  public  action  taken  either  by  the  Executive  or  the 
Congress  would  only  have  a  tendency  to  embarrass  the  subject.  Action 
must  now  be  taken  by  the  United  States ;  and  we  must  now  watch  and 
meet  their  disposition  towards  us. 

"  If  we  evince  too  much  anxiety,  it  will  be  regarded  as  importunity, 
and  the'voice  of  supplication  seldom  commands  great  respect." 


XII. 

The  spirit  of  this  message  inspired  all  Houston's  acts  on  this 
great  question,  and  the  effect  was  most  salutary.  For  it  is  more 
than  probable  that  our  Congress  would  have  turned  a  deaf  ear 
to  "  the  voice  of  supplication/7  had  they  not  discovered  that  the 
people  of  Texas,  grown  weary  of  delays  and  indignant  at 
repeated  repulses,  would  supplicate  no  longer.  The  position  of 
parties  was  suddenly  changed — completely  reversed.  It  became 
clearer  than  noon-day,  that  unless  Texas  was  allowed  to  come 
into  our  Union,  under  auspices  the  most  favorable  to  her,  she 
would  not  enter — and  in  any  event,  it  seemed  probable  that  she 
was  after  all  to  be  the  sufferer.  Her  anxiety,  therefore,  for 
annexation,  was  every  hour  growing  less,  while  ours  was 
increasing. 

XIII. 

Both  parties  were  aware  of  the  movements  of  England — and 
while  Texas  saw  in  the  extension  of  that  proud  shield  over  her 
young  Republic,  the  boon  of  mighty  protection,  we  watched 
with  jealous  and  anxious  interest,  the  progress  of  that  same  impe- 
rial emblem.  When,  therefore,  that  Republic  whose  people, 


240  TEXAS     LOST    TO     AMERICA. 

"  bone  of  our  bone,  and  flesh  of  our  flesh,"  had  been  pleading  on 
their  knees  the  same  admission  which  had  hitherto  been  cordially 
tendered  by  Congress  to  every  other  American  colony  on  the 
continent,  was  repulsed  "  like  some  stranger,"  she  sprung  to  her 
feet,  and  *the  next  moment  we  saw  her  youthful  figure  relieved 
against  the  giant  form  of  Old  England,  whose,  purple  mantle 
was  thrown  kindly  over  her  shoulder,  and  whose  flag  of  St. 
George  was  waving  over  her  head.  It  was  a  strange,  but 
beautiful  spectacle.  "  Is  that,"  said  all,  "  the  suppliant  who  so 
lately  was  kneeling  on  the  steps  of  our  Capitol  ?" 

XIY. 

Texas  was  now  lost  to  America.  The  only  question  was, 
"  Can  she  be  again  won  ?"  and  the  American  Congress  was  no 
longer  the  sole  party  to  answer  the  inquiry. 

The  Cabinet  at  Washington  manifested  an  anxiety  to  renew 
negotiations.  In  his  letter  to  Mr.  Van  Zaudt  (29th  January, 
1844),  Houston  instructs  his  Minister  to  meet  the  United  States 
half  way,  and  to  inform  him  of  any  disposition  on  their  part  to 
come  to  the  terms  they  had  rejected.  .  "  They  must  be  con- 
vinced," says  he,  "  that  England  has  rendered  most  important 
service  to  Texas  by  her  mediatorial  influence  with  Mexico." 
He  then  proceeds: 

"  If  the  United  States  really  intend  to  deprive  England  of  connections 
on  this  continent,  a  treaty  of  alliance,  offensive  and  defensive,  formed 
with  this  country  against  Mexico,  would  enable  that  government  to  retain 
an  influence  in  the  affairs  of  Texas  which  could  be  done  by  no  other  cir- 
cumstance. In  November,  1842,  when  Texas  protested  to  the  three  Great 
Powers  against  the  course  pursued  by  Mexico  in  her  war  with  this  coun- 
try, it  was  understood  the  three  Powers  were  to  act  in  harmony,  so  far  as 
any  mediation  was  to  be  interposed.  From  some  circumstances,  England 
appears  to  have  been  most  active  and  efficient  in  her  efforts.  The  United 
States,  from  their  contiguity  in  situation,  had  greater  facilities  than 


A  T  T  E  M  L»  T  S     A  T     A  N  X  K  X  A  T  I  0  N  .  241 

England  at  their  command,  and  had  they  been  as  forward  in  their  efforts 
at  mediation  as  England,  it  would  have  been  more  grateful  to  the  citizens 
of  Texas.  A  moments  reflection  will  present  many  reasons  why  it 
should  have  been  so.  When  an  individual  is  overwhelmed  by  misfortune, 
and  that  misfortune  is  lightened  or  relieved,  the  beneficiary  always  feels 
grateful  for  the  benefits  conferred ;  and,  in  the  event  of  a  recurrence, 
would  naturally  look  to  the  same  so«rce  for  a  renewal  of  favor.  Thus 
must  it  be  with  nations,  and  it  requires  no  argument  to  convince  the 
United  States,  that  in  submitting  the  first  proposition  for  a  treaty  of 
alliance  with  them,  the  authorities  of  Texas  are  far  from  pretermitting  any 
just  claims  which  they  may  have  to  the  confidence  of  Texas  as  a  nation, 
but  the  reverse. 

"It  is  true  that  our  eyes  were  directed  to  the  United  States,  not  only 
as  a  people  but  as  a  government,  to  which  Texas  was  most  willing  to  feel 
herself  obligated.  If  we  did  not  realize  all  our  expectations,  we  are  far 
from  concluding  that  anything  left  unaccomplished  by  her  arose  from 
hostility  to  Texas  on  her  part  5  and  for  that,  among  other  reasons,  we 
propose  an  alliance  as  an  earnest  of  the  confidence  we  are  still  willing  to 
place  upon  them  and  their  efforts." 


XV. 

Negotiations  were  DOW  oiice  more  commenced  in  earnest,  and 
the  two  Ministers  of  Texas  (Mr.  Van  Zandt,  and  Gen.  Hender- 
son, afterwards  Governor  of  Texas),  represented  their  country 
with  great  ability,  and  won  for  themselves  universal  respect. 

In  the  dispatch  of  Houston  to  Mr.  Van  Zandt  (Feb.  15, 
1844),  informing  him  of  the  investment  of  Gen.  Henderson  (just 
appointed)  and  himself,  "with  proper  powers  to  conclude  the 
subject  of  annexation  as  far  as  it  can  be  consummated  by  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  and  our  Ministers,"  the  Presi- 
dent thus  speaks  of  the  vast  consequences  of  annexation,  if  it 
should  be  effected. 

"  It  would  be  useless  for  me  to  attempt  to  portray  to  you  the  magni- 
tude of  the  consequences  which  are  to  grow  out  of  these  transactions. 

11 


242  SOLICITUDE     FOR    TEXAS. 

Millions  will  realize  the  benefits ;  but  it  is  not  within  the  compass  of 
mortal  expression  to  estimate  the  advantages  to  mankind.  The  measures 
of  this  Government  have  not  been  devised  without  due  consideration  of 
the  subject,  so  far  as  Texas  may  be  affected  by  it ;  and  no  matter  how 
great  the  ultimate  advantages  to  the  two  countries  may  have  been  con- 
sidered, in  the  event  of  annexation,  it  was  the  manifest  duty  of  this 
Government  to  use  such  precaution  as  would  secure  it  against  any  acci- 
dental catastrophe.  It  is  now  in  possession  of  such  assurances  from  the 
United  States  as  will  hazard  the  die.7' 


XVI. 

In  another  dispatch,  dated  the  29th  of  April,  1844,  we  find 
the  following  language  : — 

"  I  have  felt,  and  yet  feel,  great  solicitude  for  our  fate.  The  crisis,  to 
Texas  is  everything.  To  the  United  States  it  is  worth  its  union.  My 
toil  has  constantly  been  for  the  freedom  and  happiness  of  mankind,  and  if 
we  are  annexed,  I  hope  we  shall  have  accomplished  much  ;  but  if  from 
any  cause  we  should  be  rejected,  we  must  redouble  our  energies,  and  the 
accompanying  duplicate  will  express  to  you  decisively  what  my  purposes 
are.  Texas  can  become  sovereign  and  independent,  established  upon  her 
own  incalculable  advantages  of  situation,  and  sustained  by  European  influ- 
ences, without  the  slightest  compromittal  of  her  nationality.  If  the 
present  measure  of  annexation  should  fail  entirely,  and  we  are  to  be 
thrown  back  upon  our  own  resources,  fix  your  eye  steadily  on  the  sal- 
vation of  Texas,  and  pursue  the  course  which  I  have  indicated.  I  again 
declare  to  you,  that  every  day  which  passes,  only  convinces  me  more 
clearly,  that  it  is  the  last  effort  at  annexation  that  Texas  will  ever  make ; 
nor  do  I  believe  that  any  solicitation  or  guarantee  from  the  United 
States  would,  at  any  future  day,  induce  her  to  consent  to  the  measure." 

XYII. 

But  the  Mission  of  General  Henderson  seemed  likely  to  secure 
no  good  results,  and  in  a  dispatch  of  May  17th,  1844,  he  was 
advised  to  return.  The  President  says  : — 


TEXAS     INDEPENDENT.  243 

"Whatever  the  desires  of  this  Government,  or  the  people,  are,  or 
might  have  been,  in  relation  to  Annexation,  I  am  satisfied  they  are  not 
ambitious,  at  this  time,  nor  will  ever  be  again,  to  be  seen  in  the  attitude 
of  a  bone  of  contention,  to  be  worried  or  gnawed  by  conflicting  politi- 
cians. The  views  of  the  Executive  of  this  country,  as  well  as  the  views 
of  its  citizens,  were  fairly  presented  in  a  willingness  to  become  annexed 
to  the  United  States,  and  though  the  advantages  presented  to  the  United 
States  were  incalculably  greater  than  those  resulting  to  Texas,  she  was 
willing  to  stand  the  hazard  of  the  adventure. 

"  The  statesmen  of  that  country  appear  to  be  united  in  opinion  adverse 
to  our  admission  into  the  Union  of  the  North.  We  must,  therefore, 
regard  ourselves  as  a  nation,  to  remain  for  ever  separate.  It  would  be 
unpleasant  for  us  to  enter  into  a  community,  as  a  member,  where  we  should 
be  regarded  ungraciously  by  either  of  the  political  parties.  Texas  alone, 
can  well  be  sustained,  and  no  matter  what  sincere  desire  we  may  have 
entertained  for  a  connection  with  that  Government,  and  the  affectionate 
enthusiasm  that  has  existed  in  this  towards  it,  we  will  be  compelled  to 
reconcile  ourselves  to  our  present  condition,  or  to  assume  such  an  attitude 
towards  other  countries  as  will  certainly  look  to  our  independence.  This 
can  be  accomplished,  if  the  United  States  will  carry  out  the  pledges 
which  they  have  already  given.  The  compromittal  of  our  national 
honor  I  cannot  contemplate,  nor  would  I  entertain  any  proposition  which 
could  be  averse  to  our  character  as  an  independent  nation ;  but  Texas 
can  now  command  interests  which  will  require  no  such  sacrifice. 
We  must  act !  !  *  *  It  would  seem,  from  the  complexion  of  matters  at 
Washington,  that  General  Henderson's  remaining  there  longer  would  be 
unnecessary.  As  indicated  in  my  last  communication,  negotiations  can 
be  very  well  conducted  at  this  Government,  not  designing  to  cast  any 
reflections  upon  the  representatives  of  this  Government  at  Washington, 
in  whom  the  executive  has  the  highest  confidence.  Moments  of  leisure 
could  be  employed  here,  and  even  hours  and  days  commanded,  which  is 
not  permitted  when  urgent  dispatches  arrive.  The  locality  of  our  seat 
of  Government  is  such,  that  the  Executive  has  had  no  substitute  himself 
in  corresponding  for  the  Secretary  of  State,  and  dispenses  with  the  ser- 
vices of  that  valuable  officer,  for  the  sake  of  dispatch.  *  *  The  measure 
of  Annexation  having  been  taken  up  at  the  instance  of  the  United 
States,  ought  to  secure  Texas,  and  fortify  her  against  all  inconveniences 
arising  from  having  opened  negotiations  on  that  subject.  The  treaty 
having  been  signed  and  submitted  to  the  Senate,  is  all  that  can  be  per- 


244  HOUSTON'S   DIPLOMACY. 

formed  on  the  part  of  Texas.  Further  solicitation,  on  her  part,  would 
present  her  as  an  object  of  commiseration  to  the  civilized  world.  If  the 
embarrassments  of  our  condition  have  presented  us  in  a  humiliating 
posture,  it  furnishes  no  excuse  to  us  for  voluntary  degradation. 

"  Therefore  it  is,  that  my  purpose  is  fixed  in  relation  to  the  subject  of 
which  I  have  treated.  THE  DESIRES  OF  THE  PEOPLE  OF  TEXAS,  WITH  MY 
LOVE  OF  REPOSE  (thus  far  I  am  selfish),  HAD  DETERMINED  ME  IN  FAVOR 
OF  ANNEXATION.  MY  JUDGMENT.  THOUGH  RENDERED  SUBSERVIENT  TO  THEIK 

INCLINATIONS  AND  MY  OWN,  HAS  NEVER  FULLY  RATIFIED  THE  COURSE  ADOPTED. 
YET,  IN  ALL  GOOD  FAITH,  I  HAVE  LENT  AND  AFFORDED  EVERY  AID  TO  ITS 
CONSUMMATION." 

XYIII 

We  shall  now  close  our  extracts  from  Houston's  Dispatches, 
by  giving  a  portion  of  a  very  important  private  letter  to  Mr. 
Murphy,  the  American  Minister  to  the  Texan  Government. 
We  have  nowhere  seen  the  same  views  expressed  in  regard  to 
the  future  destiny  of  Texas.  The  letter  shows  beyond  a 
question,  that  the  writer  was  persuaded  that  Texas,  even  if 
she  was  compelled  to  stand  alone,  had  no  mean  destiny  await- 
ing her  in  the  future.  The  views  here  given  are  those  of  a 
statesman — of  one  who  knew  the  history  of  his  nation,  and  the 
character  of  her  people — of  a  patriot,  who  never  despaired  for 
his  country,  on  whose  altars  he  had  consecrated  himself 
for  ever 

*  *  "  The  times  are  big  with  coming  events  to  Texas  and  the  world. 
I  feel  that  matters  now  transacting  are,  if  carried  out,  to  perpetuate  the 
union  of  the  States,  by  the  Annexation  of  Texas,  for  centuries.  If  this 
great  measure  fails,  the  Union  will  be  endangered  ;  its  revenues  dimi- 
nished; and  a  European  influence  will  grow  up  in  Texas,  from  our 
necessities  and  interests,  that  will  most  effectually  prejudice  the  interests 
of  the  United  States,  so  far  as  they  are  to  look  for  the  sale  of  their  fabrics 
in  the  southern  section  of  this  continent,  and  a  forfeiture  of  our  sympa- 
thies. Mexico,  in  a  short  time,  by  the  influences  which  Texas  can  com- 


THE    FUTURE     FOR    TEXAS.  245 

mand,  will  yield  everything  to  the  superior  energy,  activity,  and  the 
employment  of  well-directed  capital,  which  will  flow  into  us  from  Europe, 
and  render  us  the  beneficiaries  of  a  most  important  and  extensive  trade. 
All  our  ports  will  soon  become  great  commercial  marts ;  and  places,  now 
scarcely  noticed  upon  our  maps,  will  be  built  up,  and  grow  into  splendid 
cities. 

"  These  are  but  few  of  the  advantages  which  are  noticed  ;  but  these,  to 
the  statesmen  of  the  United  States,  ought  to  cause  ceaseless  efforts  to 
secure  so  rich  a  prize. 

"  The  present  moment  is  the  only  one  that  the  United  States  will  ever 
enjoy  to  annex  Texas.  I  am  intensely  solicitous  to  see  the  matter  con- 
summated, and  my  country  at  rest.  'Tis  true  that  we  are  not  to  be  great 
gainers,  when  compared  to  the  United  States,  in  what  they  derive.  Had 
I  been  at  Washington,  I  would,  most  certainly,  not  have  made  a  treaty  so 
indefinite  as  to  individual  rights  which  may  arise,  and  be  involved  in  the 
subject  of  annexation.  We  surrender  everything,  and  in  reality  get 
nothing  but  protection — and  that  at  the  hazard  of  being  invaded  or 
annoyed  by  Mexico  before  any  aid  could  be  rendered  by  the  United 
States.  I  hope  that  the  precautions  taken  will  be  such  as  to  deter  Mexico 
from  any  attempt  upon  us. 

"  The  fact,  that  the  United  States  is  one  of  the  riral  powers  of  the  world, 
will  render  that  nation  more  liable  to  war  than  we  would  be  as  a  minor 
power.  There  are  a  thousand  reasons  which  I  could  urge,  why  Texas 
would  be  more  secure  from  trouble  if  she  could  have-present  peace — which 
she  can  obtain  readily  if  she  is  not  annexed.  When  we  once  become 
a  part  and  parcel  of  the  United  States  we  are  subject  to  all  their  vicis- 
situdes. Their  commercial  relations  are  extensive,  which  subjects  them 
to  jealousy  and  the  rivalry  of  other  powers,  who  will  seek  to  overreach 
them,  and  cramp  them  by  restrictions,  or  annoy  them  by  interference. 
They  will  not  be  willing  to  submit  to  these  things,  and  the  consequences 
will  be  war.  Nor  will  this  danger  arise  from  any  one  power  of  the  earth, 


246  POLITICAL      PROPHECIES. 

but  from  various  nations.  The  wealth  of  European  nations  depends  more 
upon  their  labor,  than  the  people  of  this  continent.  We  look  to  the  soil 
— they  to  their  manufacturing  capacity,  for  the  means  of  life  as  well  as 
wealth.  These  facts  are  not  all ;  and,  indeed,  but  a  very  partial  notice  of 
important  affairs.  The  political  relations  of  the  United  States  will 
increase,  and  become  more  complicated  and  extensive  with  their  increase 
of  power.  Not  only  this,  but  they,  too,  will  grow  arrogant ;  and  it  will 
not  be  a  half  century,  if  the  Union  should  last,  before  they  will  feel  a 
strong  inclination  to  possess,  by  force,  that  which  they  at  present  would 
be  willing  to  make  a  subject  of  negotiation  and  treaty. 

"  In  all  contingencies,  if  we  are  annexed,  we  have  to  bear  a  part  of 
their  troubles — no  matter  of  what  character.  Alone  and  Independent, 
Texas  would  be  enabled  to  stand  aloof  from  all  matters  unconnected  with 
her  existence  as  a  nation  ;  while  the  causes  of  *var  to  the  United  States 
would  be  a  source  of  benefit  and  prosperity  to  her.  War  could  grow  up 
between  no  power  and  the  United  States,  but  what  Texas  would  be  the 
beneficiary.  The  value  of  her  staples  would  be  enhanced,  and  that 
arising  from  the  influence  of  war  upon  the  United  States.  Texas,  enjoy- 
ing as  she  does  a  situation  on  the  Gulf,  and  a  neutral  attitude,  would 
derive  the  greatest  possible  benefits.  Calamity  to  other  nations,  would 
be  wealth  and  power^to  Texas.  The  encouragement  given  us  by  the 
demand  for  our  staples  would  increase  our  individual,  as  well  as  our 
national  wealth.  The  fleets  of  belligerents  would  be  supplied  with  meats 
from  our  natural  pastures;  and  the  sale  of  our  superabundant  herds 
would,  when  added  to  the  sale  of  our  other  commodities,  give  us  more 
wealth  than  any  other  nation,  in  comparison  to  our  population. 

"  Apart  from  this,  if  we  should  not  be  annexed,  all  the  European  nations 
would  introduce  with  alacrity  vast  numbers  of  emigrants,  because  it 
would  enable  them  to  extend  their  commerce.  Those  who  migrate  from 
the  different  nations  to  Texas  will  retain  predilections,  for  many  years, 
in  favor  of  the  partialities  which  nativity  carries  with  it  in  after  life. 


MOTIVES     FOR     ANNEXATION.  247 

That  France  and  England  will  pour  into  our  country  vast  numbers  of 
industrious  citizens,  there  can  be  no  doubt.  Belgium,  Holland,  and 
other  countries,  will  not  be  remiss  in  their  duty  to  ulterior  consequences. 
All  these  countries  have  an  excess  of  population,  and  the  common  policy  and 
economy  of  nations  are  such,  that  they  will  have  a  care  to  the  location  of 
those  who  leave  their  native  countries.  Never,  to  my  apprehension,  have  all 
nations  evinced  the  same  disposition  to  commerce  as  that  which  is  now 
exercised  and  entertained.  Hence,  no  time  has  ever  been  so  propitious 
for  the  upbuilding  of  a  nation  possessed  of  our  advantages,  as  that  which 
Texas  at  this  moment  enjoys,  in  the  event  that  the  measure  of  annexation 
should  fail.  Its  failure  can  only  result  from  selfishness  on  the  part  of  the 
Government  or  Congress  of  the  United  States.  If  faction,  or  a  regard  to 
present  party  advantages,  should  defeat  the  measure,  you  may  depend 
upon  one  thing — and  that  is,  that  the  glory  of  the  United  States  has 
already  culminated.  A  rival  power  will  soon  be  built  up,  and  the 
Pacific,  as  well  as  the  Atlantic,  will  be  component  parts  of  Texas,  in 
thirty  years  from  this  date. 

The  Oregon  region,  in  geographical  affinity,  will  attach  to  Texas.  By  this 
coalition,  or  union,  the  barrier  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  will  be  dispensed 
with  or  obviated.  England  and  France,  in  anticipation  of  such  an  event, 
would  not  be  so  tenacious  on  the  subject  of  Oregon,  as  if  the  United 
States  were  to  be  the  sole  possessors  of  it.  When  such  an  event  would 
take  place,  or  in  anticipation  of  such  result,  all  the  powers,  which  either 
envy  or  fear  the  United  States,  would  use  all  reasonable  exertions  to 
build  us  up,  as  the  only  rival  power  which  can  exist,  on  this  continent,  to 
that  of  the  United  States.  Considering  our  origin,  these  speculations 
may  seem  chimerical,  and  that  such  things  cannot  take  place.  A 
common  origin  has  its  influence  so  long  as  a  common  interest  exists,  and 
no  longer.  Sentiment  tells  well  in  love  matters  or  in  a  speech ;  but  in 
the  affairs  and  transactions  of  nations  there  is  no  sentiment  or  feeling  but 
one,  and  that  is  essentially  selfish. 


248  P  0  L  I  T  I  C  A  L     C  A  L  0  U  I,  A  T  I  0  N  . 

I  regard  nations  as  corporations  on  a  large  and  sometimes  magnificent 
scale,  but  no  more  than  this ;  consequently,  they  have  no  soul,  and 
recognize  no  Mentor  but  interest. 

Texas,  once  set  apart  and  rejected  by  the  United  States,  would  feel 
that  she  was  of  humble  origin  ;  and  if  a  prospect  was  once  presented  to 
her  of  becoming  a  rival  to  the  United  States,  it  would  only  stimulate  her 
to  feelings  of  emulation  ;  and  it  would  be  her  least  consideration,  that,  by 
her  growth  to  power,  she  would  overcome  the  humility  of  her  early 
condition.  So  the  very  causes  which  now  operate  with  Texas,  and  incline 
her  to  annexation,  may,  at  some  future  period,  give  origin  to  the  most 
active  and  powerful  animosity  between  the  two  countries.  This,  too,  we 
must  look  at,  for  it  will  be  the  case.  Whenever  difficulties  arise  between 
the  United  States  and  Texas,  if  they  are  to  remain  two  distinct  nations, 
the  powers  of  Europe  will  not  look  upon  our  affairs  with  indifference  ; 
and  no  matter  what  their  professions  may  be  of  neutrality,  they  can 
always  find  means  of  evasion.  The  union  of  Oregon  and  Texas  will  be' 
much  more  natural  and  convenient  than  for  either,  separately,  to  belong 
to  the  United  States.  This,  too,  would  place  Mexico  at  the  mercy  of 
such  a  power  as  Oregon  and  Texas  would  form.  Such  an  event  may 
appear  fanciful  to  many,  but  I  assure  you  there  are  no  Rocky  Mountains 
interposing  to  such  a  project.  But  one  thing  can  prevent  its  accomplish 
ment,  and  that  is  annexation. 

If  you,  or  any  Statesman,  will  only  regard  tha  map  of  North  America, 
you  will  perceive  that,  from  the  46th  degree  of  latitude  North,  there 
is  the  commencement  of  a  natural  boundary.  This  will  embrace  the 
Oregon,  and  from  thence  south  on  the  Pacific  coast,  to  the  29th  or 
30th  degree  of  south  latitude,  will  be  a  natural  and  convenient  extent 
of  sea-board. 

I  am  free  to  admit,  that  most  of  the  Provinces  of  Chihuahua,  Sonora, 
and  the  Upper  and  Lower  Californias,  as  well  as  Santa  Fe,  which  we 
now  claim,  will  have  to  be  brought  into  the  connection  of  Texas  and 


A  LOOK  INTO  THE  FUTUKE.  249 

Oregon.  This,  you  will  see  by  reference  to  the  map,  is  no  bugbear 
to  those  who  will  reflect  upon  the  achievements  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
people.  What  have  they  ever  attempted,  and  recoiled  from,  in  sub- 
mission to  defeat?  Nothing,  I  would  answer.  Population  would  be 
all  that  would  be  needful,  for,  with  it,  resources  would  be  afforded  for 
the  accomplishment  of  any  enterprise.  As  to  the  proposition,  that  the 
Provinces  of  Mexico  would  have  to  be  overrun,  there  is  nothing  in  this  ; 
for  you  may  rely  upon  the  fact,  that  the  Mexicans  only  require  kind 
and  humane  masters  to  make  them  a  happy  people,  and  secure  them 
against  the  savage  hordes  who  harass  them  constantly,  and  bear  their 
women  and  children  into  bondage.  Secure  them  from  these  calamities, 
and  they  would  bless  any  power  that  would  grant  them  such  a  boon. 

The  Rocky  Mountains  interposing  between  Missouri  and  Oregon  will 
very  naturally  separate  them  from  the  United  States,  when  they  see  the 
advantages  arising  from  a  connection  with  another  nation  of  the  same 
language  and  habits  with  themselves.  The  line  of  Texas  running  with 
the  Arkansas,  and  extending  to  the  great  desert,  would  mark  a  natural 
boundary  between  Texas,  or  a  new  and  vast  Republic  to  the  Southwest. 
If  this  ever  take  place,  you  may  rely  upon  one  thing,  which  is  this,  that  a 
nation,  embracing  the  advantages  of  the  extent  of  seventeen  degrees 
on  the  Pacific,  and  so  extensive  a  front  on  the  Atlantic  as  Texas  does, 
will,  not  be  less  than  a  rival  power  to  any  of  the  nations  now  in 
existence. 

You  need  not  estimate  the  population,  which  is  said,  or  reputed,  to 
occupy  the  vast  Territory  embraced  between  the  29th  and  46th  degrees 
of  latitude  on  the  Pacific.  They  will,  like  the  Indian  race,  yield  to  the 
advance  of  the  North  American  population.  The  amalgamation,  under 
the  guidance  of  statesmen,  cannot  fail  to  produce  the  result,  in  creating 
a  united  Government,  formed  of,  and  embracing  the  limits  suggested. 

It  may  be  urged,  that  these  matters  are  remote.  Be  it  so.  States- 
men are  intended  by  their  forecast  to  regulate  and  arrange  matters  in 


250        FAR-SIGHTED  STATESMANSHIP. 

such  sort  as  will  give  direction  to  events  by  which  the  future  is  to 
be  benefited  or  prejudiced. 

"  You  may  freely  rely,  my  friend,  that  future  ages  will  profit  by 
these  facts,  while  we  will  only  contemplate  them  in  perspective. 
They  must  come.  It  is  impossible  to  look  upon  the  map  of  North 
America,  and  not  perceive  the  rationale  of  the  project.  Men  may  laugh 
at  these  suggestions;  but  when  we  are  withdrawn  from  all  the  petty 
influences  which  now  exist,  these  matters  will  assume  the  most  grave  and 
solemn  national  import. 

*'  I  do  not  care  to  be  in  any  way  identified  with  them.  They  are  the 
results  of  destiny,  over  which  I  have  no  control. 

"If  the  Treaty  is  not  ratified,  I  will  require  all  future  negotiations  to 
be  transferred  to  Texas."  *  *  * 

It  would  be  difficult  in  all  the  annals  of  history  to  discover  a 
more  striking  illustration  of  far-sighted  statesmanship. 


WHY     HE     FAVORED     ANNEXATION.  251 


SECTION    FOURTEENTH. 

RETIREMENT HOUSTON'S    CHARACTER. 

I. 

SUCH  was  the  destiny  which,  to  the  keen  vision  of  Houston, 
awaited  Texas  if  she  remained  a  Sovereign  Nation. 

The  extracts  we  have  given  from  his  dispatches  put  the 
question  of  his  policy  and  his  preferences,  in  regard  to  annexa- 
tion, at  rest  for  ever.  He  was,  up  to  the  last  moment,  in  favor 
of  that  gmat  measure. 

He  favored  it,  because  it  would  secure  immediate  peace  to  his 
fellow  citizens,  and  protection  from  a  perfidious  and  barbarous 
foe. 

He  favored  it,  because  it  would  settle  the  affairs  and  establish 
the  tranquillity  of  the  Republic,  and  enable  him  to  withdraw 
from  the  turbulent  scenes  of  political  life,  and  enjoy  the  repose 
of  retirement,  after  his  long  and  ceaseless  labors. 

He  favored  it,  because  it  would  bind  the  people  of  Texas 
firmly  to  the  great  Federal  Family  of  Washington,  and  link 
their  fortunes  to  the  American  Republic. 

He  favored  it,  because,  like  all  the  true  and  all  the  patriotic 
of  his  country,  he  felt  an  earnest  longing  to  return  to  the  family 
hearth-stone,  where  the  great  Patriarchs  of  the  Revolution  had 
gathered,  and  unite  with  twenty  millions  of  his  brethern  in  burn- 
ing incense  to  the  Genius  of  Liberty  around  its  holy  altars. 

He  favored  it,  because  he  saw  that  it  would  narrow  the  field 

'  • 


252  RETIREMENT    TO     PRIVATE     LIFE. 

of  many  petty  ambitious  men,  whose  struggles  for  power  might 
disturb  the  tranquillity  of  Texas,  and  impede  her  advancement. 

He  favored  it,  because  he  felt  he  had  himself  achieved  his 
work  on  the  field  and  in  the  Cabinet,  and  although  he  was 
beloved  by  the  people,  and  could  always  have  been,  in  one  form 
or  another,  their  Leader,  yet  he  had  no  more  ambition  to  gratify. 
He  believed,  too,  that  his  beloved  country  would  find  under  our 
broad  shield,  the  same  repose  from  her  alarms  and  troubles,  that 
he  himself  looked  forward  to  in  the  quiet  of  his  Prairie  Home. 
And  yet  his  dispatches  show  that  he  was  prepared  for  any 
result.  He  had  his  eye  fixed  on  the  future,  and  if  American 
Statesmen  were  resolved  Texas  never  should  mingle  her  fortunes 
with  us,  he  also  was  determined  to  watch  over  her  career  and 
guide  her  to  a  nobler  destiny. 


II. 

Up  to  the  very  moment  the  decision  was  made  by  the  Ameri- 
can Senate,  he  held  the  question  of  annexation  in  the  hollow 
of  his  hand.  And  when,  at  the  eleventh  hour,  we  grudgingly 
opened  the  doors  to  let  the  light  of  the  Lone  Star  shine  into  our 
Temple,  there  is  not  a  shadow  of  doubt,  that  if  Houston  had 
resented  the  tardy  offer,  it  would  have  been  proudly  and  scorn- 
fully hurled  back  by  the  people  of  Texas.  He  was  not  then 
President,  actually — but  in  or  out  of  office,  he  was  still  their 
Leader,  the  Counsellor  of  his  country.  His  last  term  expired 
just  before  annexation  was  passed,  and  the  Constitution  would 
not  allow  him  to  be  President  again.  But  his  own  confidential 
friend,  his  Secretary  of  State,  his  adviser  and  his  supporter,  was 
chosen  to  succeed  him,  and  it  was  everywhere  understood  that 
Houston's  policy  was  still  followed — his  feeling  still  consulted — 
and  his  voice  still  heard. 


LAST    LETTER     OF     INSTRUCTIONS.  253 

III. 

Great  apprehensions  were  felt  by  the  friends  of  Texas  in  this 
country,  about  the  course  Houston  would  finally  pursue — for  it 
was  believed  that  he  would  carry  the  people  of  that  Republic 
with  him  in  his  decision.  The  time  at  last  came — Houston, 
gave  his  support  to  Annexation,  and  by  an  overwhelming 
majority  Texas  became  one  of  the  Sovereign  States  of  the 
American  Republic  • 

IY. 

The  following  important  Letter  of  Instructions  procured  the 
annexation  of  Texas. 

"  City  of  Houston,  April  16th,  1844. 

"  GENTLEMEN,— Your  notes  have  both  reached  me,  one  of  the  30th  ult., 
and  one  of  the  1st  inst.  To-day  I  forward  to  the  State  Department  all 
my  dispatches.. 

"  Col.  Ashbel  Smith,  our  Charge  d'Affaires,  writes  from  Paris,  under  date 
29th  February,  this  important  fact.  "  The  French  and  British  Govern- 
ments have  united  in  a  Protest  to  the  United  States  against  the  annexation 
of  Texas  to  the  Union."  This  is  an  important  fact.  Never  has  the  situ- 
ation of  Texas  been  so  interesting  since  the  21st  of  April,  1836,  as  at  this 
moment.  You  may  rely  upon  it,  if  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
does  not  act  immediately,  and  consummate  the  work  of  annexation,  Texas 
is  for  ever  lost  to  them. 

"  In  my  opinion,  England  and  France  will  say  to  Texas,  "  if  you  will 
agree  to  remain  separate  for  ever  from  the  United  States,  we  will  forth- 
with prevent  all  further  molestation  to  you  from  Mexico,  and  guarantee 
you  independence  agreeably  to  your  institutions  now  established  and 
avowed/'  You  cannot  fail  to  discover  what  would  be  the  proper  course 
of  Texas  in  such  an  event.  Texas  has  done  all  that  she  could  do  to  obtain 
annexation,  and  you  may  rely  upon  this  fact,  in  the  event  of  a  failure,  that 
Texas  will  do  all  that  she  should  do. 

"  If  a  Treaty  is  made,  it  will  of  course  have  been  done  after  the  pledges 
given  by  the  United  States  ChargS  d'Affaires  have  been  recognized  by  his 


254  NEGOTIATIONS. 

Government,  and  then  we  are  secure.  If  a  Treaty  has  been  made,  and 
those  pledges  exacted  by  you,  and  it  should  be  rejected,  it  will  be  proper 
to  ascertain  if  annexation  can  take  place  by  Congressional  action,  and  this 
done  promptly.  Should  all  fail,  you  will  forthwith  call  upon  Mr.  Pack- 
enham,  and  the  French  Minister,  as  well  as  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  and  after  suitable  conversations  and  explanations,  present  to  them 
the  subject  of  a  Triple  guarantee  for  our  Independence,  and  to  prevent  all 
further  molestation,  or  at  least  an  unlimited  truce  with  Mexico.  And  then, 
if  all  prospect  of  annexation  fails  with  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  and  it  should  refuse  to  unite  upon  the  basis  here  laid  down,  you 
will  then,  so  far  as  practicable,  arrange  the  matter  with  France  and  Eng- 
land ;  and  General  Henderson,  with  Mr.  Miller,  Secretary  of  the  Secret 
Legation,  will  make  a  visit  of  leave  to  the  Heads  of  the  proper  Depart- 
ments, and  return  to  Texas.  Texas  ought  not.  cannot,  and  will  not  remain 
in-  its  present  situation. 

"  The  subject  of  annexation  has  already  embarrassed  our  relations  with 
Mexico.  The  Truce  will  end  on  the  first  of  May,  as  I  presume,  for  I  did 
not  accede  to  the  terms  of  the  armistice,  since  Texas  was  recognized  as  a 
"  Department  of  Mexico/'  in  the  terms  of  agreement  between  the  com- 
missioners. Mexico  was  well  disposed  to  settle  matters  very  amicably, 
when  our  Commissioners  arrived  at  Sabinus,  but  one  of  the  Mexican  Com- 
missioners was  too  unwell  to  proceed  to  business.  When  he  recovered,  the 
subject  of  annexation  was  mooted  in  the  United  States,  and  the  Texan 
Congress,  all  of  which  had  reached  Mexico.  Of  these  facts,  in  part,  Gen. 
Henderson  was  apprised,  and  the  anticipated  rupture  of  our  negotiations 
with  Mexico  was  one  reason  why  I  was  so  careful  to  require  of  Gen.  Mur- 
phy (endorsed  by  his  Government),  such  pledges  as  would  secure  us 
against  all  contingencies  that  might  arise  to  us,  in  consequence  of  our 
opening  negotiations  with  the  United  States,  on  the  subject  of  annexation. 

"  This  Government  has  been  called  on,  and  requested  by  her  Majesty's 
Government,  to  state  our  relation  to  the  Government  of  the  United  States. 
It  was  due  to  England,  and  her  Majesty's  Government  was  informed  that 
an  agent,  Gen.  Henderson,  had  been  sent  to  Washington  City,  to  negotiate 
upon  the  subject  of  annexation ;  but  the  particulars  were  not  rendered. 
Since  this  occurred  I  had  au  interview  with  Capt.  Elliot,  and  I  do  not 
think  the  British  Government  will  withdraw  its  friendly  offices  from  the 
subject  of  Peace  between  Texas  and  Mexico. 

"  It  is  reported  here,  that  the  Government  of  the  United  States  has 
refused  to  sanction  the  pledges  given  by  General  Murphy.  This  eurely 


TRUE     POLICY     OF     THE     UNITED     STATES.  255 

cannot  be  the  case.  If  so,  you  will  have  found  yourselves  in  a  most  awk- 
ward dilemma.  What — disavow  such  pledges  when  they  were  based  upon 
Mr.  Upshurs  letter  ?  I  cannot  believe  this,  unless  the  United  States  de- 
sired Texas  to  surrender  herself  to  the  uncertainty,  or  chances  of  annexa- 
tion, contingent  upon  the  various  political  influences  which  might  interpose 
to  the  consummation  of  the  object,  and  subject  us  to  the  injurious  and 
annoying  action  of  Mexico,  instigated  by  the  adhesion  of  Texas  to  the 
United  States.  A  refusal  on  the  part  of  that  Government  to  secure  us 
against  consequences,  which  it  has  produced  by  direct  solicitation  of  us, 
would  be  selfish  in  the  extreme,  and  indeed  I  cannot  conceive  appropriate 
terms  in  which  to  characterize  such  conduct  and  policy,  in  an  official  dis- 
patch. It  would  amount  to  this  only — that  if  anything  could  be'  made 
out  of  Texas  by  the  United  States,  they  were  prepared  and  willing  to  de- 
rive the  advantage,  and  if  that  could  not  be  done,  they  wished  to  incur  no 
responsibility  on  the  account  of  Texas,  but  leave  her  to  all  the  consequen- 
ces which  might  possibly  result  to  her  from  the  course  which  her  generosity 
and  credulity  might  induce  her  to  pursue.  Pitiable  would  oar  situation 
be  if  we  were  not  annexed,  and  had  required  no  pledges  ;  fortunately, 
this  is  not  our  situation. 

"  You  have  now  all  the  grounds  before  you,  and  I  hope  you  will  ponder 
wisely  and  proceed  securely  for  our  safety. 

"It  is  palpable  scandal  to  the  nineteenth  century,  that  statesmen  should 
be  prating  about  the  emancipation  of  persons  born,  and  their  race  held  in 
slavery,  by  the  custom  and  consent  of  nations  for  centuries,  while  they 
permit  Santa  Anna  to  forge  and  rivet  chains  upon  eight  millions  of  peo- 
ple who  were  born  free.  Thus  will  the  horrors  of  slavery  be  increased, 
with  design  to  render  his  success  subservient  to  the  subversion  of  the  lib- 
erties of  Texas,  and  form  a  new  era  in  the  history  by  degrading  to  slavery 
a  portion  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  race.  This  ought  not,  and  cannot  be.  It 
argues  on  the  part  of  statesmen  a  want  of  perception,  as  well  as  self- 
respect. 

"  Gentlemen,  you  will  keep  the  Government  advised  by  every  mail,  and 
daily,  of  important  events  as  they  transpire.  If  you  should  be  thrown  for 
future  reliance  upon  the  friendly  offices  of  Great  Britain  and  France,  you 
will,  if  possible,  ascertain  from  them  if  they  will  act  promptly,  and  what 
conditions  they  will  expect  of  this  Government. 

"  Mr.  Van  Zandt  has  written  that  the  United  States  were  not  willing  to 
form  any  alliance  with  Texas,  as  it  was  contrary  to  their  policy.  Hence 
the  necessity,  upon  the  failure  of  the  immediate  annexation  of  this  country 


256  TEXAS     IN     THE     UNION. 

to  the  confederacy  of  the  North,  and  you  will,  as  I  have  indicated, 
approach  the  Governments  of  England  and  France. 

."  It  is  the  first  duty  of  statesmen  and  patriots  to  insure  the  liberty  and 
well-being  of  their  country.  This  is  now  our  attitude,  and  every  honest 
man  in  Texas  will  justify  and  approve  that  policy,  which  will  place  us  in 
a  situation  where  our  liberties  are  secured,  whether  it  be  by  annexation  or 
the  establishment  of  our  Independence.  France  and  England  will  act 
effectively,  if  we  do  not  permit  ourselves  to  be  trifled  with  and  duped  by 
the  United  States.  But  of  this  subject,  as  your  situation  may  soon  call 

your  attention  to  it,  you  will  be  the  best  judges. 

********* 

"  This  letter  does  not  cancel  former  instructions  from  the  Department ; 
but  it  is  designed  to  meet  emergencies  which  may  arise,  or  remedy  those 
which  have  already  arisen.  Having  awaited  the  arrival  of  your  dis- 
patches, and  there  being  no  time  to  forward  them,  and  send  a  reply  from 
the  State  Department,  I  have  deemed  it  proper  to  write  to  you  directly  by 
the  return  mail ;  so  that  you  may  be  ready,  in  the  event  of  necessity,  to 
take  such  action  as  our  situation  may  require,  and  be  prepared  for  contin- 
gencies. I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

"  Your  obt.  servant, 

"  SAM  HOUSTON. 

"  To  GEN.  J.  P.  HENDERSON  and 

"  HON.  ISAAC  VAN  ZANDT,  &c.  &c.,  &c." 


V. 

Henceforth,  for  weal  or  woe,  her  fortunes  were  to  be  mingled 
with  the  fortunes  of  the  United  States.  Whether  she  was  to 
regret  it,  was  yet  to  be  seen.  She  most  certainly  would  have 
repented  the  day  she  ever  sought  refuge  under  our  protection, 
unless  she  had  been  allowed  to  occupy  a  high  and  honorable 
place  in  our  Confederacy.  She  was  no  outlaw — no  menial — nor 
was  she  to  be  treated  as  either.  With  the  richest  soil  and  vast 
natural  resources — with  a  wide  territory  which  stretches  from 
the  sea,  where  it  blushes  under  a  tropical  sun,  to  the  North 
where  it  whitens  with  the  eternal  snow  of  her  mountains — with 
a  climate  as  balmy  as  the  lands  which  are  bathed  by  the  blue 


A     HEARTY    GREETING    TO     TEXAS.  257 

waters  of  the  Mediterranean — and,  above  all,  with  an  ingenious, 
enterprising,  and  heroic  people,  she  must  become  the  garden 
of  the  New  World.  Let  it  be  the  pride  of  every  man,  whose 
inestimable  privilege  is  to  say,  "  I  am  an  American  Citizen,"  to 
extend  towards  Texas  and  the  Texans  his  generous  greeting. 
They  were  long  misrepresented  and  traduced  ;  but  the  odium 
has  been  lifted  from  their  name,  for  they  are  a  brave  and  a  mag- 
nanimous people  ;  and  let  us  be  proud  everywhere,  whether  it  be 
by  the  firesides  of  our  northern  homes,  or  in  the  courts  of  foreign 
princes,  to  call  them  brothers.  Let  us  show  to  them,  and  the 
world,  that  the  children  of  sires  who  bled  at  Bunker  Hill  and 
Yorktown,  know  how  to  prize  the  heroic  men  who  rang  out  the 
Anglo-Saxon  battle-cry  over  the  btoody  field  of  San  Jacinto. 

VI. 

But  we  are  admonished  that  we  may  have  already  trespassed 
too  long  upon  the  patience  of  our  readers  in  these  details.  Our 
only  excuse  is,  that,  in  tracing  the  fortunes  of  a  brave  People 
and  their  heroic  Leader,  we  have  been  beguiled  by  the  pleasant 
lights  and  shadows  that  have  fallen  over  the  path  where  we 
were  roaming. 

His  predecessor  had  made  war  upon  the  Indians,  and  carried 
desolation  to  their  peaceful  wigwams.  In  their  forest  homes 
were  heard  the  wailings  of  women  whose  chiefs  had  fallen  by 
the  hand  of  the  white  man  ;  and  the  young  Indian  boy  was  sad 
because  his  Chieftain  Father  led  him  out  no  more  on  the  path 
of  the  forest  game.  Houston  had  seen  injustice  perpetrated 
upon  the  Red  men,  and  when  his  last  term  began,  he  at  once 
sent  the  wampum  among  the  forest  tribes,  and  soon  after  went 
himself,  in  the  Indian  dress,  to  the  distant  woods,  and  smoked 
the  pipe  of  peace  in  the  Chieftains'  dwellings.  He  made 
treaties  with  twenty-four  different  Chiefs,  and  they  regarded 


258  HOUSTON'S  PRESIDENCY. 

these  treaties  sacredly.  Among  them  he  felt  safe — he  wrapped 
his  blanket  about  him,  and  laid  himself  down  to  sleep  by  the 
fires  of  ferocious  savages,  near  whom  other  white  men  did  not 
dare  to  venture.  "  We  have  nothing  to  fear  from  an  Indian," 
he  used  to  say,  "  if  we  only  treat  him  with  justice,  and  he 
believes  us  his  friends."  Peace  was  again  restored  along  the 
frontiers,  and  the  green  corn  was  again  growing  luxuriantly  by 
the  side  of  the  primeval  forests,  where  the  savage  stealthily 
lurked  for  his  game. 

YII. 

Houston  paid  off  a  large  amount  of  debt  incurred  by  his 
predecessor,  due  to  other. Governments,  arising  from  the  prodi- 
gality of  the  administration.  He  created  no  new  debt — adminis- 
tered the  Government  on  the  basis  of  the  revenues,  and  left 
the  Exchequer  Bills  issued  at  the  beginning  of  his  term,  at 
par,  with  a  considerable  surplus  in  the  Treasury. 

He  left  the  country  at  peace  with  all  the  Indian  tribes  on  the 
frontiers — the  Navy  was  laid  up  in  port,  for  there  was  no  use 
for  it — the  State  was  blessed  with  tranquillity  at  home,  the  nation 
was  prosperous — emigrants  of  the  better  class  were  rapidly 
pouring  in  from  the  North  and  from  Europe  ;  and  the  people 
were  happy.  The  prisoners  in  Mexico  were  all  restored  to  their 
homes — inland  trade  with  Mexico  was  brisk  and  lucrative  ; 
— Texas  was  respected  by  all  nations,  and  Annexation  was  near 
its  consummation. 

Yin. 

Houston's  last  term  expired.  He  could  never  be  President 
again  ;  and  it  was  with  no  little  sadness  that  the  people  saw  him 
lay  down  the  insignia  of  his  offidfe,  and  take  leave  of  them,  to 
return  to  private  life.  He  was  received  back  with  joy  by  his 


REPRESENTS    TEXAS    AT    WASHINGTON.  259 

family,  and  they  thought  that  he  would  part  from  them  no  more. 
His  home  was  on  a  rolling  elevation  in  the  midst  of  a  green 
prairie,  interspersed  with  islands  of  trees,-  and  silver  lakes, 
gleaming  in  the  sunlight.  His  labors,  his  sorrows,  and  his  strug- 
gles were  over,  and  in  the  bosom  of  an  affectionate  family  he 
expected  to  spend  the  last  peaceful  years  of  his  stormy  life  in 
the  noble  pursuits  of  the  husbandman. 

IX. 

Texas  became  one  of  the  States  of  our  Confederacy,  ana  she 
called  her  old  Leader  from  retirement  once  more,  to  represent 
her — but  in  the  Senate  at  Washington.  It  is  not  strange 
that  he  yielded  with  deep  reluctance — for  he  felt  that  in  his 
quiet  home,  he  was  as  happy  as  the  regards  of  the  Nation  he 
had  saved,  the  affection  and  society  of  his  wife  and  his  child, 
and  the  remembrance  of  sorrows  past  and  victories  won,  could 
make  him.  But  he  responded  to  the  call  of  his  country,  and 
brought  his  Republic  and  laid  it  on  our  Federal  Altar. 

X. 

Houston's  youth  was  wild  and  impetuous  ;  but  it  was  spotted 
by  no  crime,  it  was  not  even  soiled  by  indulgence.  His  early 
manhood  was  filled  with  earnestness  and  daring,  but  it  was 
deformed  by  no  act  which  lost  for  him  the  confidence  of  the 
virtuous,  or  the  doating  love  of  his  mother.  We  know,  too, 
that  just  as  he  was  stepping  upon  the  theatre  of  high  and  bril- 
liant fame,  a  cloud  came  over  the  sky,  and  wrapped  his  heart 
and  his  home  in  sadness  and  gloom. 

There  is  a  sorrow  which  even  the  Hero  cannot  bear.  The 
storms  of  life  may  beat  against  the  frail  dwelling  of  man  as 
wildly  as  they  will,  and  the  proud  and  the  generous  heart  may 


260          HOUSTON'S   PRIVATE   CHARACTER. 

still  withstand  the  blast.  But  when  the  poisoned  shaft  of  dis- 
appointment strikes  the  bosom  where  all  we  love  and  live  for  is 
treasured,  the  fruit  of  this  world  turns  to  ashes,  and  the  charm 
of  life  is  broken.  Then  it  is  that  too  often  reason  and  bliss  take 
their  flight  together. 

XI. 

When  this  dark  cloud  fell  over  the  path  of  Houston,  he 
buried  Jjis  sorrows  in  the  flowing  bowl.  His  indulgences  began 
with  the  wreck  of  his  hopes,  and  like  many  noble  and  generous 
spirits,  he  gave  himself  up  to  the  fatal  enchantress.  But  his 
excesses  have  been  exaggerated  by  his  enemies  a  hundredfold. 
We  believe  no  man  can  say  that  he  ever  saw  Houston  rendered 
incompetent,  by  any  indulgence,  to  perform  any  of  the  offices  of 
private  or  public  life,  a  single  hour. 

XII. 

But  the  days  of  his  indulgences  have  long  since  passed  away. 
When  the  sunlight  of  domestic  happiness  again  shone  through 
his  dwelling,  and  he  was  sustained  once  more  by  that  great  con- 
servative principle  of  a  man's  life,  a  happy  home,  illumined  by 
the  smile  of  an  affectionate  and  devoted  wife — his  good  angel  came 
back  again,  and  for  many  years  no  man  has  been  more  exemplary 
in  all  the  duties  and  all  the  virtues  of  the  citizen,  the  father  and 
the  husband.  From  that  moment  he  espoused  the  great  cause  of 
Virtue  and  Temperance,  with  all  the  earnestness  of  his  nature. 

XIII. 

Whenever  an  opportunity  has  been  presented,  he  has  elo- 
quently spoken,  in  public  and  in  private,  in  favor  of  that 
beneficent  movement,  which  has  restored  many  thousands  of 


THE     REFORMER     AND     THE. REFORM  ED.  261 

geiierous  but  misguided  men  to  the  long-abandoned  embraces  of 
weeping  families,  and  to  the  noble  duties  of  citizenship.  And 
who  could  better  tell  the  horrors  and  the  woes  of  the  poor 
inebriate's  life  than  the  man  who  had  experienced  them  ?  Who 
could  more  eloquently  and  willingly  woo  back  the  wanderer 
to  the  fold  of  virtue,  than  he  who  had  just  returned  to  its 
hallowed  inclosure  ?  Blessings  on  the  head  of  the  demoted  and 
beautiful  wife,  whose  tender  persuasions  proved  too  strong  for 
the  clamors  of  appetite  and  the  allurements  of  vice  !  In  win- 
ning the  stricken  wanderer  back  to  the  pure  charities  of  home, 
she  saved  the  State  one  of  its  noblest  citizens  ;  and  so  benign 
has  been  the  influence  of  his  wonderful  example,  and  so  calm, 
and  so  holy  a  light  beams  ceaselessly  around  the  altars  of  that 
distant  Prairie  Home,  that  his  children  will,  with  the  nation  he 
saved,  rise  up  and  call  him  blessed.  Houston's  indulgences 
never  were  carried  so  far  as  to  give  a  shock  to  his  constitution. 
They  were  only  occasional  at  any  period. 

XIV. 

And  now  he  finds  himself  standing  on  the  meridian  of  life, 
with  an  erect,  well-made  form,  of  perfect  health  and  gigantic 
strength.  His  hair  has  been  turned  grey  by  Herculean  labors, 
but  his  eye  is  still  soft  and  clear,  and  it  beams  with  a  smile 
which  no  man's  can  wear,  whose  heart  does  not  overflow  with 
love  of  country  and  philanthropy  to  his  race.  His  coun- 
tenance is  flushed  with  the  glow  of  health  and  cheerfulness, 
which  seldom,  in  a  world  like  purs,  lingers  after  the  morning  of 
life  is  passed.  And  but  for  occasional  days  of  suffering  from 
the  wound  he  received  in  his  right  shoulder  from  two  rifle-balls 
at  To-ho-pe-ka,  forty  years  ago,  he  knows  no  physical  ailment. 
Sometimes  these  sufferings  are  intense,  and  he  will  never  be  free 
from  them  while  he  lives,  for  no  surgical  skill  has  ever  been  able 


262  THE     WOUNDS     OF    THE     PATRIOT. 

to  close  up  that  wound.  It  has  discharged  every  day  for  more 
than  thirty  years.  In  a  manner  almost  miraculous,  he  has 
entirely  recovered  from  the  wound  in  his  ankle  received  at  the 
battle  of  San  Jacinto. 


HOUSTON     IN     THE     NATIONAL     SENATE.  263 


SECTION    FIFTEENTH. 

HOUSTON    IN   THE    NATIONAL    SENATE. 
I. 

SUCH  was  Houston's  character,  and  such  had  been  his  achieve- 
ments ten  years  ago.  On  the  annexation  of  Texas  to  the 
United  States,  he  and  Gen.  Rusk  were  chosen  to  represent  the 
new  State  in  the  National  Senate.  Our  limits  preclude  us 
from  tracing,  as  fully  as  we  should  desire,  his  Senatorial  career. 
Abstaining  from  general  or  promiscuous  debate,  he  has  never- 
theless been  found  punctually  in  his  place  and  prompt  at  the 
discharge  of  every  duty,  and  whenever  great  questions  have  claim- 
ed the  attention  of  the  Senate,  his  speeches  have  shown  that  he 
carefully  watched  the  interests  of  the  country,  and  was  always 
ready  to  render  it  his  best  services.  But  we  must  glance  over 
the  records  of  his  oratory  and  services  for  several  years,  and 
come  down  to  the  annus  mirabilis  of  the  Republic. 

II. 

The  year  1850— the  middle  of  the  Nineteenth  Century — 
witnessed  a  sectional  convulsion  which  threatened  the  union  of 
the  American  States.  The  leaders  of  Parties,  and  the  cham- 
pions of  Section,  exulted  over  the  prospect  of  disunion  ;  and  for 
a  while,  the  waves  of  discord  ran  so  high,  that  the  most  enlight- 
ened and  prominent  friends  of  the  Union,  became  deeply  alarm- 
ed. This  exigency  called  out  all  the  force  of  Houston's 


264:  HOUSTON'S    NATIONALITY. 

character.  He  had  shed  his  blood  in  the  Second  War  with 
England,  where  he  had  learned  the  science  and  the  practice  of 
warfare,  from  General  Jackson  himself.  He  had  been  the 
leader,  the  father,  and  the  savior  of  Texas,  on  whose  soil  he  had 
again  bled  in  behalf  of  the  independence  of  a  new  Republic. 
When  he  came  into  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  he  had 
no  private  views  or  sectional  feelings  to  gratify.  He  felt  jealous 
indeed,  of  the  interests  of  his  own  State,  after  she  had  ceased  to 
be  an  Independent  Republic,  and  its  lone  star  had  been  added 
to  the  National  Constellation  •  but  he  went  into  the  Senate  as 
a  national  man,  and  every  act  of  his,  from  that  day  to  this,  has 
only  stamped  his  political  character  as  an  American  statesman, 
with  the  broadest  impress  of  nationality. 

III. 

If  our  limits  would  admit,  we  should  be  glad  to  introduce  all 
he  said  in  the  midst  of  that  trying  crisis  of  1850  ;  but  the  whole 
country  well  knows  the  course  he  took  at  the  time  ;  while  we 
are  compelled  to  go  on  to  other  events  of  great  significance  that 
were  fast  approaching. 

IV. 

Before  the  National  Convention  of  1852  assembled  in  Balti- 
more, a  new  spirit  had  gone  over  the  country — the  United 
States  of  America  had  become  democratic,  and  the  new  age  of 
the  Republic  was  at  hand.  General  Jackson  and  his  Adminis- 
tration for  two  terms,  had  stamped  upon  the  country,  deeper 
than  it  had  ever  been  stamped  before,  a  National  Democratic 
Policy.  Defeated  in  all  their  great  measures,  the  Whig  party- 
embracing  as  it  did  so  large  a  number  of  the  noblest  and  best 
men  of  the  country — had  no  longer  any  great  common  ties  to 


SECTIONALISM     IN     1850.  265 

bind  it  together  ;  and  the  American  people  were  ready,  and 
willing,  to  blend  themselves  together,  in  a  Great  National  Party 
that  promised  to  cement  the  common  patriotic  feelings  of  the 
Nation,  and  to  concentrate  the  best  efforts  of  all  our  people,  in 
the  inauguration  of  a  New  Period  of  Patriotism  and  enlightened 
administration. 

V. 

Factions  raged — Sectionalism  had  grown  furious — Disunion 
had  lifted  its  serpent  head — Abolitionism  had  inflamed  the  pas- 
sions of  northern  men — and  everywhere  the  political  sky  was 
overcast  by  ominous  clouds  that  foreshadowed  a  dark  future  for 
the  great  Republic  of  Washington.  But  thanks  to  the  God  of 
the  Universe,  that  Republic  was  too 'great  and  glorious  to  be 
suddenly  destroyed.  Heaven  watched  over  our  destinies.  The 
great  men  of  all  parties  in  the  National  Councils,  clustered 
around  the  Federal  Altar,  where  the  Fathers  of  the  Republic 
had  worshiped  ;  and  laying  aside  all  sectional  feeling,  deter- 
mined to  preserve  the  integrity  of  that  Union  which  had  cost  so 
much  blood,  and  been  sanctified  by  so  many  years  of  struggle. 
Great  public  meetings  were  everywhere  held,  in  honor  of  those 
men  who  had,  in  this  moment  of  danger,  struck  their  hands 
together  in  holy  love  of  the  Institutions  of  our  Fathers,  and 
sworn  to  defend  them  to  the  last. 


YI. 

Such  was  the  feeling  of  the  great  men  of  the  country  ;  and 
of  the  people  of  the  country,  when  it  became  necessary  to  choose 
a  President,  in  1852. 

VII. 

Who  should  tha  man  be  ?    The  Whig  Convention  met.  and 

12 


266  HOW    LOW     THE     COUNTRY     HAD     FALLEN. 

three  great  names  came  up  for  their  consideration.  First  of  all, 
Fillmore — who  had  by  a  painful  dispensation  of  Providence  been 
called,  unexpectedly,  to  preside  over  the  affairs  of  the  Nation. 
He  had  done  well ;  and  if,  at  the  time,  the  country  could  have 
known  how  poorly  another  man  would  have  filled  his  place,  he 
would  doubtless  have  been  nominated  for  another  term  of  office. 
And  there  was  Webster,  incontestably  the  mightiest  man  then 
living,  as  the  expounder  of  the  Constitution  ;  and  the  eloquent, 
and  all  but  inspired  Orator  of  his  age.  But  the  Convention 
deemed  it  necessary  to  select  the  name  of  the  hero  of  Lundy's 
Lane.  He  had  rendered  great  services  to  the  Nation  ;  but 
there  was  a  strong  suspicion  entertained  that  some  of  the 
Catalines  of  the  Republic  might  control  the  counsels  of  his 
Cabinet,  and  that  suspicion  killed  him.  And  so  low  had  we 
fallen  as  a  people,  at  that  time,  that  this  great  man,  who  had 
fought  in  all  the  wars  of  the  Republic,  except  the  war  of  the 
Revolution — the  man  who  had  rendered  most  signal  services 
to  the  country,  in  every  position  he  had  held — that  on  an 
electioneering  tour,  he  seemed  to  lose  no  opportunity,  while 
addressing  a  mob  of  foreigners,  to  announce  to  them  that  he 
recognized  with  enthusiastic  delight,  their  foreign  brogue.  So 
lately  did  a  popular  and  a  splendid  American  patriot  and  hero 
bend  his  proud  back  to  the  vile  herd  of  foreign  paupers  that 
come  upon  our  shores,  as  the  locusts  fell  upon  the  garden  land 
of  Egypt,  eating  up  every  green  thing..  And  yet  but  a  few 
years  before,  he  had  from  the  fullness  of  his  patriotic  heart, 
warned  his  country  most  fervidly  against  the  dangerous  influ- 
ence of  foreigners, 

Till. 

Little,  or  nothing,  was  known  of  Frank  Pierce — the  man  who 
was  hit  upon  by  accident,  in  the  Democratic  Convention  which 
assembled  at  Baltimore.  He  had  been  a  member  of  Congress, 


HOW     PIERCE     WAS     ELECTED.  267 

although  he  had  done  nothing  there,  worthy  of  recollection, 
daring  the  time  he  held  his  place.  When  it  was  announced 
that  he  had  been  a  member  of  the  United  States  Senate,  the 
records  of  that  great  body  unfolded  no  further  information  ;  but 
some  wily  demagogues,  with  the  aid  of  deluded  but  honest  men, 
pitched  his  name  into  the  Convention  at  the  last  moment,  when 
its  members  had  grown  tired  of  strife  and  struggle,  for  many 
days  ;  and  of  course,  when  the  Leaders  of  the  Democratic  party 
had  all  been  thrown  overboard,  "  Frank  Pierce,  of  Concord, 
New  Hampshire," .  was  nominated,  almost  by  acclamation. 
Democracy  was  satisfied  for  the  moment  ;  but  nationality  went 
by  default. 

IX. 

And  yet,  when  Frank  Pierce  was  nominated  as  a  national 
American  Candidate,  the  news  was  flashed  over  the  country  by 
telegraph  ;  and  the  nation  lifted  its  hands  in  gratitude,  that  there 
was  the  prospect  of  an  administration  which  would  be  broad, 
great,  magnanimous,  and  just.  The  country  clapped  its  hands 
with  exultation,  when  Frank  Pierce  was  elected  ;  for  he  had, 
by  every  pledge,  arid  sign,  and  promise  known  to  men,  sworn 
fidelity  to  the  great  principles  of  the  great  Compromise  of  1850. 

X. 

Union  Whigs  rejoiced  in  the  defeat  of  General  Scott  ;  and 
Webster,  from  his  dying  bed,  sent  to  Rufus  Choate — his  personal 
friend — the  message: — "not  to  mar  his  future  prospects  by 
taking  one  step  in  the  support  of  Scott."  So  dear  was  the 
Union  of  these  States,  as  the  Fathers  of  the  Republic  had 
bequeathed  it  to  us,  that  the  mere  apprehension  that  a  sectional 
spirit  would  guide  the  councils  of  the  Whig  Candidate,  turned 
against  him  the  irresistible  tide  of  Public  Opinion.  Frank 


268          THE  TREACHERY  OF  PIERCE. 

Pierce  was  elected  by  an  unprecedented  majority  ;  for  he  had 
the  votes  of  twenty-seven  States  cast  in  his  favor.  There  was 
not  a  doubt  expressed,  nor  a  foreboding  entertained  through  the 
Republic  ;  and  men  everywhere  congratulated  themselves  upon 
the  almost  unanimous  election  of  a  new  man,  who  it  was  believ- 
ed would  represent  the  country,  its  feelings,  and  its  nationality. 
Never,  since  the  time  of  Washington,  has  a  President  gone  to 
his  inauguration,  under  auspices  which  promised  more  enduring 
fame.  All  that  General  Pierce  had  to  do,  was  to  fulfill  the 
pledges  which  he  had  voluntarily  made,  and  all  would  have  been 
well  with  him,  and  the  country. 

XL 

He  began  his  administration,  by  choosing  the  leaders  of  fac- 
tions for  his  counsellors.  Unlike  a  general,  he  deserted  the 
main  body  of  his  army,  and  put  into  power  all  the  men  he  could 
find,  who  had  been  guilty  of  mutiny  in  the  camp.  He  denation- 
alized himself  on  the  start.  He  did  not  select  a  single  man  for 
office,  at  home  or  abroad,  who  had  signalized  himself  as  a  leader 
in  the  great  cause  which  he  himself  was  supposed  to  represent. 
He  started  out  with  the  policy  that  he  must  buy  his  enemies,  be- 
cause his  friends  were  already  secured. 


XII.        „ 

What  were  the  consequences  ?  By  the  high  and  magnani. 
mous  policy  which  had  been  adopted  by  the  National  Democratic 
Convention  at  Baltimore,  he  had  been  selected  as  the  impersona- 
tion of  that  broad  national  spirit  which  was  then  speaking 
through  all  the  members  of  that  Convention, — which  was  then 
making  itself  felt  through  all  the  leading  Journals  of  America — 
through  these  channels,  wise  men  saw  that  a  new  age  was 


HIS    INFAMOUS    ADMINISTRATION.  269 

dawning  upon  the  country  ;  and  thus  near  the  tomb  of  Washing- 
ton, where  Frank  Pierce  swofce  allegiance  to  the  Constitution, 
the  Compromise  Measures,  and  the  nationality  of  the  country; 
the  American  people  gathered  in  gratitude  to  Heaven,  and  with 
enthusiasm  to  their  chief,  to  sustain  the  Institutions  of  their 
Fathers. 

XIII. 

He  had  indeed  chosen  for  his  counsellors,  in  the  beginning, 
men  who  did  not  command  the  confidence  of  the  country  ;  but 
it  was  not  believed  that  a  man  who  had  been  elected  under  such 
circumstances,  and  who  had  made  such  pledges  to  the  Nation, 
could  so  foully  betray  his  trust  as  to  gather  around  him  public 
traitors.  But  this  delusion  was  soon  dispelled,  for  they  turned 
out  to  be  either  mere  adventurers,  or  wcrn-out  and  corrupt 
demagogues,  who  would  buy  and  sell  men,  States,  principles — 
and  the  Republic  itself,  if  by  doing  it  they  could  make  something 
at  the  game. 

XIV. 

This  Administration  has  now  been  reduced  to  contempt.  It 
is  unnecessary  to  say  that  it  has  not  only  violated  every  pledge 
it  has  made — the  President  has  not  only  refused  to  do  every- 
thing he  promised,  and  done  everything  he  was  pledged  not  to 
do  ;  but  he  has  disgraced  us  in  the  eyes  of  all  foreign  nations, 
by  sending  incompetent  and  unacceptable  men  to  represent  us 
abroad.  It  will  not  be  denied  that,  with  a  very  few  exceptions, 
he  has  chosen  the  worst  set  of  men  he  could  have  found  in  the 
United  States,  to  represent  us  abroad — Red  Republicans — 
German  Jews —  Filibusters — Factionists — Secessionists — Aboli- 
tionists— Loafers — anybody  but  men  born  on  the  soil,  breathing 
the  spirit  of  our  Institutions,  and  comprehending  our  system  of 
government. 


270  AMERICA     DENATIONALIZED. 

XV. 

• 

This  will  easily  account  for  the  fact  that  the  present  Adminis- 
tration has  not  only  been  reduced  to  contempt  at  home,  and 
abroad  ;  but  that  even  those  common  measures  of  necessity 
which  the  exigencies  of  the  country  have  called  for,  have 
not  been  carried  through.  We  have  indeed  had  a  bluster  about 
the  Koszta  affair — we  have  bullied  Spain— and  Frank  Pierce 
has  bombarded  and  burned  down  Greytown.  This  is  all  he  has 
achieved  : — except — planting  iiimsdf  in  open  hostility  to  the 
American  movement.  He  is  the  man  who  has  lifted  his  puny 
and  putrid  hand,  to  arrest  the  avalanche  rush  of  millions  of 
Americans,  to  secure  their  birth-right.  He  does  not  compre- 
hend the  spirit  of  our*  Institutions — the  spirit  of  our  country — 
nor  the  spirit  of  our  times.  He  stanch  in  the  way  of  the  People, 
and  he  will  be  crushed.  He  is  peddling  out  his  offices  to  people 
who  can  play  the  lackey  to  him  in  his  decadent  fortunes,  while  he 
has  overlooked  almost  every  noble  national  man  in  the  country, 
for  offices  in  his  gift. 

XVI. 

He  began  his  Administration  by  putting  a  Roman  Catholic 
into  his  Cabinet,  as  Post-Master-General — and  Roman  Catholic- 
ism in  America,  means  an  attempt  to  establish  "  a  monarchy  on 
Republican  soil,  with  a  Tdng  at  Rome " — and  this  Post-Master- 
General  has  not,  only  control  of  the  transmission  of  public  intelli- 
gence to  twenty-five  millions  of  people  ;  but  the  appointment  of 
one  hundred  thousand  office-holders.  He  continued  it,  by 
bestowing  upon  thousands  of  illiterate,  bigoted,  monarchical  sub- 
jects of  Rome,  places  of  trust  and  profit  in  the  revenus  service, 
besides  making  Catholics  and  Jesuits,  District  Attorneys,  Mar- 
shals, &c.,  &c.,  &c.,  throughout  the  United  States  ;  for  this  man, 
and  the  crew  that  he  has  gathered  around  him,  have  carried 


PIERCE    VIOLATES   THE    COMPROMISE    MEASURES.    271 

things  so  far,  that  no  upright  American  who  has  any  pride  in 
being  an  American,  is  left  to  do  him  homage.  It  seems  to  have 
been  the  fate  of  Frank  Pierce  to  make  John  Tyler's  Adminis- 
tration immortal,  by  contrasting  it  with  his  own.  John  Tyler 
was  not  the  worst  President  we  have  had. 


XVII. 

The  most  dastardly  act  which  this  Concord  man  has  perpe- 
trated, was  to  violate  all  the  pledges  he  had  given,  by  concoct- 
ing, with  the  help  of  other  demagogues,  the  infamous  Nebraska 
Bill — by  which  a  territory,  nine  times  as  large  as  the  State  of 
New  York,  over  whose  soil  the  Missouri  Compromise  had 
declared  that  African  slavery,  or  involuntary  servitude  should 
never  extend,  was  freely,  and  without  the  asking,  dedicated  to 
slavery.  It  is  a  fact  bad  enough  in  itself,  that  slavery,  through 
the  early  wrongs  of  our  nionarchial  oppressors,  should  exist  in 
the  Republic  :  but  that  it  should  exist  at  all  in  the  grandest 
Republic  of  all  the  ages,  is  worse  still.  We  understand  the 
reasons  why,  and  we  can  explain  the  thing  to  ourselves — just  as 
the  founders  and  frarners  of  the  Constitution  explained  it  and 
understood  it — for  we  are  a  cluster  of  States  that  understand 
each  other,  and  we  agreed,  in  the  beginning,  that  we  would  not 
intermeddle  with  each  other's  affairs. 

XVIII. 

This  was  the  spirit  in  which  the  Compromise  Measures  were 
passed.  Upon  the  maintenance  of  this  state  of  things,  Frank 
Pierce  was  elected  President. 

When  he  got  into  power,  all  his  efforts  were  directed  to  their 
overthrow.  He  is  the  traitor  of  all  ages  ;  because  he  has 
betrayed  more  pledges,  and  deceived  more  men,  than  any  other 


272  HOUSTON     ON     THE     NEBRASKA     BILL. 

man  that  has  lived — and  he  had  been  preceded  by  traitors  who 
had  a  hundred  times  his  capacity  of  doing  good,  although  few 
of  them  ever  attempted  to  do  so  much  evil. 

Reduced  at  last  below  the  contempt  of  decent  men,  he  has 
found  himself  deserted  by  all  the  good  who  contributed  to  his 
elevation,  and  none  even  appear  to  stand  by  him  now,  except 
those  he  has  bought  by  place,  office,  or  favors. 

XIX. 

When  Frank  Pierce  found  himself  in  this  degraded  position, 
the  demagogues  who  surrounded  him,  or  other  demagogues  who 
thought  they  could  play  a  good  card  over  his  political  coffin, 
proposed  the  Nebraska  Bill.  In  the  indignation  of  his  spirit — 
in  the  honesty  of  his  political  character,  and  in  the  might  of  his 
genius,  Sam  Houston  rose  in  the  Senate,  and  pronounced  the 
following  words,  which  added  a  new  seal  to  the  integrity  of  his 
political  character,  and  gave  new  lustre  to  his  patriotism. 


XX. 

Mr.  PRESIDENT  :  This  unusual  night  sitting  is  without  precedent  in  the 
history  of  any  previous  Congress  at  this  stage  of  the  session.  The  extra- 
ordinary circumstances  in  which  we  find  ourselves  placed,  would  seem  to 
indicate  a  crisis  in  the  affairs  of  the  country  of  no  ordinary  importance  ; 
a  crisis  that  portends  either  good  or  evil  to  our  institutions. 

The  extraordinary  character  of  the  bill  before  the  Senate,  as  well  as  the 
manner  in  which  it  is  presented  to  the  body,  demands  the  gravest  deliber- 
ation. This,  sir,  is  the  anniversary  of  a  protracted  session,  in  which  the 
organization  of  the  Territory  of  Nebraska  was  elaborately  discussed  on  the 
last  day  of  the  last  session.  In  that  discussion,  which,  like  this,  had  kept 
us  in  our  seats  to  the  morning  dawn,  the  prominent  points  of  opposition 
were  such  as  related  to  the  Indian  tribes.  Such  a  bill  at  the  present  ses- 
sion would  have  met  with  no  insuperable  objections  ;  bui  what  do  we  now 
find?  A  bill  entirely  variant,  and  a  bill  which  involves  new  and  important 


UNNECESSARY    AGITATION.  273 

principles.  It  has  come  an  unexpected  measure  without  a  harbinger,  for 
no  agitation  was  heard  of,  and  the  breeze  bore  no  whisper  to  our  ears  that 
the  Missouri  Compromise  was  to  be  repealed. 


XXI. 

Its  presentation  has  been  as  sudden  as  the  measure  itself  is  bold  ;  and 
the  excitement  of  the  public  mind  is  of  corresponding  intensity.  We  arc 
told,  to  be  sure,  that  there  is  no  necessity  for  agitation,  and  that  soon  the 
public  mind  will  be  tranquil,  and  the  country  will  be  in  a  state  of  repose 
and  quiet — as  it  was  at  the  introduction  of  this  measure.  The  honorable 
Senator  who  has  just  taken  his  seat  (Mr.  Douglas),  the  chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  Territories,  in  his  lecture  to  the  South,  exhorted  them  to 
stand  by  the  principle  of  this  bill,  with  the  assurance  that  it  will  be  good 
for  them,  and  that  the  country  will  maintain  it.  Sir,  under  proper  cir- 
cumstances. I  should  recognize  the  exhortation  ;  but  is  the  principle  such 
a  one  as  should  be  adopted  by  this  body,  or  can  it  be  sanctioned  by  the 
nation  ?  Whether  it  is  expedient  and  useful  at  this  time  I  shall  take  the 
liberty  to  examine. 

XXII. 

Mr.  President.  I  cannot  believe  that  the  agitation  created  by  this  mea- 
sure will  be  confined  to  the  Senate  Chamber.  I  cannot  believe,  from  what 
we  have  witnessed  here  to-night,  that  this  will  be  the  exclusive  arena  for 
the  exercise  of  human  passions,  and  the  expression  of  public  opinions.  If 
the  Republic  be  not  shaken,  I  will  thank  Heaven  fo  its  kindness  in 
maintaining  its  stability.  To  what  extent  is  it  proposed  to  establish  the 
principle  of  non-intervention  ?  Are  you  extending  it  to  a  domain  inhabited 
by  citizens,  or  to  a  barren  prairie,  a  wilderness,  or  even  to  forty  thousand 
wild  Indians  ?  Is  this  the  diffusive  excellence  of  non-intervention  ?  I,  sir, 
am  for  non-intervention  upon  the  principles  which  have  heretofore  been 
recognized  by  this  Government.  Hitherto  Territories  have  been  organized 
—within  my  recollection  Alabama,  Missouri,  Florida.  Arkansas,  Missis- 
sippi, Wisconsin,  and  Iowa  have  been  organized — and  the  principle  now 
proposed  was  not  deemed  essential  to  their  well-being ;  and  is  there  any 
infirmity  in  their  constitutions  or  their  growth  ?  Sir.  has  any  malign  in- 
fluence attached  to  them  from  their  simple,  economical  organization?  It 

12* 


274  FANATICISM    REBUKED. 

may  be  that  the  word  "  economy"  is  deemed  obsolete  in  the  present  condi- 
tion of  our  Treasury.  Were  it  otherwise,  I  am  simple  enough  to  confess 
that  the  organization  of  two  Territories— when  there  are  not  people  to 
constitute  an  ordinary  county  in  one  of  the  populous  States  of  this  Union, 
and  when  those  who  do  inhabit  the  Territories  are  United  States  soldiers, 
who  are  not  entitled  to  vote  at  elections  in  the  States  or  Territories — is 
not  a  procedure  that  can  be  characterized  as  economical.  If  the  principle 
of  non-intervention  be  correct,  it  is  correct  where  the  Territories  have  been 
governed  by  laws  of  Congress  until  they  are  prepared  to  make  application 
for  admission  as  States.  Then  they  have  a  right  to  elect  their  delegates 
to  convention,  for  the  purpose  of  framing  State  constitutions,  which,  if  ac- 
cepted by  Congress,  invest  them  with  all  the  sovereign  rights  of  States  j 
and  then,  for  the  first  time,  they  have  the  complete  power  of  self-govern- 
ment. A  Territory  under  the  tutelage  of  Congress  can  form  no  organic 
laws,  either  admitting  or  excluding  slavery.  A  people  without  organic 
laws  might  alternately  enact  and  repeal  all  laws,  and  reenact  them  with- 
out limitation,  as  they  would  have  no  local  constitution.  Congress  has  a 
supervision  over  the  action  of  all  Territories  until  they  become  sovereign 
States.  In  the  formation  of  State  governments,  I  can  say  that  they  have 
the  exclusive  right  to  determine  whether  they  will  come  into  the  Uuion 
with  or  without  slavery.  There,  sir,  is  the  application  of  the  principle  of 
non-intervention,  and  one  that  I  have  always  maintained. 


XXIII. 

But  gentlemen  speak  of  sovereignty — they  say  that  the  people  are  sov- 
ereign, and  supreme.  Sir,  I  bow  with  all  deference  to  that  sovereignty; 
but  I  do  not  apply  the  principle  to  the  Territories  in  their  unorganized 
and  chrysalis  condition.  Sovereignty  implies  the  power  of  organization, 
and  a  self-acting,  self-moving  and  self-sustaining  principle ;  but  the  Ter- 
ritories have  it  not.  They  only  acquire  it  when  they  become  constituent 
parts  of  this  Confederacy. 

XXIV. 

But  we  are  told  that  the  South  has  stood  by  the  Compromise.  I  am 
glad  of  it.  Yet  gentlemen  have  protested  against  the  recognition  of  North 
and  South.  Why,  sir,  they  are  recognized  every  day.  The  distinction 


THE    FACTS    OF    THE    MISSOURI     COMPROMISE.       275 

has  been  recognized  by  the  Statesmen  of  every  day,  and  every  section  of 
the  country.  Am  I  to  be  told  "that  the .  question  has  not  assumed  that 
character,  and  that  it  will  not  operate  to  carry  sectional  influence  with  it 
to  a  certain  extent?  It  is  impossible  that  you  can"  divest  it  of  a  sectional 
character  to  some  extent.  Why,  we  are  told,  in  the  very  breath  that  de- 
clares there  is  no  such  principle  recognized,  that  the  North  has  violated 
the  Missouri  Compromise,  and  the  South  has  maintained  it ;  and  yet  do 
you  tell  me  that  there  is  no  North  and  no  South?  Let  us  look  at  the 
action  of  the  North  and  South.  I  am  not  going  back  to  make  a  technical, 
or  legal,  or  constitutional  argument  upon  the  facts  and  circumstances  of 
the  Missouri  Compromise — its  creation,  its  progress,  its  recognition,  and 
final  decision.  I  am  not  going  to  characterize  it  a  compact  as  distin- 
guished from  a  compromise,  because  I  can  see  no  reasonable  application 
of  the  one  that  does  not  belong  to  the  other. 


XXV. 

The  word  "  compromise"  is  a  more  comprehensive  and  rational  term 
when  applied  to  an  amicable  adjustment  of  differences  existing  between 
two  parties  who  are  reconciled.  I  well  remember  that  on  the  organization 
of  Oregon  Territory,  the.  South  denounced  the  Missouri  Compromise,  and 
did  not  recognize  it.  Was  not  that  denunciation  subsequent  to  a  joint 
recognition  by  both  sections  of  the  Union,  the  North  and  the  South? 
Had  they  not  united,  the  South,  perhaps,  with  more  unanimity  than  the 
North,  upon  its  application  to  Texas  in  her  annexation  ?  Yes,  sir,  they 
had.  That  was  in  1845  ;  and  in  1848,  three  years  after,  without  any  in- 
tervening act  of  bad  faith  on  the  part  of  the  North,  the  South  repudiated 
it  on  the  organization  of  Oregon  Territory. 

Mr.  ATCHISON  (Mr.  DODGE,  of  Iowa,  in  the  chair).  The  Senator  says 
that  the  southern  members  of  the  Senate  repudiated  the  Missouri  Compro- 
mise on  the  Oregon  bill.  Now  that,  I  think,  with  all  due  deference  to  the 
Senator,  is  not  so.  The  Senator  from  Illinois  proposed  to  the  Oregon  bill 
the  Missouri  Compromise,  and  every  southern  gentleman,  according  to  my 
recollection,  voted  for  it — every  one  in  the  Senate.  The  bill  went  to  the 
House,  and  the  House  refused  to  accede  to  it. 

Mr.  DOtJGLAS.    Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  ATCHISON.  The  Senator  from  Texas,  and  my  then  colleague,  the 
senior  Senator  from  Missouri  (Mr.  Benton),  alone  of  all  the  southern 
members  voted  to  recede  from  it. 


276      THE    FACTS    OF    THE    MISSOURI     COMPROMISE. 

XXYI. 

Mr.  HOUSTON.  I  thank  the  gentleman  for  giving  me  a  very  pleasing 
intimation.  It  reminds  me,  Mr.  President,  of  what  did  occur.  We  voted 
to  recede  from  it.  The  other  gentlemen  did  not  vote  to  recede. 
They  had  voted  in  opposition  to  its  organization  and  admission^  or 
what  was  tantamount  to  it.  And  what  was  the  reason?  It  was 
because  there  was  a  proposition,  and  I  had  introduced  resolutions 
myself,  to  extend  the  compromise  line  to  the  Pacific  ocean.  The  North 
did  not  accept  it.  I  did  not  believe  it  would  be  more  than  an  abstraction. 
Why  did  I  do  it  then?  I  will  tell  you.  But  previous  to  this,  and  at  the 
time  Oregon  was  organized  by  the  Government,  the  South  went  against 
it,  I  may  say.  in  a  body.  The  southwestern  Senators  and  myself  went  for 
it,  under  the  heaviest  denunciations  and  anathemas  that  could  be  applied 
to  any  individuals.  Was  this  an  abandonment  of  it  by  the  North  ?  Had 
it  been  an  abandonment  of  the  application  of  it  by  the  North,  or  its  non- 
application  by  the  South,  to  Texas  ?  Did  not  the  North  receive  five  and 
a  half  degrees  of  slave  territory  from  Texas,  and  in  consideration  of  that 
cede  to  Texas  the  right  of  forming  four  States  in  addition  to  the  one  then 
formed?  Call  it  a  compact  or  compromise  as  you  please  ;  but  then  it  as- 
sumed the  character  of  a  compact  when  applied  to  Texas,  because  Texas 
came  in  recognizing  that  as  a  principle  concurred  in  by  the  North  and  the 
South.  They  both  applied  it  to  Texas,  and  it  was  upon  it  that  she  came 
in.  And  so  far,  certainly,  it  was  a  compact  with  her.  Is  not  Texas  inter- 
ested in  that  ?  Did  she  not  consider  the  Missouri  Compromise  practically  • 
a  compact,  so  far  as  she  is  concerned?  Because  she  predicated  her  own 
upon  it.  And  if  you  deprive  her  of  the  benefits  resulting  from  and  de- 
clared by  that  compact,  when  are  her  four  States  to  come  in,  if  the  North 
has  the  ascendancy  ?  Cannot  they  exclude  them  when  they  please  if  the 
Missouri  Compromise  be  repealed?  We  hold  them  by  an  obligation  which 
it  would  be  dishonorable  and  infamous  to  abandon.  You  cannot  repeal 
that  compromise  without  the  consent  of  Texas.  Remember,  Texas  was  an 
independent  nation,  a  sovereignty,  when  she  came  into  this  Union.  She 
had  rights  equal  to  those  possessed  by  this  country ;  institutions  quite  as 
good,  and  a  more  harmonious  structure  of  her  community.  Now,  will 
there  not  be  a  liability  that  these  four  additional  States  may  be  denied  to 
Texas  ?  Texas  insists  upon  this  right  in  my  person,  as  one  of  her  repre- 
sentatives. I  claim  it  as  no  boon  bestowed.  I  ask  it  as  no  gift.  The 
Stale  demands  it  as  u  right,  to  form  four  additional  States,  if  she  should 
elect  to  do  so. 


.EFFECTS    OF    REPEAL    UPON    THE     SOUTH.         277 

XXVII. 

But  what  would  the  repeal  of  this  Compromise  amount  to  ?  An  ab- 
straction? What  would  the  South  be  benefited  by  it?  By  the  amend- 
ment of  the  Senator  from  North  Carolina,  the  bill  is  perfectly  eviscerated, 
or,  to  use  a  senatorial  term,  because  I  think  it  may  be  applied  with  more 
propriety,  elegantly  emasculated.  Yes,  sir,  it  amounts  to  nothing.  It 
holds  a  promise  to  the  ear,  but  breaks  it  to  the  hope.  If  it  is  ever  to  be 
repealed.  I  want  no  empty  promises.  They  have  not  been  asked  for  by 
the  South.  They  are  not  desired ;  and,  so  far  as  I  am  concerned,,  they 
will  never  be  accepted.  Neither  my  colleague  nor  myself  have  ever  been 
consulted  in  relation  to  this  subject.  On  the  contrary,  we  have  been  sedu- 
lously excluded  from  all  consultation.  I  have  never  had  an  intimation 
that  a  conference  was  to  take  place,  a  caucus  to  be  held,  or  stringent  mea- 
sures applied  in  the  passage  of  this  bill.  Nothing  of  the  kind.  I  have 
been  in  the  dark  in  relation  to  it.  I  feel  that  Texas  has  as  important  an 
interest  as  any  other  section  of  this  Union  in  the  repeal,  of  the  Compromise, 
and  would  be  as  vitally  affected  by  it.  She  must  be  eventually,  if  calami- 
ties are  to  fall  upon  the  South,  the  most  unfortunate  of  all  that  portion  of 
the  Union. 

XXVIII. 

I  will  give  you  my  reasons  why  I  think  Texas  would  be  in  the  most 
deplorable  condition  of  all  the  Southern  States.  It  is  now  the  terminus  of 
the  slave  population.  It  is  a  country  of  vast  extent  and  fertile  soil,  favor- 
able to  the  culture  and  growth  of  those  productions  which  are  most  impor- 
tant to  the  necessities  of  the  world — cotton,  sugar,  and  tobacco.  An 
immense  slave  population  must  eventually  go  there.  The  demand  for  labor 
is  so  great,  everything  is  so  inviting  to  the  enterprising  and  industrious, 
that  labor  will  be  transferred  there,  because  it  will  be  of  a  most  profitable 
character,  and  the  disproportion  of  slaves  to  the  white  population,  must  be 
immense.  Then,  sir,  it  becomes  the  gulf  of  slavery,  and  there  its  terrible 
eddies  will  whirl,  if  convulsions  take  place.  I  have  a  right,  therefore,  to 
claim  some  consideration  in  the  Senate  for  the  effect  which  the  repeal  of 
this  Compromise  will  have  upon  our  State.  I  have. a  right  to  demand  it, 
and  demand  it  for  other  reasons  than  those  which  I  formerly  gave  here, 
that  were  personal  to  myself. 


278  INTEGRITY     OF    THE     COMPROMISE. 

XXIX. 

It  is  alleged  that  the  refusal  on  the  part  of  the  North  to  continue  the 
Missouri  Compromise  line  over  the  acquisitions  of  1847  and  1848  was  a 
repudiation  of  the  Compromise.  That  may  be  thought  technically  true. 
I  grant  that  a  proposition  was  made,  or  a  Compromise  entered  into  by 
the  North  and  South,  to  extend  the  Missouri  Compromise  as  far  as  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  United  States  extended.  That  was  to  the  Pacific  ocean. 
When  it  was,  by  contract,  carried  on  through  Texas  on  its  annexation,  then, 
if  I  understand  it,  it  was  a  new  line — a  continuation  of  the  old  line  by 
consent.  It  was  established  there  by  a  compact  with  Texas  ;  for  by  the 
original  Missouri  Compromise  it  could  only  extend  as  far  as  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  United  States  went.  Then  the  proposition  to  continue  it  to 
the  Pacific  was  a  new  and  substantive  proposition.  Though  it  might 
refer  to  the  original  principle  of  the  old,  it  had  no  more  connection  with 
it  than  the  Atlantic  has  with  the  Pacific. 


XXX. 

I  understand,  if  individuals  make  a  contract,  whether  they  enter  into  it 
in  writing,  or  not,  if  it  is  to  be  executed  by  any  given  time,  and  subse- 
quently it  is  proposed  by  one  of  the  parties  to  make  another  contract, 
which  involves  not  the  first,  but  is  made  because  it  is  convenient  to  extend 
the  first  further,  the  refusal  of  one  of  the  parties  to  agree  to  the  second, 
does  not  invalidate  the  former  contract.  This  is  a  kind  of  argument  I 
have  never  heard  resorted  to,  except  in  favor  of  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri 
Compromise.  I  have  a  great  deal  of  veneration  for  that  Compromise.  I 
recollect  the  time  when  I  was  tried  in  the  Senate  Chamber  upon  its  prin- 
ciples. There  are  Senators  here  who  well  remember  that  I  was  denounced, 
more  in  manner  than  in  words,  when  I  said  I  planted  myself  upon  the  Mis- 
souri Compromise  line,  and  that  astride  of  it  I  would  stand,  if  needs  be, 
and  that  there  I  would  do  battle,  and  there  would  I  perish  in  the  defence 
of  the  rights  of  the  South.  That  was  emphatic  language,  and  I  felt  all 
that  i  uttered.  Sir,  I  have  some  reverence  for  it ;  and  if  I  should  feel  such 
reverence,  it  is  not  unreasonable  that  I  should  have  determinations,  too, 
which  will  not  be  changed  by  all  the  technical  and  abstract  notions  which 
have  been  adduced  and  relied  upon  to  enlighten  the  public  mind,  to  manu- 


THE     PRESENT    MEASURE     UNCALLED     FOR.       279 

fact ure  public  sentiment  here,  and  to  give  direction  to  it  abroad.  Sir,  I 
have  no  idea  that  the  public  sentiment  is  to  be  subverted,  and  I  assure 
you  that  the  North,  or  West,  or  South,  cannot  be  willing  that  this  should 
be  done.  No  one  can  deprecate  more  than  I  do  the  fearful  agitations 
which.  I  apprehend,  will  follow  this ;  but  after  the  manifestations  which 
we  have  had  here,  nothing  that  I  can  utter  will  affect  those  who  are 
present,  or  certify  to  them  what  must  be  the  inevitable  consequence,  out 
of  this  Hall,  when  agitation  is  rife  abroad.  Do  these  gentlemen  say  that 
I  have  not  made  any  argument  on  this  point?  It  is,  sir,  because  I  was 
not  sufficiently  skilled  to  meet  the  refined  arguments  that  were  adduced 
in  favor  of  the  repeal.  What  necessity  has  grown  up  for  the  adoption  of 
this  measure  since  1850  ?  None  had  resulted  at  this  time  last  year.  None 
has  been  heard  of. 


XXXI. 


Three  years  have  passed  in  tranquillity  and  peace.  Yet  the  gentleman 
who  urges  the  measure  thinks  that  he  would  have  been  derelict  to  his  duty 
he  had  not  brought  things  to  their  present  condition,  and  presented  the  mat- 
ter in  the  shape  in  which  it  now  stands.  If  it  was  necessary  at  all,  it  was 
necessary  last  year.  No  new  developments  have  been  made.  The  great  prin- 
ciple of  non-intervention  existed  then.  There  is  no  new  demand  for  it  now. 
Is  not  that  a  reason  why  this  bill  ought  not  to  pass  ?  Was  there  any  new 
indication  given  of  its  necessity  up  to  the  time  that  the  bill  was  introduced 
here?  None  throughout  the  whole  land.  How,  and  where,  and  why, 
and  when,  and  with  whom  this  measure  originated,  Heaven  only  knows, 
for  I  have  no  cognizance  of  the  facts  ;  but  I  well  know  that  persons 
deeply  involved  in  it,  and  exercising  senatorial  privileges  here,  never 
receired  information  that  such  a  measure  would  be  brought  forward,  or 
would  be  urged  with  that  pertinacity  with  which  it  is  now  done.  Little 
did  we  think  that  it  was  to  be  urged  upon  us  as  a  great  healing  measure. 
The  honorable  Senator  from  Virginia  [Mr.  MASON]  said  last  night,  that 
this  is  to  be  regarded  as  a  great  healing  measure  for  the  purpose  of  pre- 
venting agitation.  Sir.  1  heard  of  no  agitation  until  it  arose  here,  nor 
would  there  have  been  any  this  day  in  the  United  States,  if  the  bill  in  the 
form  in  which  it  was  presented  last  year,  had  been  brought  forward  and 
adopted  without  any  provision  either  for  non-intervention  or  the  repeal 
of  the  Missouri  compromise. 


280  VIEWS    OF    PRESIDENT    POLK. 

XXXII. 

So  far  back  as  1848.  I  find  that  President  Polk  recognized  the  Missouri 
Compromise  as  of  binding  force  upon  this  country.  He  considered  it  not 
only  binding  upon  the  North  in  relation  to  the  South,  but,  as  the  Chief 
Magistrate  of  this  Union,  he  regarded  it  as  binding  upon  the  South, 
because  it  accorded  certain  privileges  to  the  South  ;  for  he  says,  when 
speaking  in  relation  to  his  approval  of  the  Oregon  bill,  that  he  approved 
it  because  it  lay  north  of  36°  30' ;  but  had  it  lain  south  of  36°  30',  he 
would  not  say  what  action  he  would  have  taken  upon  it ;  clearly  intimating 
that  he  would  have  vetoed  the  bill,  regarding  as  he  did  the  Missouri  Com- 
promise as  obligatory  on  the  two  sections  of  the  Union.  How  has  it  been 
repudiated  since  that  time?  Was  it  repudiated  and  superseded,  or  ren- 
dered null  and  void,  by  the  Compromise  of  1850  ?  No  such  thing.  Do 
you  .think  that  the  astute  statesmen,  the  men  who  managed  and  controlled 
the  business  of  that  Compromise,  as  much  as  any  other  men  versed  and 
skilled  in  legal  lore  and  in  general  learning,  men  of  acumen  and  keen 
perceptions,  would  have  permitted  that  matter  to  go  unexplained,  if  it 
ever  had  been  contemplated  to  repeal  the  Missouri  Compromise?  Mr. 
Clay  and  Mr.  Webster  would  never  have  done  it.  Yet  no  information  was 
given  that  any  such  design  was  entertained  by  any  member  of  this  body 
I  am  sure  that,  for  one,  I  did  not  entertain  it.  Other  gentlemen,  more 
astute  than  myself,  might  have  done  so,  but  I  am  confident  that  it  was  not 
the  general  understanding  that  non-intervention  was  to  be  applied  to  these 
Territories  because  they  lay  north  of  36°  30'. 


XXXIII. 

I  again  ask,  what  benefit  is  to  result  to  the  South  from  this  measure,  if 
adopted?  I  have  shown.  I  hope,  that  if  you  repeal  this  Missouri  Compro- 
mise, Texas  has  no  guarantee  left  for  the  multiplication  of  her  States,  if 
she  chooses  to  make  them.  What  are  its  advantages  ?  Will  it  secure 
these  Territories  to  the  South  ?  No,  sir,  not  at  all.  But,  the  gentleman 
tells  us,  it  is  the  principle  that  we  >vant.  I  can  perceive  but  one  principle 
involved  in  the  measure,  and  that  principle  lies  at  the  root  of  agitation  ; 
and  from  that  all  the  tumult  and  excitements  of  the  country  must  arise. 
That  is  the  only  principle  I  can  perceive.  We  are  told  by  southern,  as 
well  as  northern  gentlemen,  those  who  are  for  it,  and  those  who  are 


EFFECTS  OF  REPEAL  U P  0%  THE  COUNTRY.   281 

against  it,  that  slavery  will  never  be  extended  to  that  territory,  that  it 
will  never  go  there  5  but  it  is  the  principle  of  non-intervention  that  it  is 
desired  to  establish.  Sir,  we-  have  done  well  uuder  the  intervention  of 
the  Missouri  Compromise,  if  the  gentlemen  so  call  it,  in  other  Territories  ; 
and,  I  adjure  you,  wnen  there  is  so  much  involved,  not  to  press  this  matter 
too  far.  What  is  to  be  the  consequence  ?  If  it  is  not  in  embryo,  my  sug- 
gestion will  not  make  it  so.  It  has  been  suggested  elsewhere,  and  I  may 
repeat  it  here,  what  is  to  be  the  effect  of  this  measure  if  adopted,  and  you 
repeal  the  Missouri  Compromise  ?  The  South  is  to  gain  nothing  by  it ;  for 
honorable  gentlemen  from  the  South,  and  especially  the  junior  Senator 
from  Virginia  [Mr.  HUNTER],  characterize  it  as  a  miserable,  trifling  little 
measure.  Then,  sir,  is  the  South  to  be  propitiated  or  benefited  by  the 
conferring  upon  her  of  a  miserable,  trifling  little  measure  ?  Will  that 
compensate  the  South  for  her  uneasiness?  Will  it  allay  the  agitation 
of  the  North?  Will  it  preserve  the  union  of  these  States?  Will  it 
sustain  the  Democratic  or  the  Whig  party  in  their  organizations? 
No,  sir,  they  all  go  to  the  wall.  What  is  to  be  the  effect  on  this 
Government?  It  is  to  be  most  ruinous  and  fatal  to  the  future  har- 
mony and  well-being  of  the  country.  I  think  that  the  measure  itself 
would  be  useless.  If  you  establish  intervention,  you  make  nothing  by 
that.  But  what  will  be  the  consequence  in  the  minds  of  the  people?  They 
have  a  veneration  for  that  Compromise.  They  have  a  respect  and  reve- 
rence for  it,  from  its  antiquity  and  the  associations  connected  with  it,  and 
repeated  references  to  it  that  seem  to  suggest  that  it  marked  the  bound- 
aries of  free  and  slave,  territory.  They  have  no  respect  for  it  as  a  com- 
pact— I  do.iiot  care  what  you  call  it — but  as  a  line,  defining  certain'rights 
and  privileges  to  the  different  sections  of  the  Union.  The  abstractions 
which  you  indulge  in  here  can  never  satisfy  the  people  that  there  is  not 
something  in  it.  Abrogate  it  or  disannul  it,  and  you  exasperate  the 
public  mind.  It  is  not  necessary  that  reason  should  accompany  excite- 
ment. Feeling  is  enough  to  agitate  without  much  reason,  and  that  will 
be  the  great  prompter  on  this  occasion.  My  word  for  it,  we  shall  realize 
scenes  of  agitation  which  are  rumbling  in  the  distance  now. 

XXXIV. 

I  have  heard  it  said,  and  may  as  well  remark  it  now,  that  the  Aboli- 
tionists and  Free-Soilers,  to  a  certain  extent,  will  affiliate  with  the  weaker 
political  party  at  the  North,  the  Whigs,  and  will  make  a  fair  contest  with 


282      HOUSTON     WILL%OT     SWERVE    FROM    DUTY. 

the  Democrats.  If  they  throw  this  question  in  the  scale,  and  the  Demo- 
crats do  not,  they  will  preponderate.  Then  how  are  the  Democrats  to 
sustain  themselves  under  this  pressure  ?  Suppose  the  repeal  of  the  Fugitive 
Slave  Law,  or  the  repeal  of  the  Compromise  of  1850  is  proposed,  and  the 
Democrats  oppose  it ;  they  will  meet  with  the  objection  that  it  is  not  more 
sacred  than  the  Missouri  Compromise,  and  the  repeal  will  be  urged  before 
the  people  ;  and  we  shall  see  our  House  of  Representatives  with  a  prepon- 
derating power  of  Abolitionism,  the  principles  of  which  will  triumph. 
Every  Representative  who  votes  for  this  measure  will  be  prostrated  ;  he 
cannot  come  back,  or,  if  he  comes  back,  he  will  be  pledged  to  the  repeal 
of  a  measure  fraught  with  so  many  blessings  of  peace  to  the  country. 
With  all  the  fancied  benefits,  of  non-intervention,  they  cannot  overbalance 
the  disastrous  consequences  that  must  ensue  to  our  institutions. 

XXXY. 

This  is  an  eminently  perilous  measure,  and  do  you  expect  me  to  remain 
here  silent,  or  to  shrink  from  the  discharge  of  my  duty  in*  admonishing  the 
South  of  what  I  conceive  the  results  will  be  ?  I  will  do  it  in  spite  of  all 
the  intimidations,  or  threats,  or  discountenances  that  may  be  thrown  upon 
me.  Sir,  the  charge  that  I  am  going  with  the  Abolitionists  or  Free- 
Soilers  affects  not  me.  The  discharge  of  conscious  duty  prompts  me  often 
to  confront  the  united  array  of  the  very  section  of  the  country  in  which  I 
reside  ;  in  which  my  associations  are  ;  in  which  my  personal  interests  have 
always  been,  and  in  which  my  affections  rest.  When  every  look  to  the 
setting  sun  carries  me  to  the  bosom  of  a  family  dependent  upoji  me,  think 
you  I  could  be  alien '  to  them  ?  Never — never.  Well,  sir,  if  I  am  now 
accidently  associated  with  Abolitionists,  in  voting  against  this  measure  of 
repeal — if  I  vote  with  them,  and  with  individual  Senators  with  whom  my 
relations  have  always  been  courteous  and  polite  personally,  they  well 
know  that  I  feel  no  sympathy  with  their  notions — that  I  think  them 
fanatical— I  do  not  esteem  it  a  greater  misfortune  attendant  upon  me 
than  I  have  witnessed  before,  in  this  Chamber,  with  other  Senators  from 
the  South.  In  the  passage  of  the  Compromise  bill  of  1850.  I  saw  asso- 
ciations of  extremes  quite  as  extraordinary  as  on  this  occasion.  I  almost 
thought  that  the  extremes  of  the  Abolitionists  and  Secession  parties  had 
become  Siamese  twins;  they  were  so  intimate  that  I  could  not  help  but 
remark  it. 

MR.  SEWARD.    Who? 


OPINION     OP    GENERAL    CASS 

XXXVI. 

Mr.  HOUSTON.  I  need  not  mention  who  ;  I  merely  throw  out  the  sug- 
gestion.  I  do  not  inquire  into  the  motive  which  induced  the  introduction 
of  this  bill  into  the  Senate.  I  cast  no  reflections  on  gentlemen  either  for 
its  introduction  or  for  its  support ;  but  I  deprecate  the  consequences  which 
will  flow  from  it.  I  have  conversed  with  several  Senators,  and  I  have 
never  hear  the  first  who  would  not  admit  that  it  was  an  unfortunate  and 
ill-advised  measure.  The  venerable  and  distinguished  Senator  from  Michi- 
gan [Mr.  CASS],  the  other  day,  in  his  speech,  declared,  in  substance,  that 
he  thought  it  was  an  unfortunate  circumstance  that  it  had  ever  been  intro- 
duced into  the  Senate,  although  it  meets  with  his  approbation  when  it  is 
here.  And  now,  when  he  who  has  been  in  the  councils  and  transactions 
of  this  country  for  fifty  years,  who  has  witnessed  all  the  vicissitudes  and 
mutations  through  which  the  country  has  passed,. who  has  been  an  actor 
in  the  most  important  scenes  of  the  Union — when  he 'does  not  recognize  it 
as  a  healing  and  welcome  measure,  I  ask  Senators  if  I  err  in  resisting  it? 
They  say  it  is  here.  It  is  here,  and  if  I  had  the  power,  I  would  kick  it 
out.  What,  if  a  measure  unwholesome  or  unwise  is  brought  into  the  Sen- 
ate, and  it  comes  from  the  party  of  which  I  am  a -member,  and  its  intro- 
duction is  un  error,  is  it  not  my  duty  to  correct  that  error  as  far  as  I 
possilJly  can  ?  Sir,  I  stand  here  for  that  general  purpose.  My  constitu- 
ents send  me  here  for  that  purpose. 

XXXVII. 

But  I  will  not  admit  for  a  moment  that  this  meets  the  sanction  of  the 
Executive.  All  his  antecedents  are  in  the  face  of  it.  Supporting  him  as 
I  did.  I  must  believe  him  consistent  and  truthful.  He  is  upon  the  record 
as  an  opponent  to  agitation  of  any  k:nd,  whether  in  the  Halls  of  Congress 
or  anywhere  else.  He  is  pledged  to  keep  down  and  resist  agitation,  as  far 
as  in  his  power  :  and  that  the  institutions  of  the  country  shall  sustain  no 
"  shock  "  during  his  Administration.  If  this  bill  passes,  will  there  be  no 
shock?  Depend  upon  it,  Mr.  P/esident,  there  will  be  a  tremendous  shock  . 
it  will  convulse  the  country  from  Maine  to  the  Rio  Grande.  The  South 
has  not  asked  for  it.  I,  as  the  most  Southern  Senator  upon  this  floor,  do 
not  desire  it.  If  it  is  a  boon  that  is  offered  to  propitiate  the  South,  I,  as 
a  Southern  man,  repudiate  it  I  reject  it.  I  will  have  none  of  it. 


284  JACOB    AND     ESAU. 

XXXVIII. 

Mr.  President,  not  in  any  spirit  of  unkindness — not  entertaining 
unfriendly  or  ungentle  feelings, — I  will  allude  here.by  way  of  illustration, 
to  one  of  the  most  beautiful  and  captivating  incidents  in  the  Holy  Bible 
— one  that  shows  a  forgetting,  and  kind,  and  amiable,  and  forgiving  tem- 
per, which,  even  under  a  sense  of  deep  injuries,  was  willing  to  embrace  a 
brother,  and  forget  the  past.  I  need  not  relate  to  this  intelligent  assem- 
bly the  history  of  Esau  and  Jacob.  The  birthright  and  the  mess  of 
pottage  are  familiar  to  all.  The  two  brothers  separated  in  anger,  after 
Jacob  had  acquired  the  blessing  which  should  have  been  given  to  Esau,  and 
Jacob  fled  to  Laban,  his  mother's  brother,  in  a  distant  country,  where  he 
greatly  prospered.  Afterwards,  when  he  separated  his  flocks  from  those  of 
his  father-in-law,  it  became  necessary  for  him  to  journey  through  the  land  of 
of  his  brother  Esau,  who  was  then  a  man  of  influence,  and  power,  and 
wealth.  As  Jacob  approached,  he  thought  it  was  necessary  to  propitiate  his 
brotluer  for  the  wrong  which  he  had  done  him,  and  he  supposed  he  could  not 
do  that  without  some  atonement,  or  some  gift.  He  dispatched  a  portion  of 
his  family,  some  of  his  handmaidens,  and  children,  and  servants,  with  a 
drove  of  cattle,  which  he  intended  as  an  offering  to  his  brother  ;  and  the 
sacred  narrative  says  that  when  Esau  heard  that  his  brother  was  journey- 
ing towards  his  land,  "Esau  ran  to  meet  him  ;  and  they  embraced  and 
kissed  each  other  ;  and  they  wept."  Now  I  do  not  see  why  the  North  and 
South,  if  they  have  been  separated,  might  not  embrace  each  other  without 
any  feeling  of  anger.  But.  after  some  colloquy  had  taken  place  between 
the  brothers.  Esau  said  :  '•  What  meanest  thou  by  this  drove  which  I  met  ?" 
And  Jacob  said,  "  These  are  to  find  grace  in  the  sisrht  of  my  Lord." 
And  Esau  then  made  a  reply  worthy  of  a  generous  spirit.  Tie  said  :  "  / 
have  enough,  my  brother  ;  keep  that  thou  hast  unto  thyself." 

XXXIX. 

6 

So,  if  this  is  an  offering  to  propitiate  the  South,  the  South  may  say, 
"  I  have  enough,  my  brother  ;  keep  that  thou  hast  unto  thyself."  If  this 
is  the  only  offering  tendered  to  the  South?  we  will  not  ask  it ;  we  do  not 
wnnt  it ;  the  people  will  be  angry  if  you  give  it ;  and  I  never  want  to 
make  trouble  with  my  friends  at  home..  I  would  rather  you  would  keep 
it.  If  you  are  indebted  in  anything  to  the  South,  all  I  have  to  say  is,  that 
you  might  find  some  other  occasion  when  it  would  be  more  agreeable  to 


CONSTITUTIONALITY    OP    THE    COMPROMISE.     285 

cancel  the  obligation.    The  South,  as  a  community,  only  desire  their 
rights  under  the  Constitution  and  existing  compromises. 


XL. 

But,  sir,  the  people  are  not  going  into  abstractions  to  understand  this 
subject.  Nor  will  there  be  a  lawyer  at  every  point,  every  cross-road, 
every  public  meeting,  every  muster,  or  every  court-house,  to  give  elabo- 
rate dissertations  upon  the  unconstitutionally  of  the  Missouri  Compromise. 
I  care  nothing  about  its  constitutionality  or  unconstitutionally.  Not  one 
straw  do  I  care  about  it.  on  account  of  the  circumstances  out  of  which  it 
grew,  and  the  benefits  flowing  from  it.  Mr.  Jefferson  said  he  could  not 
find  constitutional  authority  for  th.e  acquisition  of  Louisiana.  If  that  was 
the  case,  even  if  the  Compromise,  based  upon  an  unconstitutional  act,  to 
reconcile  the  different  sections  of  the  country,  was  without  authority  of  the 
Constitution,  it  became  a  legitimate  subject  of  legislation.  I  say  legiti- 
mate, because  it  was  an  acquisition  of  territory  which  must  be  governed 
in  some  manner  suited  to  the  exigencies  of  the  occasion.  Hence  the 
resort  to  the  principle  of  compromise,  and  to  legislation.  Was  the  acqui- 
sition of  Florida  constitutional  ?  I  think  not.  Yet  we  retain  it  as  one  of 
our  States.  Was  the  acquisition  of  Texas  constitutional  ?  No,  sir,  it  was 
not.  It  was  a  mere  act  of  legislation  on  the  part  of  this  Government — 
a  compromise — precisely  such  as  the  compromise  which  this  bill  proposes 
to  repeal.  But  Texas  is  in,  and  you  cannot  thrust  us  out ;  and  that  is  the 
whole  of  it.  But  it  is  not  constitutional.  If  it  is  not,  and  validity 
attaches  only  to  compacts,  in  contradistinction  to  compromises,  then  this 
is  a  compact  predicated  upon  the  compromise  of  Missouri. 


XLI. 

I  do  not  know  whether  it  is  constitutional,  technically.  It  is  sufficient 
for  me  to  know  that  it  has  stood  for  more  than  thirty  years,  and  received 
the  approbation  of  our  wisest  and  ablest  statesmen,  from  the  day  of  its 
adoption  down  to  the  present,  and  was  never  questioned  until  after  the 
commencement  of  the  present  session  of  Congress.  It  is  strange  that  an 
unconstitutional  law  should  have  remained  so  long  in  force  amid  all  the 
agitation,  and  excitement,  and  bitterness  between  the  North  and  the 
South  ;  and  that  this  is  the  first  proposition  ever  made  to  repeal  it.  Have 


286  HENRY     CLAY AGITATION     OF     1850. 

we  to  yield  to  it  without  any  necessity,  and  without  any  excuse  for  it, 
when  we  see  that  discord  will  run  riot  in  our  land  ? 


XLIL 

Sir,  the  occasion  to  which  I  have  alluded,  was  not  the  only  one  on 
which  I  said  I  was  willing  to  stand  on  the  Missouri  Compromise  line,  in 
defence  of  the  rights  of  the  South.  On  another  occasion,  it  will  be  recol- 
lected in  this  Chamber,  when  speaking  of  the  obligations  the  country  was 
under  to  a  distinguished  statesman,  then  in  private  life,  and  whose  party 
had  postponed  his  claim,  or  pretermitted  it,  or,  in  common  parlance,  laid 
him  on  the  shelf,  I  said,  that  when  the  Missouri  agitation  was  quieted, 
he  was  held  throughout  the  land  as  a  great  pacificator  ;  and  if  he  had 
committed  a  mountain  of  sins,  that  single  achievement  of  tranquilizing 
the  great  Republic,  giving  permanency,  peace,  and  growth  to  its  institu- 
tions, would  have  overbalanced  them  all.  I  said  that  Henry  Clay 
deserved  a  monument  of  bronze,  of  marble,  or  of  gold,  to  be  placed  in  the 
rotunda  of  the  Capitol,  for  men  in  aftertimes  of  great  excitement  to  con- 
template, and  look  upou  as  a  man  who  blessed  his  country.  That  was  the 
sentiment  I  entertained,  and  it  arose  from  veneration,  not  only  for  the 
man,  but  for  the  needed  restoration  of  harmony  to  our  native  land.  Were 
I  to  make  such  a  declaration  now,  it  would  be  thought  that  it  was  an 
endeavor  to  bring  this  bill  into  discredit.  No,  sir,  nothing  is  necessary 
from  me  to  discredit  it  5  for  it  is  its  own  condemnation  under  the  circum- 
stances in  which  it  is  presented  here,  at  this  time,  in  the  midst  of  unity, 
peace,  and  harmony,  while  all  is  at  rest,  with  not  a  ripple  on  the  vast 
ocean  of  our  community.  I  have  seen  agitation  and  bitterness  before. 

XLIL 

I  recollect  when  I  ventured  to  make  the  first  address  in  this  Chamber  on 
the  subject  of  the  agitation  in  1850,  with  what  discountenance  it  was 
received.  So  little  was  there  a  disposition  to  harmonize,  that  when  I 
suggested  that  six  Senators,  without  regard  to  party  or  section,  might 
be  selected  from  the  members  of  this  body,  who  could  compose  an 
Jlddress  and  send  it  abroad  so  as  to  harmonize  the  country,  and  hush 
the  fierce  waves  of  political  agitation  that  were  then  lashing  the  base 
of  this  Capitol,  it  met  with  no  reponse.  Well,  we  subsequently  obtained 


POSITION     OF    THE     NORTHERN      DEMOCRACY.       28t 

peace  and  harmony.  Let  us  preserve  it.  And  there  is  no  mode  by  which 
we  can  so  effectually  accomplish  that  object,  as  by  rejecting  the  proposed 
measure.  I  had  fondly  hoped,  Mr.  President,  that  having  attained  to  my 
present  period  of  life,  I  should  pass  the  residue  of  my  days,  be  they  many 
or  few,  in  peace  and  tranquillity ;  that  as  I  found  the  country  growing  up 
rapidly,  and  have  witnessed  its  immeasurable  expansion  and  development, 
when  I  closed  my  eyes  on  scenes  around  me,  I  would  at  least  have  tije 
cherished  consolation  and  hope  that  I  left  my  children  in  "a  peaceful, 
happy,  prosperous,  and  united  community.  I  had  hoped  this.  Fondly 
had  I  cherished  the  desire  and  the  expectation  from  1850  until  after  the 
introduction  of  this  bill.  My  hopes  are  less  sanguine  now.  My  anxieties 
increase,  but  my  expectation  lessens.  Sir,  if  this  repeal  takes  place,  I  will 
have  seen  the  commencement  of  the  agitation ;  but  the  youngest  child 
now  born,  I  am  apprehensive,  will  not  live  to  witness  its  termination. 
Southern  gentlemen  may  stand  up  and  defend  this  measure.  They  may 
accept  it  from  the  Northern  gentlemen  who  generously  bestow  it ;  but  if 
it  were  beneficial  to  the  South,  it  would  have  been  asked  for.  It  was  not 
asked  for — nor  will  it  be  accepted  by  the  people.  It  furnishes  those  in 
the  North,  who  are  enemies  of  the  South,  with  efficient  weapons  to  con- 
tend with. 

XLIY. 

The  Democracy  in  the  North  have  stood  firm  to  party  ties.  They  have 
fought  gallantly  for  our  rights.  If  we  pass  this  bill  how  can  they  main- 
tain themselves?  How  can  their  representatives  return  to  them  and  say : 
"We  gave  it?"  Would  not  the  reply  be  :  "  You  gave  it ;  then  you  are 
faithless  servants,  and  we  will  put  you  down  ;  you  disgraced  your  party  ; 
you  have  given  away  a  sacred  thing,  a  pledge,  a  compromise  thirty-four 
years  old,  which  was  venerated  for  its  antiquity,  and  national  benefits 
derived  from  it  ?"  Depend  upon  it,  they  will  be  held  to  a  strict  account. 
They  will  have  to  answer  for  it.  I  call  upon  you  to  sustain  those  who 
stood  by  you  of  the  South  in  opposition  to  those  whose  fanaticism,  and 
prejudice,  and  misguided  feeling  would  have  wrested  your  rights  from 
you.  If  you  place  them  and  their  party  in  the  predicament  which  I  have 
mentioned,  you  will  be  doing  them  great  injustice. 

XLY. 

Mr.  President,  I  have  very  little  hope  that  any  appeal  which  I  can  make 


288  VINDICATION     OF    THE    INDIANS. 

for  the  Indians  will  do  any  good.  The  honorable  Senator  from  Indiana 
[Mr.  PETTIT],  says,  in  substance,  that  God  Almighty  has  condemned 
them,  and  has  made  them  an  inferior  race  ;  that  there  is  no  use  in  doing 
anything  for  them.  With  great  deference  to  that  Senator,  for  whom  I 
have  never  cherished  any  but  kind  feelings,  I  must  be  permitted  to  dissent 
from  his  opinions.  He  says  they  are  not  civilized,  and  they  are  not  homo- 
£neous,  and  cannot  be  so,  with  the  white  race.  They  cannot  be  civilized ! 
No !  Sir,  it  is  idle  to  tell  me  that.  "We  have  Indians  on  our  western  bor- 
ders whose  civilization  is  not  inferior  to  our  own.  It  is  within  the  recol- 
lection of  gentlemen  here  that,  more  than  twenty  years  ago,  President 
Ross,  one  of  them,  held  a  correspondence  upon  the  rights  of  the  Indians 
to  the  Cherokee  country,  which  they  possessed  east  of  the  Mississippi,  and 
maintained  himself  in  the  controversy  with  great  credit  and  ability  ;  and 
the  triumph  of  Mr.  Adams,  if  it  was  one.  was  much  less  than  he  had 
obtained  over  the  diplomatist  of  Spain  [Mr.  DON  ONIS],  in  relation  to  the 
occupation  of  Florida  by  General  Jackson.  The  Senator  from  Indiana 
says  that,  in  ancient  times,  Moses  received  a  command  to  go  and  drivo 
the  Canaanites  and  Moabites  out  of  the  land  of  Canaan,  and  that  Joshua 
subsequently  made  the  experiment  of  incorporating  one  tribe  of  the  hea- 
then with  the  Israelites,  but  it  finally  had  to  be  killed  off.  Therefore, 
the  Senator  concludes,  the  Cherokees  cannot  be  civilized.  There- may 
have  been  something  statesmanlike  in  the  policy,  but  I  do  not  discover 
the  morality  of  it.  I  will  say,  however,  that  there  is  no  analogy  between 
the  two  cases.  The  pecple  of  Judea  who  were  killed,  or  exterminated, 
were  idolators.  and  the  object  was  to  keep  the  people  of  Israel  free  from 
the  taint  of  idols  and  idolatry,  under  the  command  of  Providence,  and 
therefore  the  extermination  in  His  dispensation  became  necessary.  But  the 
Cherokees  never  have  been  idolators.  neither  have  the  Creeks,  nor  the 
Choctaws,  nor  the  Chickasawa.  They  believe  in  one  Great  Spirit — in  God 
— the  white  man's  God.  They  believe  in  his  Son  Jesus  Christ,  and  his 
atonement,  and  propitiation  for  the  sins  of  men.  They  believe  in  the 
sanctifying  efficacy  of  the  Holy  Ghost.  They  bow  at  the  Christian's  altar, 
and  they  believe  the  Sacred  Volume.  Sir,  you  may  drive  these  people 
away,  and  give  their  lands  to  the  white  man  ;  but  let  it  not  be  done  upon 
the  justification  cf  the  Scriptures.  They  have  well-organized  societies ; 
they  have  villages  and  towns;  they  have  their  state-houses  and  their 
capitols ;  they  have  females  and  men  who  would  grace  the  drawing-rooms 
or  saloons  of  Washington ;  they  have  a  well-organized  judiciary,  a  trial 
by  jury,  and  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus.  These  are  the  people  for  whom  I 


THEIR    SOCIAL    CONDITION.  289 

demand  justice  in  the  organization  of  these  Territories.  They  are  men  of 
education.  They  have  more  than  one  hundred  native  preachers  in  those 
tribes,  as  I  have  heard.  They  have  their  colleges,  as  I  remarked  in  my 
former  address  to  the  Senate  on  this  subject.  They  become  associated  in 
friendship  with  our  young  men  in  the  various  institutions  in  the  United 
States  ;  and  they  are  prepared  to  be  incorporated  upon  equal  terms  with 
us.  But  even  if  they  were  wild  Indians,  untutored,  when  you  deprive 
them  of  what  would  give  them  knowledge,  and  discourage  them  from 
making  an  effort  to  become  civilized  and  social  beings,  how  can  you  ex- 
pect them  to  be  otherwise  than  savage  ? 


XLVI. 

When  you  undertake  to  tame  wild  horses,  do  you  turn  them  from  you 
and  drive  them  into  the  desert,  or  do  you  take  care  of  them  and  treat 
them  with  humanity?  These  Indians  are  not  inferior,  intellectually,  to 
white  men.  John  Ridge  was  not  inferior  in  point  of  genius  to  John 
Randolph.  His  father,  in  point  of  native  intellect,  was  not  inferior  to 
any  man.  Look  at  their  social  condition,  in  the  nations  to  which  I  have 
.alluded.  Look  at  the  Chickasaws  who  remain  in  the  State  of  Mississippi. 
Even  among  white  men,  with  all  their  prejudices  against  the  Indians, 
with  their  transcendent  genius  and  accomplishments,  they  have  been 
elected  to  the  Legislature.  Whenever  they  have  had  an  opportunity, 
they  have  shown  that  they  are  not  inferior  to  white  men,  either  in  sense 
or  capability. 

XL  VII. 

But  the  honorable  Senator  from  Iowa  [Mn.  DODGE]  characterizes  the 
remarks  which  I  made  in  reference  to  the  Indians  as  arising  from  a 
feeling  of  "  sickly  sentimentality."  Sir,  it  is  a  sickly  sentimentality  that 
was  implanted  in  me  when  I  was  young,  and  it  has  grown  up  with  me. 
The  Indian  has  a  sense  of  justice,  truth,  and  honor,  that  should  find 
a  responsive  chord  in  every  heart.  If  the  Indians  on  the  frontier  are 
barbarous,  or  if  they  are  cannibals,  and  eat  each  other,  who  are  to  blame 
for  it  ?  They  are  robbed  of  the  means  of  sustenance  ;.  and  with  hundreds 
and  thousands  of  them  starving  on  the  frontier,  hunger  may  prompt  to 
such  acts  to  prevent  their  perishing.  We  shall  never  become  cannibals 
in  connection  with  the  Indians :  but  we  do  worse  than  that.  We  rob 

13 


290        SHAMEFUL    ROBBERY     OF    THE    INDIANS. 

them,  first  of  their  native  dignity  and  character ;  we  rob  them  nest 
of  what  the  Government  appropriates  for  them.  If  we  do  not  do  it  in 
this  Hall,  men  are  invested  with  power  and  authority,  who,  officiating  as 
agents  or  traders,  rob  them  of  everything  which  is  designed  for  them. 
No  less  than  one  hundred  millions  of  dollars,  I  learn  from  statistics, 
since  the  adoption  of  this  Government,  have  been  appropriated  by  Con- 
gress for  purposes  of  justice  and  benevolence  towards  the  Indians  ;  but  I  am 
satisfied  that  they  have  never  realized  fifteen  millions  beneficially.  They 
are  too  remote  from  the  seat  of  Government  for  their  real  condition  to  be 
understood  here  ;  and  if  the  Government  intends  liberality  or  justice 
towards  them,  it  is  often  diverted  from  the  intended  object  and  consumed 
by  speculators. 

XL  VIII. 

I  am  a  friend  of  the  Indian,  upon  the  principle  that  I  am  a  friend  to 
justice.  "We  are  not  bound  to  make  them  promises ;  but  if  a  promise  be 
made  to  an  Indian,  it  ought  to  be  regarded  as  sacredly  as  if  it  were 
made  to  a  white  man.  If  we  treat  them  as  tribes,  recognize  them,  send 
commissioners  to  form  treaties  and  exchange  ratifications  with  them, 
and  the  treaties  are  negotiated,  accepted,  ratified,  and  exchanged— 
having  met  with  the  approval  of  the  Senate — I  think  they  may  be  called 
compacts  ;  and  how  are  those  compacts  regarded?  Just  as  we  choose 
to  construe  them  at  the  time,  without  any  reference  to  the  wishes 
of  the  Indians,  or  whether  we  do  them  kindness  or  justice  in  the 
operation,  or  not.  We  are  often  prompted  to  their  ratification  by 
persons  interested ;  and  we  lend  ourselves  unintentionally  to  an  unjust 
act  of  oppression  upon  the  Indians  by  men  who  go  and  get  their 
signatures  to  a  treaty.  The  Indian's  mark  is  made  ;  the  employees 
of  the  Government  certify  or  witness  it ;  and  the  Indians  do  not  under 
stand  it,  for  they  do  not  know  what  is  written.  These  are  some  of  the 
circumstances  connected  with  the  Indians.  Gentlemen  have  spoken  here 
of  voting  millions  to  build  ships,  and  placing  the  Army  and  Navy  at 
the  disposition  of  the  President  in  the  event  that  England  act  inconsist- 
ently with  treaty  stipulations.  This  is  done  because,  if  England  violates 
a  treaty  with  us,  pur  national  honor  is  injured.  Now,  I  should  like  to 
know  if  it  becomes  us  to  violate  a  treaty  made  with  the  Indians  when  we 
please,  regardless  of  every  principle  of  truth  and  of  honor.  We  should 
be  careful  if  it  were  with  a  power  able  to  war  with  us  ;  and  it  argues  a 


DUTY     OF     CONGRESS    TOWARDS    THEM.  291 

degree  of  infinite  meanness  and  indescribable  degradation  on  our  part  to 
act  differently  with  the  Indians,  who  confide  in  our  honor  and  justice,  and 
who  call  the  President  their  Great  Father,  and  confide  in  him.  Mr.  Presi- 
dent, it  is  in  the  power  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  to  do  some 
justice  to  the  Indians  by  giving  them  a  government  of  their  own,  and 
encouraging  them  in  their  organization  and  improvement  by  inviting  their 
delegates  to  a  place  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate  and  house  of  Representa- 
tives. If  you  will  not  do  it,  the  sin  will  lie  at  your  door,  and  Providence, 
in  His  own  way,  mysterious  and  incomprehensible  to  us  though  it  is,  will 
accomplish  all  His  purposes,  and  may  at  some  day  avenge  the  wrongs  of 
the  Indians  upon  our  nation.  As  a  people  we  can  save  them  ;  and  the 
sooner  the  great  work  is  begun,  the  sooner  will  humanity  have  cause  to 
rejoice  in  its  accomplishment. 


XLIX. 

Mr.  President,  I  shall  say  but  little  more.  My  address  may  have  been 
desultory.  It  embraces  many  subjects  which  it  would  be  very  hard  to 
keep  in  entire  order.  We  have,  in  the  first  place,  the  extensive  territory  ; 
then  we  have  the  considerations  due  to  the  Indians  ;  and  then  we  have  the 
proposed  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  which  seems  to  require  the 
most  explanation,  and  to  be  the  main  point  in  the  controversy.  The 
great  principle  involved  in  that  repeal  is  non-intervention,  which,  we  are 
told,  is  to  be  of  no  practical  benefit,  if  the  Compromise  is  repealed.  It 
can  have  no  effect  but  to  keep  up  agitation. 


L. 

Sir,  the  friends  who  have  survived  the  distinguished  men  who  took  pro- 
minent parts  in  the  drama  of  the  compromise  of  1850.  ought  to  feel 
gratified  that  those  men  are  not  capable  of  participating  in  the  events  of 
to-day,  but  that  they  were  permitted,  after  they  had  accomplished  their 
labors,  and  seen  their  country  in  peace,  to  leave  the  world,  as  Simeon  did, 
with  the  exclamation :  "  Lord,  now  lettest  thou  thy  servant  depart  in 
peace,  for  mine  eyes  have  seen  thy  salvation."  They  departed  in  peace, 
and  they  left  their  country  in  peace.  They  felt,  as  they  were  about  to 
be  gathered  to  the  tombs  of  their  fathers,  that  the  country  th'ey  had 
loved  so  well,  and  which  had  honored  them — that  country  upon  whose 


292  THE     PACIFICATORS     OF     1850. 

fame  and  name  their  doings  had  shed  a  bright  lustre  which  shines  abroad 
throughout  all  Christendom — was  reposing  in  peace  and  happiness.  What 
would  their  emotions  be  if  they  could  now  be  present  and  .  see  an  effort 
made,  if  not  so  designed,  to  undo  all  their  work,  and  to  tear  asunder 
the  cords  that  they  had  bound  around  the  hearts  of  their  countrymen  ? 
They  have  departed.  The  nation  felt  the  wound  :  and  we  see  the  memo- 
rials of  woe  still  in  this  Chamber.  The  proud  symbol  (the  eagle)  above 
your  head  remains  enshrouded  in  black,  as  if  deploring  the  misfortune 
which  has  fallen  upon  us,  or  as  a  fearful  omen  of  future  calamities  which 
await  our  nation,  in  the  event  this  bill  should  become  a  law.  Above  it  I 
behold  the  majestic  figure  of  WASHINGTON,  whose  presence  must  ever 
inspire  patriotic  emotions,  and  command  the  admiration  and  love  of  every 
American  heart.  By  these  associations  I  adjure  you  to  regard  the  con- 
tract once  made  to  harmonize  and  preserve  this  Union.  Maintain  the 
Missouri  Compromise  !  Stir  not  up  agitation  /  Give  us  peace  ! 

LI. 

This  much  I  was  bound  to  declare — in  behalf  of  my  country,  as  I 
believe,  and  I  know  in  behalf  of  my  constituents.  In  the  discharge  of 
my  duty  I  have  acted  fearlessly.  The  events  of  the  future  are  left  in  the 
hands  of  a  wise  Providence. 

LII. 

Frank  Pierce's  Nebraska  and  Kansas  Bill,  had  long  been  under 
discussion,  and  as  bis  partisans  in  the  Senate  were  numerous 
enough  to  pass  it  when  they  pleased,  General  Houston  rose  in  his 
place  late  on  Friday  night,  March  3d,  1854,  and  delivered  the 
following  great  argument.  It  was  the  last  and  most  power- 
ful remonstrance  that  fell  on  the  ears  of  that  Senate,  until  the 
vote  was  taken.  Let  men  read  it  at  the  North  and  the  South — 
for  it  speaks  the  truth  to  America — our  common  country.  Its 
prophecies  have  already  become  history. 

LIIL 

Such  were  the  noble  words,  which  late  that  night  fell  from 


REMONSTRANCES  AGAINST  THE  NEBRASKA  BILL.  293 

the  lips  of  Houston.  His  speech,  although  pronounced  in  the 
fervor  of  his  native  and  impetuous  eloquence,  is  already  by  the 
march  of  events  conserted  into  history.  It  seems  at  the  first 
blush  as  though  it  must  have  been  "changed  since  its  delivery — 
so  perfect  a  transcript  is  it  now  of  what  has  since  taken  place. 
But  we  copy  it  from  the  official  Congressional  Report. 

LIY. 

The  prospect  of  the  overthrow  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  by 
the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  spread  general  alarm  through- 
out the  country.  Petitioners  by  tens  of  thousands  sent  in  their 
remonstrances  and  memorials,  praying  that  the  Bill  might  not 
pass.  But  the  memorial  which  attracted  most  attention,  was 
"  from  upwards  of  three  thousand  ministers  of  the  Gospel  of  all 
denominations  and  sects,  in  the  different  States  of  New  Eng- 
land, remonstrating  against  the  passage  of  the  Nebraska  Bill. 
Demagogues  had  affected  indifference  or  contempt  towards  this 
petition ;  and  even  Senators  who  were  looking  to  the  Presi- 
dency, allowed  themselves,  in  the  heat  of  debate,  to  treat  3,000 
New  England  clergymen  with  contempt.  These  Senators  forgot, 
that  these  3,000  ministers  had  been  put  into  the  pulpits  of  New 
England,  by  the  people  of  New  England  ;  just  as  really,  legiti- 
mately (and  without  political  corruption),  as  Senators  at 
Washington  had  been  placed  in  their  seats.  They  should  have 
remembered  moreover,  that  these  clergymen  more  faithfully 
reflected  the  opinions  of  their  congregations,  on  this  subject, 
than  Senators  represented  the  opinions  of  their  constituents. 

It  was  expected,  in  this  crisis,  that  Mr.  Everett — who  then 
filled  Daniel  Webster's  place  in  the  Senate — would,  as  a  Massa- 
chusetts man,  rise  and  rebuke  the  demagogues,  for  their 
unprovoked  assault  upon  3,000  of  the  Protestant  clergymen  of 
New  England.  But  Mr.  Everett  was  silent ;  and  Sam  rose  and 


294    HOUSTON     ON     THE     CLERGYMEN'S     PETITION. 

did  the  work  which  WEBSTER  would  have  done,  had  he  not  left 
the  Senate  and  the  world  for  ever.     Mr.  Houston  said  : — 


LV. 

Mr.  PRESIDENT  :  I  think  that  a  petition  of  this  kind  ought  to  be  received, 
and  that  it  is  not  subject  to  the  charge  brought  against  it  by  the  Senator 
from  Illinois  [Mr.  DOUGLAS].  It  does  not  arraign  our  action  by  being 
drawn  up  after  that  action  was  had.  The  Nebraska  Bill  passed  this  body 
on  the  night  of  the  3d,  or  rather,  on  the  morning  of  the  4th  instant.  The 
memorial  appears  to  be  dated  on  the  1st  of  March.  I  cannot  think  that  it 
meant  any  indignity  to  the  Senate.  There  is  nothing  expressive  of  any 
such  feeling  in  it.  It  is  a  right  that  all  individuals  in  the  community 
have,  if  their  terms  are  respectful,  to  memoralize  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States  upon  any  subject.  Whether  there  is  any  ulterior  object  in 
this  I  know  not ;  but  from  the  date  of  the  memorial,  and  from  the  number 
of  signers,  I  am  induced  to  believe  that  that  memoralists  thought  there 
was  something  wrong  in  that  bill ;  and  if  they  believe  that  its  passage 
would  be  a  breach  of  faith  on  the  part  of  the  Government,  they  had  a 
right  to  say  so.  I  took  the  liberty  of  making  the  same  charge  here. 
There  were  more  questions  than  that  of  non-intervention  involved  in  that 
bill.  It  involved  an  infraction  of  faith  with  the  Indians,  of  pledges  given 
to  them  under  all  the  solemn  forms,  yet  mockery,  of  treaties.  That  waa 
one  point  involved  ;  and  I  charged  that  the  passage  of  the  bill  would  be  a 
violation  of  plighted  faith  in  that  particular.  Was  it  a  violation  of  faith 
to  disregard  the  Missouri  Compromise,  which  was  of  so  much  antiquity 
and  utility  to  the  country  ?  That  is  a  matter  of  discussion.  I  have  not 
arraigned  the  action  of  any  gentleman  since  the  passage  of  the  bill,  but 
anterior  to  it  I  gave  my  opinions  in  relation  to  its  character  as  a  disre- 
gard of  treaties,  and  as  a  flagrant  violation  of  the  plighted  faith  of  the 
nation  towards  the  Indians. 


LVI. 

With  respect  to  the  Missouri  Compromise,  I  believe  its  repeal  to  be  as 
flagrant  a  breach  of  faith  as  the  violation  of  treaties  made  with  the 
Indians.  I  have  not  charged  Senators  with  corrupt  motives,  nor  have  I 


MINISTERS     ARE     NOT    DISFRANCHISED.  295 

charged  them  with  anything  selfish  ;  but  I  certainly  can  see  no  more 
impropriety  in  ministers  of  the  Gospel,  in  their  vocation,  memorializing 
Congress,  than  politicians,  or  other  individuals.  I  do  not  believe  that 
these  ministers  have  sent  this  memorial  here  to  manufacture  political 
capital,  to  have  it  entered  on  the  records  of  the  Senate,  so  that  it  might 
be  taken  back  and  disseminated  through  the  country.  Sir,  it  comes  from 
the  country.  I  told  you  that  there  would  be  agitation  ;  but  it  was  denied 
upon  this  floor.  Is  not  this  agitation  ?  Three  thousand  ministers  of  the 
living  God  upon  earth — his  vicegerents— send  a  memorial  here  upon  this 
subject ;  and  yet  you  tell  me  that  there  is  no  excitement  in  the  country  ! 
Sir,  you  realize  what  I  anticipated.  The  country  has  to  bear  the  inflic- 
tion. Sir,  the  coup  d'etat  was  not  successful.  The  bill  did  not  pass  before 
the  community  was  awakened  to  it.  The  community  was  awakened  to  it 
not  alone  in  New  England,  for  I  have  seen  letters  from  the  South  and  West 
stating  that  it  was  there  regarded  as  a  breach  of  faith  ;  and  I  can  see  no 
wrong  in  ministers  expressing  their  opinion  in  regard  to  it.  This  protest 
does  not  attack  the  reputation  of  Senators.  It  does  not  displace  them 
from  their  positions  here.  It  does  not  impair  their  capabilities  for  the 
discharge  of  the  high  functions  which  the  Constitution  has  devolved  upon 
them.  I  see  nothing  wrong  in  all  this. 


LYII. 

Ministers  have  a  right  to  remonstrate.  They  are  like  other  men.  Because 
they  are  ministers  of  the  Gospel  they  are  not  disfranchised  of  political 
rights  and  privileges  ;  and,  if  their  language  is  respectful  to  the  Senate, 
in  anticipation  of  the  passage  of  a  bill  which  is  obnoxious  to  them,  they 
have  a  right  to  spread  their  opinions  on  the  records  of  the  nation.  The 
great  national  heart  throbs  under  this  measure  ;  its  pulse  beats  high  5  and 
is  it  surprising  that  we  should  observe  the  effects  of  it  ?  I  trust,  sir,  that 
the  nation  may  yet  again  see  the  blessed  tranquillity  that  prevailed  over 
the  whole  country  when  this  "  healing  measure  "  was  introduced  into  the 
Senate.  The  position  of  the  nation  was  enviable.  It  was  unagitated. 
There  was  not,  in  my  recollection,  a  time  so  tranquil,  nor  a  community 
more  happy.  A  nation  more  proseperous  existed  not  upon  the  earth.  Sir, 
I  trust  that  there  will  be  no  continuance  of  agitation  ;  but  the  way  to  end 
it  is  not  to  make  war  upon  memorialists.  Let  them  memorialize  if  they 
think  it  necessary.  If  they  state  what  is  incorrect,  let  the  subject  be 


296  PROPRIETY     OF     THE     MEMORIAL. 

referred  to  committees,  and  let  tbe  committees  give  an  exposition. of  the 
truth,  and  lay  it,  in  reports,  before  the  public,  and  then  the  intelligence 
of  the  nation  will  determine  as  to  what  is  right,  and  what  consideration 
ought  to  be  given  to  it.  I  would  not  take  away  the  liberty  to  indulge  in 
the  freest  expression  of  opinion,  or  the  exercise  of  the  rights  and  privileges 
which  belong  to  any  portion  of  this  country  ;  yet  I  would  discourage  agi- 
tation. I  may  hold  the  contents  of  this  protest,  to  some  extent,  heretical ; 
yet  they  are  not  expressed  in  such  offensive  language  as  would  justify  a 
denial  of  their  right  to  memorialize.  If  it  had  been  intended  to  impugn 
our  motives  or  our  actions,  either  as  corrupt  or  immoral,  we  could  bear  it. 
The  people  surely  have  a  right  to  think  and  speak  upon  our  action.  We 
are  not  placed  in  a  position  so  high  that  we  are  elevated  above  the  ques- 
tioning power  of  the  people.  They  have  the  right  to  look  into  our  action, 
and  investigate  our  conduct ;  and,  if  they  do  not  approve  of  it,  to  express 
their  opinions  in  relation  to  it.  I  shall  never  make  war  upon  them  on 
that  account ;  yet,  I  trust,  that  whatever  disposition  may  be  made  of  the 
bill  which  we  have  passed,  the  agitation  has  already  reached  its  acme  ; 
and  that,  from  this  point  it  may  decline,  until  the  country  is  again  restored 
to  peace  and  happiness. 

LYIII. 

Mr.  President,  I  have  the  misfortune  to  differ  from  my  friends  in  relation 
to  this  measure,  but  that  difference  is  not  sufficient  to  induce  me  to  enter 
anew  into  the  discussion  of  it.  I  will,  however,  discuss  the  propriety  of 
this  memorial.  The  gentlemen  misapprehend  its  character  entirely.  I 
understood  the  honorable  Senator  from  Virginia — but  I  may  have  been 
mistaken — to  say  that  it  invoked  the  vengeance  of  the  Almighty  God  upon 
the  Senate. 

[Mr.  MASON.    In  substance  it  does,  as  I  understand.] 

Mr.  HOUSTON.  There  is  no  invocation  contained  in  the  memorial.  It  is 
a  respectful  protest,  stating  their  appreciation  of  the  measure  then  pend- 
ing before  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  and  not  one  word  is  contained 
in  it  derogatory  to  the  Senate  at  the  time  it  was  drawn,  and  there  is  no 
invocation  of  wrath  or  vengeance  upon  the  members  of  this  body.  It  is  a 
respectful  protest,  in  the  name  of  the  Almighty  God. 

By  the  expression  which  I  used,  that  these  ministers  were  the  vice- 
gerents of  the  Almighty,  I  merely  intended  to  say  that  they  were  harbin- 
gers of  peace  to  their  fellow-men ;  and  if  it  was  a  lapsus  lingua,  or 


RELATION     OF    MINISTERS    TO    POLITICS.          297 

improper  expression,  it  does  not  change  the  intention  that  I  then  enter- 
tained in  my  mind,  of  expressing  a  belief,  that  it  was  nothing  else  than  an 
extraordinary  emergency  that  diverted  men  from  their  ordinary  pursuits 
in  the  ministry  of  the  Gospel,  to.  engage  at  all  in,  or  to  step  even  to  the 
verge  of,  the  political  arena. 

LIX. 

We  are  told,  Mr.  President,  that  this  was  intended  for  the  purpose  of 
agitation.  It  is  certainly  a  manifestation  of  agitation  ;  but  it  could  not 
have  been  intended  to  create  agitation,  for  the  thing  was  done,  and  here 
is  one  of  its  developments  and  consequences.  Yet,  sir,  I  can  see  nothing 
wrong  in  the  memorial,  so  far  as  I  am  concerned.  If  ministers  of  the 
Gospel  are  not  recognized  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  they 
are  recognized  by  the  moral  and  social  constitution  of  society.  They  are 
recognized  in  the  constitution  of  man's  salvation.  The  great  Redeemer 
of  the  World  enjoined  duties  upon  mankind  ;  and  there  is  a  Moral  Consti- 
tution from  which  we  have  derived  all  the  excellent  principles  of  our 
Political  Constitution — the  great  principles  upon  which  our  Government, 
morally,  socially,  and  religiously,  is  founded. 

LX. 

Sir,  I  do  not  think  there  is  anything  very  derogatory  to  our  institutions 
in  the  ministers  of  the  Gospel  expressing  their  opinions.  They  have  a 
right  to  do  it.  No  man  can  be  a  minister  without  first  being  a  man.  He 
has  political  rights  :  he  has  also  the  rights  of  a  missionary  of  the  Saviour, 
and  he  is  not  disfranchised  by  his  vocation.  Certain  political  restrictions 
may  be  laid  upon  him  :  he  may  be  disqualified  from  serving  in  the  Legis- 
latures of  the  States,  but  that  does  not  discharge  him  from  political  and 
civil  obligations  to  his  country.  He  has  a  right  to  contribute  as  far  as  he 
thinks  necessary,  to  the  sustentation  of  its  institutions.  He  has  a  right  to 
interpose  his  voice  as  one  of  its  citizens,  against  the  adoption  of  any  mea- 
sure which  he  believe  will  injure  the  nation.  These  individuals  have  done 
no  more.  They  have  not  denounced  the  Senate,  but  they  have  protested, 
in  the  capacity  of  ministers,  against  what  I  and  other  Senators  on  this 
floor  protested.  They  have  the  right  to  do  it,  and  we  cannot  take  that 
right  from  them.  They  will  exercise  it.  The  people  have  the  right  to 
think,  and  they  will  exercise  that  right.  They  have  the  right  of  memo- 

13* 


298      THE  SOUTH  AND  THE  COMPROMISE. 

rializing,  and  they  will  exercise  that  right.  They  have  the  right  to  express 
their  opinions,  and  they  will  exercise  that  right.  They  will  exercise  their 
rights  in  reprobation  or  commendation  at  the  ballot-box,  too ;  and  preachers, 
I  believe,  vote.  They  have  the  right  to  do  so.  They  are  not  very  formida- 
ble numerically,  but  they  have  the  right  to  do  this  as  ministers  of  the 
Gospel,  as  well  as  we  Senators  have  a  right  to  vote  for  the  adoption  of  a 
measure  ;  and  if  it  is  not  in  accordance  with  their  opinions,  they  have  a 
right  to  condemn  it.  They  have  the  right  to  think  it  is  morally  wrong, 
politically  wrong,  civilly  wrong,  and  socially  wrong,  if  they  do  not  inter- 
fere with  the  vested  rights  of  others  in  the  entertainment  of  those  opinions. 

LXT. 

I  understood  my  honorable  friend  from  Mississippi  to  say,  that  the 
South  had  been  groaning  for  a  long  time  under  this  oppressive  measure. 
The  South,  sir,  are  a  spirited  people,  and  how  they  could  have  submitted, 
for  more  than  a  third  of  a  century,  to  this  indignity,  this  wrong,  this  act 
of  oppression,  which  has  ground  them  down  in  their  prosperity  and  deve- 
lopment, and  never  have  said  a  word  about  it  until  this  auspicious  mo- 
ment arrived,  and  that,  too,  when  political  subjects  have  been  agitated  at 
the  North  and  South — that  it  should  have  been  reserved  for  the  action  of 
the  present  Congress,  after  all  others  had  glided  by  without  complaint, 
rebuke,  remonstrance,  or  suggestion  of  appeal,  is  a  most  extraordinary 
thing.  My  friend  does  not  apprehend  it ;  but  there  was  no  excitement 
out  of  this  Capitol,  or  out  of  the  city  of  Washington.  It  originated 
here.  This  was  the  grand  laboratory  of  political  action  and  political 
machinery.  The  object  was  to  mature  the  measure  here,  and  inflict  it,  by 
a  coup  d'etat,  upon  the  nation,  and  then  radiate  it  to  every  point  of  the 
country.  The  potion  does  not  react  pleasantly.  There  is  a  response,  but 
how  does  it  go  down  ?  Not  well.  The  physic  works ;  it  works  badly ;  it 
works  upward. 

LXII. 

I  am  willing  to  receive  any  memorials  that  are  presented  to  this  body 
which  are  respectable  in  terms,  whether  they  come  from  preachers,  poli- 
ticians, civilians,  or  from  the  beggars  that  congregate  about  your  cities, 
and  I  will  treat  them  with  respect  and  kindness.  As  long  as  they  are 
respectful  in  terms  to  this  body,  though  they  express  their  apprehension  of 


REPLY    TO     MR.     DOUGLAS.  299 

a  calamity  about  to  fall  on  the  country,  it  brands  no  man  ;  and  if  they 
denounce  a  measure  in  advance,  it  is  what  they  have  a  right  to  do.  We 
have  a  more  eligible  position  here  to  advocate  our  opinions  than  individu- 
als have  in  social  life  to  maintain  their  positions.  We  have  all  the  pano- 
ply of  power  and  State  sovereignty  thrown  around  the  members  of  this 
body  to  guard  and  shield  them  against  attacks ;  but  they  are  thrown  in 
the  midst  of  the  community  without  any  shield,  except  it  is  the  shield  of 
morality  and  propriety  of  conduct  which  gives  protection  to  their  persons. 
While  they  express  themselves  respectfully  I  shall  never  treat  with  dis- 
respect preachers,  or  any  other  individuals  who  come  before  this  body  to 
give  us  their  opinions  upon  political  subjects. 

LXIII. 

In  reply  to  some  remarks  of  Mr.  Douglas — 

Mr.  HOUSTON  said :  Mr.  President,  as  the  honorable  Senator  from  Il- 
linois, the  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Territories,  seemed  in  a  most 
emphatic  manner  to  address  his  remarks  to  me,  I  think  him  fully  entitled 
to  the  respect  of  my  attention.  He  has  dwelt  upon  the  Abolition  character 
of  this  document.  So  far  as  any  such  character  may  be  embodied  in  it,  I 
have  nothing  to  say.  There  are  various  opinions  entertained  here  and 
elsewhere  upon  various  subjects  with  which  I  have  nothing  to  do,  and 
with  which  I  have  no  affiliation ;  but  with  this  subject,  as  it  is  presented 
to  the  Senate  now,  I  have  some  connection.  With  the  controversy 
which  exists  between  the  honorable  chairman  of  the  Committee  on 
Territories  and  t-he  gentleman  from,  Ohio  (Mr.  Chase),  and  the  gentle- 
man from  Massachusetts,  (Mr.  Sumner),  I  have  nothing  to  do.  I  was  not 
here  when  the  controversy  originated,  nor  when  it  was  first  introduced 
into  the  Senate.  I  have  not  participated  in  it  since  ;  and  however  un- 
pleasant such  altercations  or  controversies  may  be,  and  however  I  may 
regard  them  as  impeding  the  transaction  of  business  in  this  body,  I  have 
forborne  either  public  or  private  expressions  of  opinion  upon  that  matter. 

Mr.  DOUGLAS.  Mr.  President,  I  will  say  to  the  Senator  that  the  only 
allusion  which  I  had  to  him  was  the  simple  quotation  which  I  made  from 
his  remarks  when  he  spoke  of  these  ministers  being  the  vicegerents  of  the 
Almighty.  My  other  remarks  were  intended  for  another  quarter,  so  far 
as  they  had  an  application  anywhere.  If  he  is-under  the  misapprehension 
of  supposing  that  they  referred  to  him,  I  wish  to  correct  him  ;  that  is  all. 
I  do  not  want  to  interrupt  him. 


300  THE    MEMORIAL    MISAPPREHENDED. 

LXIV. 

Mr.  HOUSTON.  I  am  very  glad  to  hear  the  disclaimer,  for  the  gen- 
tleman's remarks  appeared  to  be  directed  so  unequivocally  towards  me, 
that  I  was  led  into  the  misapprehension  of  supposing  that  they  were 
intended  perhaps  to  apply  to  me,  in  a  manner  in  which  it  was  not  the 
purpose  of  the  gentleman  to  apply  them.  But,  sir,  I  explained,  when  I 
was  up  before,  the  misapplication  of  the  term  'vicegerent,'  and  I 
expressed  my  opinion  to  be  that  the  ministers  of  the  Gospel  were  the  her- 
alds of  the  Almighty  God,  or  his  ministers  of  peace  upon  earth.  I  thought 
the  gentleman  would  not  have  carped  upon  that  expression,  unless  with 
reference  to  some  particular  influence  which  my  views  might  have  upon 
the  auditory.  It  was  a  mere  misapplication  of  a  term,  and  I  so  explained  it. 
But,  Mr.  President,  I  think  the  object  of  this  memorial  is  misappre- 
hended. I  find  no  fault  with  its  introduction  either  before  or  after  the 
passage  of  the  bill  to  which  it  refers,  for  that  bill  may  be  returned  to  the 
Senate  with  amendments.  Such  things  very  frequently  occur.  At  all 
events,  as  the  memorial  has  been  prepared  with  great  care,  and  as  the 
gentlemen  who  have  signed  it  have  been  anxious  tijpt  their  views  should 
be  laid  before  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  lest  other  measures 
embracing  similar  principles  should  be  introduced,  I  can  see  nothing 
improper  in  allowing  them  .to  lay  their  views  respectfully  before  the 
Senate.  I  do  not  think  there  is  any  evidence  that  the  gentlemen  who 
have  signed  the  memorial  have  any  disposition  to  establish  theocracy  in 
our  country,  or  that  they  wish  to  take  the  Government  into  their  own 
hands,  and  exercise  a  controlling  influence  over  it.  We  find  that  those 
who  have  signed  this  document  are  of  different  sects  and  various  denom- 
inations. I  think  there  is  no  danger  that  such  an  amalgamation  of 
interests  and  opinions  will  take  place  as  to  embody  a  force  sufficient 
to  make  any  great  impression  on  the  institutions  of  this  country,  or  to 
endanger  our  liberties. 

LXY. 

Mr.  President,  this  memorial  is  regarded  as  a  substantive  and  indepen* 
dent,  matter,  as  intended  to  produce  agitation,  and  to  insult  the  Senate  ; 
but  it  is  really  the  effect  of  a  measure  which  I  predicted  would  have  this 
influence  upon  the  community.  The  cause  exists  in  the  Senate.  It  exists 
in  the  amendment  inserted  into  the  Nebraska  Bill  proposing  the  repeal  of 


THE     PRINCIPLES     OF     SELF-GOVERNMENT.        301 

the  Missouri  Compromise,  and  this  is  but  responsive  action  to  that.  The 
cause  is  not  in  the  clergymen  who  have  signed  this  memorial.  The 
memorial  is  the  effect  of  a  cause  brought  forward  and  presented  in  the 
Senate.  The  memorial  impugns  the  action  of  no  one.  It  is  true  the 
memorialists  speak  of  the  measure  as  immoral.  Surely  that  ought  not  to 
insult  Senators.  They  are  not  such  paragons  of  morality  that  they 
cannot  bear  to  have  their  moral  character  questioned,  if  they  should 
happen  to  do  anything  which  would  not  be  strictly  moral,  according  to 
some  standards,  but  which  I  should  not  think  to  be  very  immoral.  But  is 
their  morality  of  such  a  delicate  texture  as  to  be  affected  by  a  memorial 
coming  from  "  the  land  of  steady  habits  ? 

LXYI. 

"We  are  told  that  there  is  a  great  principle  involved  in  the  bill  to 
which  this  memorial  refers.    This  is  a  very  formidable  and  very  visible 
response  to   that  great  principle  which  it  is  said  has  lain  dormant. 
Sir,  I  need  not  name  the  number  of  years  that  it  has  lain  dormant.    No 
bright  genius  ever  elicited  it ;   no  brilliant  conception  ever  discovered  it 
until  this  session  had  progressed  for  some  time,  when  the  great  principle 
of  non-intervention  at  once  sprang  up  to   illumine  the  world,  to   be 
regarded  as  one  which,  at  some  future  day,  would  be  a  universally- 
recognized  principle.    Sir,  I  recognize  the  principles  of  self-government, 
but  I  do  it  in  sovereignty.     A  people    in  tutelage    cannot  exercise 
sovereignty,  but  States  can.    A  people  who  are  in  a  territorial  existence, 
which  is  fitting  them  to  become  States,  exercise  what  may  be  called  a 
quasi  sovereignty.      They  are  never  really  sovereign  until  they  are 
recognized  by  Congress  as  such,   and  are  received  into  the  Union  as 
sovereign  States.   Then  is  the  time  for  the  operation  of  self-government,  but 
it  grows  out  of  sovereignty.    Is  it  to  be  in  five  squatters  ?  They  may  pass 
a  law  to-day  and  repeal  it  to-morrow,  and  the  next  day  they  may  pass 
another  law,  and  so  on  successively  from  day  to  day,  and  from  year  to 
year,  they  may  pass  and  repeal  laws.    The  Territories  have  no  power  to 
pass  organic  laws  until  the  attributes  of  sovereignty  are  about  to  attach, 
or  have  actually  attached  to  them.    That  is  what  I  call  non-intervention. 
That  is  what  I  call  sovereignty  and  self-government.    This  is  the  great 
principle  which  it  is  said  is  involved  in  the  bill  which  we  have  passed  ; 
and  now  we  are  receiving  the  response  to  it.    I  hope  we  may  never  have 
any  more  responses  of  this  description.     I  pray  Heaven  that  we  may 


302  EFFECTS     OF    HOUSTON'S     SPEECH. 

never  have  another  such  protest  in  this  body.  I  pray  that  there  may 
never  exist  any  necessity  for  it.  But  for  the  necessity  or  cause,  which 
originated  in  this  body,  this  memorial  would  never  have  been  laid  upon 
your  table.  This  is  but  the  effect ;  the  cause  was  anterior  to  it.  If  we 
wish  to  avert  calamitous  effects,  we  should  prevent  pernicious  causes. 

LXYII. 

This  calm  and  noble  appeal,  to  the  just  judgment  of  the  high 
Tribunal  which  heard  it  was  impotent  there.  But  it  was  heard 
and  cherished  by  many  thousand  hearts  among  the  hills  and 
valleys  of  New  England.  The  Protestant  Clergy  of  the  United 
States,  are  the  best  exponents  of  the  enlightened  moral  feeling 
of  the  American  People.  From  the  foundation  of  the  country, 
they  have  been  the  enemies  of  a  union  of  Church  and  State. 
They  have  always  been  foremost  in  the  cause  of  civil  and  Reli- 
gious Liberty.  They  have — as  a  class — abstained  from  an 
improper  interference  in  public  affairs.  They  have  shown  even 
too- much  delicacy  in  this  regard.  If  they  had  been  bolder,  and 
rebuked  Demagogism  in  all  its  forms,  we  should  not  have 
witnessed  what  we  have  now  seen — politicians  of  Protestant 
origin,  bowing  to  court  the  vote  of  ignorant,  bigoted  paupers, 
who  in  consequence  of  the  laxity  of  our  Naturalization  Laws, 
are  allowed  to  vote  in  masses  almost  as  soon  as  they  land  on 
our  shores,  and  before  they  understand  even  our  language — 
much  less  our  system  of  Government.  No  reply  was  made  to 
this  able  speech  of  Houston  on  the  RIGHT  OF  PETITION — and 
none  could  be. 

LXYIII. 

It  is  refreshing,  in  the  midst  of  modern  political  competition, 
to  hear  such  a  tribute  to  unostentatious  virtue  and  patriotism. 
If  we  turn  back  in  the  Records  of  Congress,  we  shall  find  that 


SENATOR  BENTON  EULOGIZES  HOUSTON.    303 

in  1836,  not  long  after  the  Battle  of  San  Jacinto,  Hon.  Thos. 
H.  Benton  thus  spoke  of  Houston  in  his  place  in  the  United 
States  Senate  : —  • 

"  Of  the  individuals  who  have  purchased  lasting  renown  in  this 
young  war,  it  would  be  impossible,  in  this  place,  to  speak  in 
detail,  and  invidious  to  discriminate.  But  there  is  one  among 
them,  whose  position  forms  an  exception  ;  and  whose  early 
association  with  myself,  justifies  and  claims  the  tribute  of  a 
particular  notice.  I  speak  of  him  whose  romantic  victory  has 
given  to  the  Jacinto*  that  immortality  in  grave  and  serious 
history,  which  the  diskos  of  Apollo  had  given  to  it  in  the  fabu- 
lous pages  of  the  heathen  Mythology.  General  Houston  was 
born  in  the  State  of  Virginia,  County  of  Rockbridge  :  he  was 
appointed  an  ensign  in  the  army  of  the  United  States,  during 
the  late  war  with  Great  Britain,  and  served  in  the  Creek 
campaign  under  the  banners  o^,  Jackson.  I  was  the  lieutenant 
colonel  of  the  regiment  to  which  he  belonged,  and  the  first  field 
officer  to  whom  he  reported.  I  then  marked  in  him  the  same 
soldierly  and  gentlemanly  qualities  which  have  since  distinguish- 
ed his  eventful  career  :  frank,  generous,  brave  ;  ready  to  do,  or 
to  suffer,  whatever  the  obligations  of  civil  or  military  duty  im- 
posed ;  and  always  prompt  to  answer  the  call  of  honor,  patriot- 
ism, and  friendship.  Sincerely  do  I  rejoice  in  his  victory.  It  is 
a  victory  without  alloy,  and  without  parallel,  except  at  New 
Orleans.  It  is  a  victory  which  the  civilization  of  the  age,  and 
the  honor  of  the  human  race,  required  him  to  gain  :  for  the  nine- 
teenth century  is  not  an  age  in  which  a  repetition  of  the  Goliad 
matins  could  be  endured.  Nobly  has  he  answered  the  requisi- 
tion ;  fresh  and  luxuriant  are  the  laurels  which  adorn  his  brow. 

"It  is  not  within  the  scope  of  my  present  purpose,  to  speak 
of  military  events,  and  to  celebrate  the  exploits  of  that  vanguard 

*  Hyacinth  ;  hyacinthus ;  huakinthus ;  water  flower. 


304      HOUSTON  *S     BRAVERY    AND    GENEROSITY. 

of  the  Anglo-Saxons  who  are  now  on  the  confines  of  the  ancient 
empire  of  Montezuma  ;  but  that  combat  of  San  Jacinto  !  it 
must  for  ever  Bernain  in  the  catalogue  of  military  miracles. 
Seven  hundred  and  fifty  citizens,  miscellaneously  armed  with 
rifles,  muskets,  belt  pistols,  and  knives,  under  a  leader  who  had 
never  seen  service,  except  as  a  subaltern,  march  to  attack  near 
double  their  numbers — march  in  open  day  across  a  clear  prairie, 
to  attack  upwards  of  twelve  hundred  veterans,  the  elite  of  an 
invading  army  of  seven  thousand,  posted  in  a  wood,  their  flanks 
secured,  front  intrenched  ;  and  commanded  by  a  general  trained 
in  civil  wars  ;  victorious  in  numberless  battles  ;  and  chief  of  an 
empire  of  which  no  man  becomes  chief  except  as  conqueror.  In 
twenty  minutes  the  position  is  forced.  The  combat  becomes  a 
carnage*  The  flowery  prairie '  is  stained  with  blood  ;  the 
hyacinth  is  no  longer  blue,  but  scarlet.  Six  hundred  Mexicans 
are  dead  ;  six  hundred  more  are  prisoners,  half  wounded,  the 
President  General  himself  is  a  prisoner  ;  the  camp  and  baggage 
all  taken  ;  and  the  loss  of  the  victors,  six  killed  and  twenty 
wounded.  Such  are  the  results,  and  which  no  European  can 
believe,  but  those  who  saw  Jackson  at  New  Orleans.  Hous- 
ton is  the  pupil  of  Jackson  ;  and  he  is  the  first  self-made-general, 
since  the  time  of  Mark  Antony,  and  the  King  Antigonus,  who 
has  taken  the  general  of  the  army  and  the  head  of  the  govern- 
ment captive  in  battle.  Different  from  Antony,  he  has  spared 
the  life  of  his  captive  though  forfeited  by  every  law,  human  and 
divine." 


ELEMENTS     OF     STATESMANSHIP.  305 


SECTION  SIXTEENTH. 

HOUSTON'S  STATESMANSHIP. 

I. 

AN  estimate  of  the  qualities  which  distinguish  Houston  as  a 
Statesman,  must  place  his  character  in  an  elevated  and  bril- 
liant light.  Many  men  are  good  soldiers,  but  add  not  to  skill 
in  the  arts  of  war,  the  graces  of  judgment  which  make  valuable 
and  trustworthy  legislators.  It  is  no  man  of  ordinary  gifts  who 
combines  in  himself  the  warrior  of  renown,  and  the  profound 
lawgiver,  and  the  just  civilian.  Wellington,  the  hero  of  Water- 
loo, was  one  of  the  modern  heroes  of  this  stamp,  though  falling 
far  behind  our  own  Washington  in  the  prudence  of  his  counsels, 
and  in  his  clear  foresight  of  the  probable  effects  of  causes  set  in 
motion.  The  latter  was  devoted  to  broad  principles  of  right  and 
justice,  and  bad  no  artificial  forms  of  power,  or  barriers  for 
privileged  classes  to  consolidate  or  to  protect.  The  former  was 
always  busy  in  wresting  principles  from  the  inevitable  conflict 
with  the  machinery  of  the  British  government — which,  however 
wonderful  in  its  construction,  must  ever  be  subject  to  modifica- 
tions suited  to  that  enlarged  freedom,  the  growth  of  which  has 
been  steadily  increasing  since  Milton — Cromwell's  great  Secreta- 
ry of  State — and  the  mighty  master  of  Protestant  republicanism, 
poured  forth  his  great  anthems  of  thought  at  the  consecration 
of  human  liberty. 


306  FIRMNESS     OF     POLITICAL     PURPOSE. 

II. 

Houston's  career  as  a  statesman,  has  been  briefly  sketched  in 
the  preceding  pages  ;  but  the  analysis  of  his  qualities  as  a  ruler 
and  as  a  legislator,  will  distinguish  him  more  and  more,  the  closer 
the  microscope  reveals  the  motives  of  his  conduct  through  the 
trying  and  stormy  period  that  he  presided  over  the  destinies 
of  Texas.  The  world  will  not  readily  forget,  and  will  be  more 
ready  to  admire,  the  man  who,  at  the  peril  of  popularity,  and 
even  of  life  itself,  dared  to  stand  between  the  lawless  elements 
of  passion  and  the  fixed  code  of  his  race,  and  stay  the  former 
from  being  swept  upon  by  a  flood  of  dangerous  experiments, 
which  would  have  resulted  in  multifarious  embarrassments  for 
the  country,  or  hurried  it  on  to  the  verge  of  ruin,  or  plunged 
it  into  a  chaos. 

III. 

The  numerous  instances  in  which  Houston  exercised  the  veto 
power,  however  much  they  may  have  subjected  him,  during  the 
Texas  Presidency,  to  the  temporary  censure  of  the  politicians  of 
the  hour,  will  be  remembered  in  the  future  as  the  substantial 
evidences  of  lofty,  manly  courage,  elevated  and  sincere  patriot- 
ism, and  of  uncommon  political  sagacity  and  foresight.  The 
original  veto  of  Andrew  Jackson  was  one  of  the  monuments  of 
that  illustrious  man's  political  fame — but  in  the  scores  of  in- 
stances in  which  Houston  exercised  a  similar  prerogative,  the 
builders  of  new  republics  will  read  a  series  of  lessons  in  the  sub- 
lime principles  of  law,  which  will  sink  deep  into  the  heart  of  the 
political  philosopher,  while  the  spirit  of  them  will  be  felt  and 
enforced,  in  that  silent  embodiment  of  action,  with  which  political 
virtue  noiselessly  erects  the  homes  of  men,  for  the  happiness 
of  the  human  family.  To  be  a  popular  ruler,  regardless  of  the 


PUBLIC     DETRACTION.  307 

ultimate  effects  to  a  people  or  to  mankind,  is  not  a  difficult  task 
— but  to  be  so  well  acquainted  with  the  history  of  nations,  and 
with  those  interior  powers  of  legislative  enactments,  as  intuitive- 
ly to  feel  "  the  future  in  the  instant,"  and  to  foresee  the  long 
train  of  unhappy  consequences  which  would  spring  from  a 
disruption  of  the  laws  of  probity  and  right,  while  the  moral 
force  and  the  noble  courage  are  equal  and  ready  to  check  the 
impetuosity  of  political  passion,  and  the  hasty  impulses  of 
suddenly  acquired  power — is  the  gift  of  few  men  in  these  days 
of  intrigue  and  corruption. 

IY. 

Houston  was  a  brave  man — brave  in  a  moral  as  well  as  a 
physical  sense.  Early  in  the  month  of  June,  1837,  there  were 
public  journals  in  New  York,  in  Richmond,  and  at  Washington, 
which  did  not  hesitate  to  propel  the  slander,  that  this  bold 
soldier,  and  braver  governor,  had  played  the  part  of  a  coward, 
and  retreated  before  the  Mexicans,  till  he  was  compelled  to 
fight  !  Such  is  public  detraction  !  ' 


Y. 

That  Houston  should  be  branded  as  a  coward,  by  the  enemies 
of  Andrew  Jackson,  was  nut  stranger  than  that  Jackson  was 
branded  as  a  coward,  even  in  the  same  breath  that  would  have 
consigned  the  man  of  San  Jacinto  to  infamy.  History,  how- 
ever, when  it  speaks  of  battle-fields,  will  not  hesitate  to  avow 
who  it  was  that,  with  a  handful  of  troops,  gave  battle  to  Santa 
Anna  on  the  21st  of  April,  1836,  and  brought  the  Mexican 
President  and  his  suite  the  next  day  captives  into  the  camp  of 
the  Forlorn  Hope.  But  history  will  not  require  to  cite  this 
physical  triumph  as  a  proof  of  the  courage  of  a  noble  nature. 


308  HEROISM     OF     MIND. 

The  knowledge  men  possess  of  the  human  heart  will  never  let 
them  find  a  cranny  in  the  imagination,  where  the  breath  of 
suspicion  can  sough  against  the  bravery  of  Houston.  He  who 
stood  by  Texas  in  her  hour  of  attempt — in  her  day  of  triumph 
— and  in  her  night  of  starless  gloom  and  pitch  darkness,  when 
even  her  own  star  seemed  -to  be  seeking  its  last  fate — a  Pleiad 
among  nations — who  breasted  every  danger,  and,  single  and 
alone,  stood  forth  an  embodiment  of  personal,  political,  and 
moral  courage,  while  the  popular  will  muttered  and  rebuked, 
and  the  midnight  assassin  would  have  murdered  Texas  through 
its  President,  but  that  the  form  of  the  modern  pioneer  of 
republics,  moving  calmly  before  the  open  window  of  his  own 
delightful  home,  awed  the  abashed  malcontent  into  impotency — 
he  it  is,  that  History  will  never  have  occasion  to  defend  from 
the  attack  of  any  reputable  man,  on  the  charge  of  cowardice. 
The  President  of  Texas,  who  accomplished  all  that  has  been 
cited  in  these  pages,  is  not  one  whose  name  can  be  tarnished  by 
the  breath  of  captious  or  ignorant  slanderers.  If  ever  a  states- 
man, in  the  annals  of  modern  governments,  has  earned  the 
regard  of  men,  or  the  gratitude  of  nations,  for  self-sacrificing 
heroism  of  the  mind,  surely  Houston  may  claim  the  highest 
meed  of  honor  in  this  respect.  Without  indulging  the  spirit  of 
a  dictator,  his  deliberations  were  crowned  by  wisdom,  and  he 
shrank  not  from  the  conscientious  discharge  of  his  duties  to  the  * 
State,  rather  than  to  gain  the  temporary  applause  of  those, 
who,  inflamed  more  by  the  successes  of  a  popular  leader,  than 
animated  by  carefully  weighed  principles  of  patriotism  and 
public  policy,  were  zealous  without  wisdom,  and  powerful 
without  judgment. 

VI.     , 

It  is   deeply  interesting   to    contemplate    the   opinions  of 
Houston's  statesmanship  which  were  entertained  by  those  who 


JACKSON 'S     FEELINGS     TOWARDS     HOUSTON.    309 

knew  the  man  best,  at  that  moment,  when  the  whole  of  the 
United  States,  and  of  Texas,  was  excited  by  the  news  of  Texan 
success  against  the  arts  and  arms  of  Mexico.  Notwithstanding, 
there  were  calumnious  reports  in  circulation,  on  the  arrival  of 
General  Houston  at  New  Orleans,  after  the  battle  of  San 
Jacinto,  attributing  his  departure  from  Texas  to  a  quarrel  with 
the  civil  authorities  of  the  infant  Republic,  yet  there  were 
capable  minds  watchful  of  the  history  of  that  period,  and  hope- 
ful for  the  future  of  Texas,  and  its  distinguished  hero. 

VII. 

The  fact  that  Andrew  Jackson  was  the  friend  of  Houston 
was  well  known  everywhere  throughout  the  land — but  the  deep 
personal  interest  that  he  took  in  Houston's  career  was  not  so 
publicly  known.  It  can  well  be  imagined  how  painful  to  him 
must  have  been  the  series  of  attacks  on  Houston's  character, 
which  were  made  in  1836,  not  so  much  for  any  effect  that  they 
may  have  been  intended  to  accomplish  on  Houston's  destiny,  as 
on  the  mind  of  the  friend  of  the  hero  of  San  Jacinto.  It  is 
well  known  that  President  Jackson  viewed  these  attacks  with 
indignation  and  abhorrence. 

VIII. 

The  libels  upon  the  character  of  General  Houston's  states- 
.manship,  were  scattered  broadcast  over  the  United  States.  The 
most  influential  presses  opposed  to  President  Jackson's  adminis- 
tration, were  active  in  sowing  the  seeds  of  discontent  and  slan- 
der, and  in  preparing  the  public  mind  to  oppose  the  introduction 
of  Texas  into  the  Union — a  measure  which,  had  it  been  success- 
ful, would  have  produced  untold  trouble  for  our  country,  and 
have  weakened  its  borders  beyond  the  power  of  man  to  estimate. 


310         JACKSON'S    OPINION    OF    HOUSTON. 

Although  these  slanders  were  eventually  eaten  by  those  who  had 
planted  and  cultivated  them,  yet  they  were  not  without  their 
temporary  effect  upon  the  public  mind,  ever  ready  to  catch  the 
speediest  solution  to  any  problem,  the  character  of  which  is  not 
fully  comprehended. 

IX. 

Among  the  efforts  made  to  repel  the  slanders  upon  General 
Houston's  fair  fame,  was  one  so  marked  and  important  that  it 
carried  uncommon  weight  to  every  candid  judgment.  Though 
it  was  not  penned  by  President  Andrew  Jackson  himself,  it  is 
reasonable  to  assert  that  it  was  published  either  at  his  sugges- 
tion, or  under  his  own  immediate  sanction, — the  allusion  to  Jack- 
son himself  being  only  made  by  the  writer  from  prudential 
motives.  It  appeared,  immediately  after  the  cruel  statements 
and  insinuations  which  were  made  against  General  Houston  by 
the  opposition  press,  in  the  editorial  columns  of  the  official  organ 
of  the  Administration. 

X. 

After  stating  the  nature  of  the  libels  published  against 
General  Houston,  the  vindication  proceeds  in  the  annexed  lan- 
guage :  "  We  sincerely  hope  that  General  Houston's  future 
conduct  as  the.  first  man  in  Texas,  may  correspond  with  the  wis- 
dom and  vigor,  and  patriotism  of  the  past.  If  he  follows  the 
disinterested,  honest,  unambitious  course,  which  distinguished 
the  great  men  of  the  State  in  which  he  was  born  (Virginia),  or 
that  of  the  great  man  under  whose  auspices  he  became  first  dis- 
tinguished himself,  he  will  leave  a  noble  name  behind  him.  If  he 
fulfills  in  good  faith  the  will  of  the  people  of  Texas,  without 
thinking  of  Sam  Houston — if  he  contributes  to  raise  a  free 
government,  and  to  secure  its  stability  by  all  the  means  he  can 


HOUSTON'S   AMERICAN   CHARACTER.         311 

command,  unswerved  by  the  lust  of  power  or  wealth,  or  the 
poor  vanity  of  strutting  about  in  the  ostentation  which  once 
made  up  the  happiness  of  the  men  he  has  vanquished — then  his 
name  will  go  down  to  future  ages  with  those  of  the  benefactors  of 
this  continent,  who  have  considered  true  glory  to  consist  in 
building  up  free  and  safe  institutions." 

XI. 

Such  language  as  this  is  seldom  or  never  applied  to  a  common 
mind.  Had  Houston  written  it  in  his  "  heart  of  hearts,"  and 
conned  it  unceasingly,  he  could  not  have  lived  up  to  its  pre- 
cepts more  completely  and  thoroughly  than  he  has  done.  In  no 
single  point  has  his  character  travelled  out  of  this  record  for  his 
government  as  a  statesman.  In  the  history  of  his  public  career 
in  Texas,  as  has  been  seen,  there  is  nothing  to  be  pointed  at 
which  is  derogatory  to  the  proud  name  thus  promised.  By  those 
who  have  weighed,  or  who  will  weigh,  the  public  services  of  the 
man,  in  rescuing  a  vast  territory  from  tyranny,  for  future  bless- 
ings to  the  innumerable  sons  of  liberty,  his  character  as  a  states- 
man must  stand  second  to  none  who  are  now  living  in  the  lustre 
of  their  laurels. 


XII. 

It  is  not  alone,  however,  to  the  thoughts  and  acts  which  dis- 
tinguished Houston  in  Texas  as  a  statesman  that  the  historian 
is  obliged  to  refer.  The  councils  of  the  Confederacy  have  been 
made  illustrious  by  his  practical  good  sense,  by  his  prompt  and 
determined  action,  by  his  sincerity  of  purpose,  by  his  frank 
avowal  of  opinion,  and  by  an  enlarged  and  liberal  American 
feel  ing,  earnest  for  the  welfare  of  every  man  worthy  of  bearing 
the  American  name.  Ko  sectional  prejudice  has  blinded  his 


312  THE    MAGIC     POWER     OF     STATESMANSHIP. 

mental  perceptions.  The  fountains  of  Eternal  Justice  are  the 
sources  whence  such  men  derive  inspiration  and  safety.  With 
no  personal  ends  to  gain — with  a  strong  love  of  country — with 
patient  toil  for  the  right,  and  its  gradual  rescue  from  the  jaws 
of  error — his  public  deliberations  have  rebuked  lawless  power, 
'and  have  been  always  devoted  to  the  "  greatest  happiness  of 
the  greatest  number." 

XIII. 

Before  concluding  this  section,  let  us  glance  at  the  character 
of  Houston's  statesmanship,  as  displayed  in  the  general  policy 
of  his  government  of  Texas,  during  the  terms  of  his  office — 
filled,  as  has  been  seen,  to  the  full  measure  and  limit  permitted 
by  the  Constitution  of  that  State.  On  being  inducted  to  his 
place  of  trust  and  power,  the  affairs  of  the  government  were  in 
the  utmost  confusion.  Public  credit  was  at  a  low  ebb,  and 
something  of  the  distressing  experiences  of  a  Washington 
seemed  necessary  to  nerve  a  man  to  meet  the  terrible  troubles 
of  that  period.  Houston  did:  not  flinch  from  his  task.  An 
honest  and  a  brave  man  knows  no  fear.  With  him  all  possible 
things  are  probable.  In  this  spirit,  Houston  examined  every 
department  of  the  State,  with  a  view  to  reform.  History  will 
never  do  justice  to  his  labors  in  this  field  of  inquiry.  The  very 
founder  of  the  Republic  had  seen  it  tortured  and  twisted  into 
every  shape  that  expediency  could  suggest,  to  give  it  a  tempo- 
rary existence — but  in  the  eyes  of  nations,  and  of  men,  it  was  a 
dead  Republic.  He  looked  upon  it,  however,  not  with  dismay, 
or  alarm.  The  warm  glow  of  sympathy  animated  his  bosom — 
the  stricken  child  of  men's  hearts  and  hopes  was  before  him, 
prostrate — and,  with .  a  will,  exalted  till  it  awakened  all  his 
energies,  and  vitalized  every  fibre  of  his  being,  he  breathed  upon 
empire,  and  bade  it  "  Arise  !  "  Texas  started  to  its  feet,  in  all 


TEXAS    IN     HER     PROSTRATION.  313 

the  glow  of  youthful  beauty  and  vigor.  She  took  her  place  in 
the  midst  of  nations.  Millions  looked  upon  her  with  earnest  eyes 
and  hopeful  hearts.  Monarchs  stood  ready  to  pay  her  homage, 
as  one  of  the  daughters  of  the  earth. 


XIV. 

What  produced  this  reaction — this  resurrection  from  the  deep 
sleep  of  death  ?  It  was  the  policy  of  Houston — that  policy 
which  was  based  upon  broad  principles  of  honor  and  of  justice. 
"  Honesty  is  the  best  policy  "  for  nations  as  well  as  for  men,  and 
this  was  the  grand  basis  for  his  action,  after  being  made  President 
of  Texas.  Under  his  enlightened  administration  all  that  was 
weak,  and  subject  to  distrust  and  contumely,  was  made  strong, 
and  commanded  the  attention  of  men.  It  was  not  a  policy  of 
expediencies,  but  it  was  one  that  held  the  pledged  faith  of  the 
nation  to  be  a  sacred  thing — whether  that  pledged  faith  had 
been  given  in  so  many  words  of  congressional  resolution,  or 
under  the  tacit  recognition  of  the  comity  of  civilized  nations. 
Conduct  of  this  kind  could  not  fail  to  secure  public  respect  for 
Texas — and  eventually  his  administration  showed  how  much 
better  he  had  calculated  in  behalf  of  his  country,  than  all  other 
men  who  had  endeavored  to  sustain  her  in  the  days  of  her 
infancy  and  weakness. 

XV. 

In  his  policy,  Houston  was  simple,  and,  therefore,  he  wa3 
effective.  He  may  be  esteemed  the  only  primitive,  statesman  of 
our  day.  Contrasted  with  the  Founders  of  States  and  Empires, 
his  name  shines  with  no  diminished  lustre.  Like  William  Penn 
and  Captain  John  Smith,  he  went  into  the  wilderness  as  one  of 
the  great  pioneers  of  civilization.  He  saw  an  empire  in  the 

14 


314  HOUSTON     A     PRIMITIVE     MAN. 

solitude,  and  lie  dashed  through  the  tangled  way,  till  he  brought 
it  out  into  the  full  blaze  of  day,  for  the  admiration  and  enjoy- 
ment of  mankind.  It  was  no  mean,  grovelling  policy  that 
accomplished  all  this.  It  was  the  policy  of  the  Christian  soldier 
— the  policy  of  a  man  understanding  the  great  universal  springs 
of  human  affection  and  confidence — which  no  diplomacy,  how- 
'ever  cunningly  devised,  can  rival,  and  which  alone  can  prove 
successful  in  the  best  sense  of  that  term.  Penn  in  Pennsylvania, 
and  Smith  in  Virginia,  and  Miles  Standish,  in  the  colony  of 
Massachusetts  Bay,  at  an  earlier  period,  accomplished,  by  similar 
means,  precisely  what  Houston  effected  on  the  wilds  of '  our 
southern  frontiers,  even  though  assisted  by  a  less  orderly  set  of 
comrades  than  distinguished  the  bold  pioneers  of  this  conti- 
nent. 

XYI. 

We  have  said  Houston  was  a  primitive  man.  In  his  temper 
and  spirit,  as  well  as  in  his  policy,  this  is  true.  There  is  no 
place  on  the  face  of  the  earth  where  the  mind  of  a  man,  who  has 
a  will  to  that  end,  can  expand  and  ripen  into  value  and  power 
more  rapidly  than  in  the  wilderness,  or  on  the  extreme  borders 
of  civilization.  Houston  had  the  advantage  of  an  education  of 
self-culture  in  the  solitudes  of  the  Southwest.  Here,  it  is 
evident  to  us,  he  gratified  himself  not  solely  with  the  contem- 
plation of  the  ways  of  men,  but  with  the  mysterious  yet  certaii 
workings  of  that  inscrutable  Providence  that  overrules  alike  the 
fall  of  a  sparrow  and  the  fall  of  nations.  From  the  Sacred 
Volume  he  appears  to  have  drawn  largely  those  precepts  of 
good-will  to  men,  and  those  ancient  maxims  of  charity,  which, 
above  all  others,  grace  the  scholar,  the  soldier,  and  the  civilians 
There  is  a  distrust  in  many  minds  of  their  fitness  for  a  public 
profession  of  faith  in  that  hope  which  all  Christians  find  to  be  a 


GOD      IN      HISTORY.  315 

consolation  in  their  last  moments,  and  it  may  be  that  on  this 
very  account  Houston  did  not  associate  himself  with  any  deno- 
mination of  Christians  at  an  early  period.  Yet  the  man  of 
piety  and  of  humanity  was  seen  in  the  enlarged  Christian 
charities  which  he  exhibited  from  the  first  moment  of  his 
distinction.  His  generosity  to  Santa  Anna— his  protection  to 
his  Mexican  captive,  when  threatened  with  assassination,  even 
at  the  peril  of  his  own  person  and  popularity — show  that 
he  was  animated  by  Christian  precepts,  not  less  than  by  a 
determination  to  save  Texas  from  the  unfading  infamy  which 
would  have  gathered  over  her  name  had  this  vacillating  Mexican 
perished  by  the  hands  of  an  enraged  soldiery  while  he  was  a 
prisoner  of  war. 

XVII. 

The  dispatch,  dated  at  Head  Quarters  of  the  Army,  San 
Jacinto,  April  25th,  1836 — a  model  of  style  in  its  modest 
expression  after  a  great  victory — is  concluded  by  General 
Houston  in  these  significant  words,  which  follow  his  tributes  of 
praise  to  those  who  shared  with  himself  the  glory  of  the  action  : 
"  Nor  should  we  withhold  the  tribute  of  our  grateful  thanks  from 
that  Being  who  rules  the  destinies  of  nations,  and  has,  in  the  time 
of  greatest  need,  enabled  us  to  arrest  a  powerful  invader,  whilst 
devastating  our  country."  The  intelligent  reader  will  not  fail 
to  notice  that  the  whole  success  of  the  most  brilliant  capture  on 
the  field  of  recent  warfare,  is  unhesitatingly  ascribed  to  the 
agency  of  that  Divine  Power  that  guides  men  by  laws  as  certain 
to  promote  His  will,  as  they  are  unseen  and  uncomprehended  by 
His  erring  children  ;  who,  nevertheless,  as  their  studies  increase, 
will  never  fail  to  recognize  God  in  history. 

XYIIL 

Of  the  statesmanship  of  Houston  we  may,  then,  say  with 


316  THE    SACRED    FORM    OF    JUSTICE. 

truth,  and  with  the  concurrent  assent  of  mankind,  that  the  rapid 
progress  of  Texas,  until  its  admission  into  our  National  Con- 
federacy, is  his  most  enduring  and  noble  monument.  The 
progress  of  time  will  only  increase  the  curiosity  of  men  to  know 
the  means  by  which  order  was  eliminated  out  of  chaos,  while 
the  examination  of  the  policy  of  this  statesman  will  lend  renewed 
brilliancy  to  his  name  as  an  able  expounder  of  the  great 
principles  of  law,  a  thorough  student  in  the  history  of  men  and 
empires,  a  just  and  noble  govemior,  and  every  way  fitted  to 
hold  the  highest  position  in  the  gift  of  a  people,  especially  in 
periods  of  storm  and  turbulence.  Men  who  desire  to  rule,  with 
the  sacred  form  of  justice  ever  enshrined  in  the  sanctuary  of  their 
hearts,  are  seldom  raised  to  power,  but  such  men  are  too 
valuable  to  the  cause  of  freedom  and  humanity  to  be  overlooked, 
when  it  is  necessary  to  meet  an  important  crisis. 


WRONGS    TO    THE    INDIANS.  311 


SECTION  SEVENTEENTH. 

HOUSTON   AND   THE    INDIANS. 
I. 

IN  new  countries  the  standard  of  commercial  morality  is 
always  low.  Indeed,  it  may  be  said,  there  is  no  such  thing, 
except  as  it  is  defined  by  the  public  statutes.  There  are  in  our 
Atlantic  citjes  large  buildings,  erected  by  millionaires,  from  the 
marble  and  granite  drawn  from  the  original  hunflng-grounds  of 
the  North  American  Indians,  every  block  of  which  has  been 
cemented  with  the  Red  Man's  blood.  For  many  years  the 
butchery  of  the  Indian  was  considered  scarcely  more  criminal 
than  the  slaughter  of  the  wild  buffalo — and  great  .companies  of 
traders  went  to  the  far  West,  and  with  impunity,  fortified  by 
the  general  negligence  on  the  subject,  sacrificed  at  the  altar  of 
Mammon,  thousands  of  noble  hearts.  This  history  of  slaugh- 
ters, innumerable  and  disgraceful,  has  not  been  published, 
though  it  has  more  than  once  been  written.  Fire-water  has  not 
been  the  sole  exterminator  of  the  Red  Man.  His  bones  have 
whitened  on  the  plains,  the  prairies,  and  the  hills,  as  he  has  been 
shot  down  by  the  unerring  rifle  of  the  trapper  and  hunter,  act- 
ing under  the  authority  of  men  of  commercial  enterprise. 

II. 

Philanthropy  and  justice  shrink  from  the  recital  of  those  tra- 
ditions, which  tell  the  story  of  the  Red  Man's  wrongs  and  the 


318  GROWING    SYMPATHY    FOR  THE    RED   MEN. 

White  Man's  perfidy.  Happily,  however,  within  the  last 
thirty  years,  a  new  and  more  generous  feeling  in  favor  of  the 
Indian  and  his  rights  has  dignified  the  public  mind.  The  daily 
massacre  of  Indians  is  at  an  end — and  minds,  sympathizing  with 
the  first  owners  of  the  soil,  have  exerted  their  eloquence  in  favor 
of  the  Aborigines.  This  better  state  of  public  feeling  has  had 
its  effect  even  on  the  frontiers,  for  the  morality  of  true  civiliza- 
tion, like  the  sun's  beams,  sheds  its  genial  light  wherever  it  has 
once  been  felt,  to  bless  and  to  invigorate.  As  the  Indian  cha- 
racter has  been  more  and  more  studied,  there  has  been  a  more 
enlightened  appreciation  of  the  condition  and  desires  of  the 
native  tribes.  The  government  has  been  paternal  from  the 
first,  and  has  done  much  to  atone  for  injuries,  and  to  smooth 
the  path  of  the  Red  Man's  apprehended  annihilation — but  much 
more  might  hJ^e  been  done  by  our  government,  had  its  agents 
been  men  of  noble  character — of  the  army,  for  instance — 
instead  of  scheming  traders,  not  sensitively  alive  to  those  high 
principles  of  duty  which  should  incite  all  men  clothed  with 
power  by  the  government.  The  hundred  millions  of  dollars 
appropriated  by  Congress  for  the  benefit  of  the  Indian  tribes,  at 
various  times,  have  been  diverted  from  their  true  destination 
and  purpose,  and  squandered,  while  the  condition  of  the  Red 
Man  has  been  deteriorated  rather  than  improved  by  the  gene- 
rosity or  justice  of  the  country,  thus  expressed  in  its  bounties. 
This  has  been  caused  by  the  mode  of  distribution,  which  has 
been  a  careless,  if  not  criminal  negligence,  and  has  proved  more 
beneficial  to  speculators  than  to  those  whom  it  was  intended  to 
benefit. 

III. 

Evils  of  this  kind  have  long  been  subjects  of  indignant 
remonstrance  and  discussion,  and  on  the  frontier  are  many  noble 
men  who  know  and  love  the  Indian,  who  have  partaken  of  his 


THE    DEFENDER    OF    THE     INDIANS.  319 

rude  hospitality,  or  who  have  married  in  his  wigwam,  who  raise 
the  despairing  cry  for  justice  in  the  future.  No  men  more 
thoroughly  understand  this  subject  in  all  its  details — no  men 
are  more  conversant  with  the  wrongs  endured  by  our  Indian 
tribes  than  those  spirits,  who,  from  love  of  adventure,  or  to  gra- 
tify their  own  tastes,  have  penetrated  beyond  the  borders  of 
civilization,  and  made  their  abiding-place  with  the  children  of 
nature.  Houston  was  one  of  these.  The  story  of  his  exit 
from  the  pleasures  and  amenities  of  civilization  into  the  wilds 
of  nature's  wide  domain  has  been  told.  He  there  learned  to 
sympathize  with  the  Indian,  and  to  feel  with  him,  because  he 
knew  his  situation  in  the  day  of  his  decadence  from  power.  In 
this  way  he  became  his  defender.  That  hearty  love  of  justice 
and  mercy  which  so  ennobles  man,  and  which  has  marked  his 
every  step,  could  not  shut  the  Indian  out  from  his  exertions  and 
his  hopes. 

IV. 

Accordingly,  we  find  him  second  to  no  one,  in  the  National 
Congress,  in  watching  with  lynx-eyed  vigilance  the  cause  of  the 
Indians.  While  he  would  protect  them  from  imposition,  he 
would  have  no  community  imposed  npon  by  them.  It  is 
averred  that  Indians,  through  Mexico,  are  now  sold  to  Cuba  as 
slaves.  Time  will  decide  if  this  allegation  be  true.  If  it  is, 
surely  every  good  man  will  desire  that  so  atrocious  a  system 
should  be  terminated  at  once. 


V. 

The  views  of  Houston  with  respect  to  the  Indians,  though 
somewhat  mingled  with  opinions  upon  other  topic,  are  to  be 
found  in  what  he  said  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  on 
the  last  day  of  1854.  They  are  all-important  at  this  period  of 


320        HOUSTON'S  VIEW   OF  THE   INDIANS. 

our  survey  of  his  life  and  character,  and  we  should  look  to  the 
public  report  of  his  speech  on  that  occasion.  Though  many 
more  brilliant  speeches  have  fallen  from  his  lips  on  the  subject 
of  Indian  rights,  and  the  necessity  of  being  true  to  our  Indian 
treaties,  yet  in  the  subjoined  frank  and  noble  avowal  of  opinions, 
all  men  will  learn  to  honor  the  man,  even  more  than  the  orator. 


VI. 

Mr.  HOUSTON— Mr.  President,  I  hardly  know  what  to  say  in  reply  to 
the  senator  from  Iowa,  for  I  hardly  know  what  to  think  of  his  speech. 
(Laughter.)  If  I  were  to  characterize  his  remarks  in  any  way,  I  should 
say  that  they  were,  at  least,  very  remarkable.  In  the  first  place,  let  me 
say  to  that  honorable  senator,  and  to  the  honorable  senator  from  Florida, 
that  they  were  talking  about  things  of  which  I  knew  very  little,  for  I  was 
not  in  the  United  States  when  the  occurrences  to  which  they  alluded  took 
place,  and  I  was  not,  therefore,  familiar  with  the  history  of  those  wars. 
If  I  am  not  mistaken,  however,  it  was  an  outrage  of  a  very  delicate 
character  which  brought  on  the  Florida  war. 

Mr.  MALLORY— That  is  a  mistake,  sir. 


VII. 

Mr.  HOUSTON— Well,  sir  that  was  the  report  which  was  brought  to 
Texas.  "Whether  it  was  true  or  not,  I  do  not  know  ;  but  that  was  the 
information  which  I  received  from  people  from  that  section  of  the  country. 
As  for  the  Black  Hawk  war,  I  know  little  or  nothing  about  it ;  for,  in 
Texas  at  that  time,  we  had  no  mail  communication  with  the  United  States, 
and  we  got  but  few  papers  from  the  States,  so  that  I  remained  uninformed 
in  relation  to  those  matters  ;  but,  no  doubt,  they  were  very  exciting.  The 
senator  from  Iowa  said  the  Black  Hawk  war  was  brought  on  by  a  council 
of  the  nation  ;  but  I  have  heard  that  an  examination  of  the  circumstan- 
ces will  show  that  the  first  outrage  was  committed  by  an  individual,  not 
by  the  concurrence  of  the  nation,  though  they  afterwards  became  involved 
in  the  general  war.  In  that  statement,  I  believe,  I  am  sustained  by  the 
history  of  the  times. 


SHALL  THE  INDIANS  BE  EXTERMINATED?   321 

YIII. 

I  have  already  stated  that  occasions  occur  where  outlaws  among  the 
Indians  commit  acts  of  aggression  on  the  whites,  and  the  whites  imme- 
diately retaliate  on  the  Indian  nations,  and  these  nations,  in  self-defence, 
become  involved  in  war  ;  but  I  never  knew  a  case  where  a  treaty,  which 
was  made  and  carried  out  in  good  faith,  was  violated  by  the  Indians. 
In  Florida  the  Indians  complained  that  they  had  been  deceived  in  the 
treaty,  and  that  the  boundaries  assigned  were  not  as  they  understood 
them  ;  and  they  killed  their  own  chiefs.  It  was  charged  that  some  of  the 
agents  were  involved  in  speculations  to  a  great  extent  dependent  on  the 
treaty.  I  recollect  it  was  so  stated  at  the  time. 


IX. 

I  think,  sir.  the  senator's  speech  was  of  a  remarkable  character  in  rela- 
tion to  politics  and  other  matters,  which  I  am  sorry  that  he  has  intro- 
duced. He  has  undertaken  to  admonish  me,  and  for  this  admonition  I 
am  much  obliged  to  him.  His  experience,  his  superior  opportunities,  may 
entitle  him,  in  the  opinion  of  others,  to  the  right  of  admonishing  me  ; 
and  I  am  perfectly  willing,  on  that  point,  to  yield  my  own  opinion  to 
what  may  be  the  general  impression  of  the  body.  I  did  not  provoke  his 
remark  by  any  allusion  to  any  one,  predicated  upon  my  own  disposition 
to  arraign  the  conduct  of  others  ;  nor  have  I  asserted  anything  in  regard 
to  the  officers  of  the  army,  but  what  are  matters  of  fact,  taken  from  the 
official  documents.  "When  I  made  suggestions  of  a  speculative  character, 
I  gave  them  as  such. 

X. 

But,  Mr.  President,  the  senator  from  Iowa  has  said  that  he  would  not 
have  been  astonished  if  the  rankest  abolitionist  had  made  such  a  speech, 
and  had  avowed  such  sentiments  as  I  did.  He  says  that,  if  a  man  in  western 
New  York  had  presented  such  views,  he  wou\d  not  have  been  surprised. 
Now,  I  wish  to  know  what  connection  my  remarks  had  with  abolition  ? 
What  connection  they  had  with  any  one  in  western  New  York  ?  In  what 
respect  have  I  catered  to  any  prejudice  or  morbid  sensibility  ?  I  have 
stood  here  alone  in  this  body,  against  a  powerful  array  of  talent  and 

14* 


322  NO    SOCIETIES    FOR    THE    INDIANS. 

influence,  contending  for  what  I  conceived  to  be  a  great  principle,  and 
which  must  obtain,  or  the  Indian  race  be  exterminated. 


XL 

In  regard  to  that  principle,  I  have  the  concurrence  of  the  senator  from 
Tennessee  (Mr.  Bell),  who  was  once  Secretary  of  War,  and,  as  such,  had 
control  of  the  Indian  Department,  and  who  has,  since  that  period,  been  a 
prominent  member  of  the  Committee  on  Indian  Affairs  of  the  Senate.  I 
believe  that  my  opinions  are  also  concurred  in  by  the  senator  from  Arkan- 
sas (Mr.  Sebastian),  who  is  the  head  of  the  Committee  on  Indian  Affairs. 
I  can  inform  the  senator  from  Iowa  that  I  will  sustain  him  to  the  extent 
of  my  humble  abilities  in  any  measure  he  may  introduce  HI  favor  of  the 
Indians,  and  for  the  establishment  of  a  policy  which  will  ultimately  benefit 
them,  and  reflect  credit  upon  the  government  of  the  United  States. 


XII. 

I  have  not  been  regardless  of  what  I  considered  the  honor  of  the  United 
States,  and  the  interest  of  the  Indians.  In  no  instance  have  I  been  remiss 
in  these  particulars.  I  could  not  cater  to  any  passion  or  prejudice  on  this 
subject,  because  I  know  of  no  societies  in  the  North,  or  in  the  South,  or 
in  any  section  of  this  Union,  for  the  advancement  of  the  civilization 
of  the  Indians.  If  such  societies  exist,  lam  not  in  correspondence  with 
them,  nor  am  I  aware  of  the  existence  of  any  such  associations.  Then, 
for  what  ulterior  purposes  could  I  advocate  the  rights  of  the  Indians,  or 
invoke  the  justice  of  this  government  towards  them  ?  Could  it  be  any 
expectation  of  political  benefits  ?  None  upon  earth. 


XIII. 

I  presume  the  abolitionists  are  perfectly  absorbed  in  the  subject  of  abo- 
lition. For  myself,  I  would^  rather  see  them  turn  their  attention  to  the 
amelioration  of  the  condition  of  the  Indians  on  our  western  wilds,  or  to 
the  reclamation  of  those  whom  they  hold  in  slavery.  There  are  not  less 
than  two  thousand  prisoners  in  the  hands  of  the  Camanches ;  four  hundred 
in  one  band,  in  my  own  State.  The  prisoners  can  be  reclaimed  from  those 


HOUSTON'S  BOYHOOD.  323 

Indians,  who  are  coming  down  to  settle  upon  their  reservations.  They 
take  no  prisoners  but  women  and  boys.  The  boys  they  treat  with  a  degree 
of  barbarity  unprecedented  ;  and  their  cruelties  towards  the  females  are 
nameless  and  atrocious.  Our  government  is  silent  in  relation  to  them. 
•Has  humanity  no  claims  upon  us  in  this  respect  ?  Has  justice  no  demand 
unanswered  ? 

XIV. 

Sir,  we  have  not  seen  the  facts  to  which  I  have  just  alluded  impressed 
on  a  page  of  our  official  communications  from  the  "War  Department.  The 
officers  stationed  near  the  places  where  those  transactions  have  taken 
place  have  not  reported  them.  No  effort  has  been  made  to  obtain  appro- 
priations for  the  reclamation  and  redemption  of  those  prisoners.  This  is 
a  subject  which  calls  aloud  for  the  humane  influence  of  the  senator.  There 
is  no  sickly  sentimentality  in  this,  but  a  manly  upheaving  of  soul,  that, 
in  consideration  of  suffering  humanity,  demands  that  the  government 
shall  rescue  them  from  the  most  cruel  and  unrelenting  bondage. 


XY. 

I  have  been  accused  of  catering  to  a  morbid,  sickly  sentimentality. 
Sir,  I  never  yielded  anything  of  my  own  conscientious  convictions  to 
consult  the  opinions  of  others.  I  never  stooped  to  solicit  office ;  but  I 
have  received  and  accepted  it  to  my  own  disadvantage.  I  might  have 
hated  the  Indians,  if  I  had  a  soul  no  bigger  than  a  shell-bark. 
[Laughter.] 

XYI. 

Jn  my  boyish  days,  before  manhood  had  hardened  my  thews  and 
muscles,  I  received  balls  and  arrows  in  this  body,  in  defence  of  suffering 
humanity,  particularly  women  and  children;  against  the  Indians  ;  and  I 
aided  in  reclaiming  the  brightest  spot  of  the  South — Alabama.  When  I 
remember  that,  in  those  early  days,  I  assisted  in  rescuing  females  and 
children  from  the  relentless  tomahawk  and  scalping  knife,  it  seems  to  me 
that  the  charge  that  I  have  stooped  to  court  favor  by  the  expression  of 
my  sentiments  on  this  question,  is  one  which  falls  harmless  at  my  feet. 


324  JUSTICE    TO    THE    RED    MEN. 

XVII. 

So  far  as  the  subject  of  our  relations  with  the  Indians  is  con- 
cerned, this,  the  most  recent  speech  of  Houston,  stands  credita- 
bly by  the  side  of  bis  other  efforts  in  the  same  field.  We  learn 
something  from  it,  too,  of  his  own  early  history,  which  will  be 
read  with  no  ordinary  interest.  The  remainder  of  his  speech  on 
the  occasion  will  be  suitable  for  the  next  section  of  this  work, 
as  it  is  connected  with  a  topic  that  is  becoming  the  ruling  theme 
in  every  State  in  the  Union — and  not  without  reason,  for  if  our 
institutions  were  worthy  to  be  gained,  most  assuredly  it  is 
worthy  of  us  to  endeavor  to  preserve  them  from  the  corruption 
that  is  stealthily  impairing  our  nationality.  Yet,  ere  the  sub- 
ject of  our  Indian  relations  is  dismissed,  it  should  not  be  forgot- 
ten that  though  Senator  Houston  does  not  conceive  that  any 
political  value  can  accrue  to  him  from  an  advocacy  of  the 
Indian's  cause,  the  public  will  view  the  subject  differently. 
There  is  in  the  American  heart,  a  deeply-seated  and  ineradicable 
sense  of  justice,  that  will  not  submit  to  any  outrages  upon  the 
Indian  nations.  Besides  they  are  valuable  to  our  coast  on  the 
Pacific,  and  will  eventually  blend  with  the  natives  of  Eastern 
Asia,  producing  results  of  vast  importance  to  the  growth  and 
prosperity  of  the  continent.  On  this  point,  therefore,  the  views 
of  Houston  cannot  be  deemed  either  trivial  or  unimportant  in  a 
political  or  national  point  of  view. 


HOUSTON    QUESTIONED     IN    THE    SENATE.      325 


SECTION  EIGHTEENTH. 

HOUSTON   AND   FOREIGN    EMIGRATION. 
I. 

IT  was  in  the  same  speech,  on  the  last  day  of  1854,  that 
Houston  was  called  upon  by  a  senator,  to  answer  questions  so 
pointed  as  to  demand  replies  without  either  reservation  or  pre- 
varication. The  plain,  blunt  manner  in  which  the  answers  were 
given,  will  not  be  without  their  effect  upon  every  sincere  lover 
of  this  country,  who  has  determined  to  find  here  a  home  for  him- 
self, or  for  his  children — for  there  is  no  man  worthy  of  the 
name  of  American  citizen  who  is  not  alive  to  the  danger  to  be 
apprehended  from  the  present  inroads  made  upon  the  political 
power  of  our  States,  by  the  immense  influx  of  foreigners  unpre- 
pared to  feel  and  know  the  value,  much  less  to  comprehend  the 
importance  of  preserving  our  institutions  as  nearly  as  possible 
as  they  were  transmitted  to  us  by  our  political  fathers.  The 
apprehension  that  Houston  will  prove  the  most  powerful  candi- 
date in  the  field  for  the  next  Presidential  campaign  was  the 
cause  of  the  attempt  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Mallory,  to  obtain  some- 
thing like  a  platform  for  the  politicians  to  understand,  probably 
with  a  view  to  that  ultimate  defeat  which  is  more  easily  desired 
than  safely  prophesied.  Let  us  not  detain  the  reader,  how- 
ever, from  studying  the  replies  of  the  hero  of  San  Jacinto. 


326        HOUSTON'S   OPINION   OF   FOREIGNERS. 


II. 

I  hardly  know  what  to  think  of  the  gentleman's  remarks  as  to  catering 
for  the  Presidency.  I  hardly  know  what  to  say  about  the  extraneous  sub- 
jects which  he  has  introduced.  I  suppose  the  shortest  way  of  naming 
what  he  intended  to  allude  to,  is  by  the  term  ''Know-Nothing."  JVow, 
of  the  Know-Nothings  I  know  nothing  (laughter)  ;  and  of  them  I  care 
nothing.  But  if  the  principles  which  I  see  charged  to  them  in  many 
instances  are  the  principles  which  they  seek  to  carry  out,  I  can  say  to 
gentlemen  that  I  concur  in  many  of  them.  If  their  object  is  to  resist  the 
encroachments  of  one  religion  or  sect  upon  another,  I  am  with  them.  I 
say  resist  all  such  encroachments, -and  leave  all  religion  uncontaminated 
by  the  perversion  of  power  that  might  accidentally  result  in  proscription 
and  the  inquisition.  "  I'll  none  of  it  ;"  I  am  opposed  to  and  would  pre- 
vent such  a  result. 

III. 

I  admit  that  we  are  all  descended  from  foreigners,  because,  originally, 
there  were  no  natives  here  who  were  white  men.  Many  of  those  foreigners 
who  originally  came  here,  were  baptized  in  the  blood  of  the  Revolution ; 
but  they  were  not  such  men  as  are  now  coming  to  our  shores,  and  should 
not  be  named  in  connection  with  those  who  are  spewed  loathingly  from 
the  prisons  of  England,  and  from  the  pauper  houses  of  Europe.  Such  men 
are  not  to  be  compared  to  our  ancestry,  or  to  the  immigration  which,  until 
recently,  has  come  to  our  shores  from  foreign  countries.  If  the  object  of 
those  to  whom  the  Senator  from  Iowa  has  referred,  is  to  prevent  men  of 
infamous  character  and  paupers  from  coming  here,  1  agree  with  them. 
I  would  say,  establish  a  law,  requiring  every  person  from  abroad, 
before  being  received  here,  to  bring  an  endorsement  from  one  of  our 
consuls  abroad,  and  produce  evidence  of  good  character  from  the  place 
whence  he  emigrates,  so  that  when  he  comes  here,  we  may  receive  him 
into  full  communion  with  all  the  rights  guaranteed  to  him  by  the  laws 
which  may  exist  at  the  time  of  his  emigration. 

IY. 

But,  sir,  to  say  that  a  felon,  who  left  his  prison  the  day  he  sailed  for 
this  country,  or,  perhaps,  was  brought  in  chains  to  the  vessel  which  bore 


HOUSTON    CROSS-QUESTIONED.  327 

him  here,  is,  in  five  years,  to  stand  an  equal  with  the  proudest  man  who 
walks  on  our  soil,  the  man  who  has  shed  his  blood  to  consecrate  liberty 
and  his  country,  is  not  the  kind  of  arrangement  that  I  go  for. 

Mr.  MALLORY— Will  the  Senator  from  Texas  allow  me  to  ask  him  one 
question  ? 

Mr.  HOUSTON— With  pleasure. 

Mr.  MALLORY— As  the  subject  of  Know-Nothingism,  as  it  is  called,  has 
been  brought  here 

Mr.  HOUSTON— I  have  not  introduced  it,  and  I  am  not  going  to  com- 
ment on  it. 

Y. 

Mr.  MALLORY — Precisely  so  ;  the  senator  has  not  introduced  the  sub- 
ject, and  perhaps  he  is  not  responsible  for  its  introduction  ;  but  he  is 
undertaking  to  say  what  he  himself  thinks  upon  it.  Now,  as  he  is  speak- 
ing on  the  subject,  I  should  like  to  understand  distinctly,  whether  he 
approves  or  does  not  approve  of  so  much  of  the  creed  attributed  to  the 
Know-Nothings,  as  would  make  those  who  profess  the  Roman  Catholic 
religion  ineligible  to  office  1 

Mr.  HOUSTON — I  would  vote  for  no  such  law. 

Mr.  MALLORY — I  asked  the  gentleman  whether  he  approved  that  or 
not — not  whether  he  would  vote  for  it. 


VI. 

Mr.  HOUSTON— No,  sir  ;  I  could  not  approve  of  such  a  law.  But  the 
proscription  which  is  charged  on  those  to  whom  allusion  has  been  made, 
is  no  more  than  formerly  existed  between  whigs  and  democrats.  When 
party  discipline  was  kept  up,  if  a  whig  voted  for  a  democratic  candidate, 
he  was  ruled  out  of  his  party,  and  branded  as  a  deserter  ;  and  if  a  demo- 
crat voted  for  a  whig,  he  was  disowned  by  his  party.  That  species  of 
political  proscription  will  exist  everywhere,  according  to  the  notions  of 
people.  I  do  not  set  up  my  opinion  as  the  doctrine  by  which  other  people 
are  to  be  governed.  I  am  governed  by  my  own  principles,  and  my  own 
sentiments,  and  I  have  a  right  to  vindicate  them,  and  I  am  responsible  for 
them  to  the  world.  When  the  Senator  from  Iowa  supposes  that  I  would 
cater  for  the  Presidency  of  the  United  States,  he  does  me  great  injustice. 
I  would  not  cater  for  any  office  beneath  heaven.  (Pause.)  But,  sir,  I 


328  JEALOUSY    OF    HOUSTON. 

know  one  tning :  if  it  were  to  be  thrust  upon  me,  /  should  make  a  great 
many  changes  in  some  small  matters.     [Laughter.] 


YII. 

Mr.  DODGE,  of  Iowa — Mr.  President,  I  have  no  desire  to  prolong  this 
controversy  with  the  senator  from  Texas.  No  man  understands  better 
than  I  do,  how  much  I  must  suffer  in  any  intellectual  contest  with  one 
so  skilled  and  renowned  in  debate,  almost  as  much  as  he  is  in  arms.  I 
know  his  ability  to  say  as  much  on  one  side  as  on  the  other,  a  manifesta- 
tion of  which  we  have  had,  in  the  conclusion  of  his  remarks.  (Laughter.) 
Sir,  I  charged,  and  I  repeat  the  charge,  that  the  speech  of  the  senator 
from  Texas,  would  have  done  well  if  delivered  by  a  Massachusetts  feder- 
alist, or  for  a  man  from  western  New  York — that  region  in  which  all  the 
isms,  from  anti-masonry  down,  have  originated.  I  have  read  the  speeches 
of  these  eastern  gentlemen,  and  I  am  aware  of  the  manner  in  which  this 
Indian  question  has  been  dragged  into  politics  in  times  past ;  and  I  know 
the  purpose  to  which  it  is  to  be  again  prostituted  in  the  approaching 
Presidential  canvass  j  I  see  attempted,  in  connection  with  the  Kansas  and 
Nebraska  law,  the  appeal  that  is  to  be  made  to  couple  with  that  measure 
this  one.  which  is  to  provide  for  the  defence  of  the  country.  I  repeat,  so 
far  as  I  am  concerned,  that  so  long  as  I  have  a  voice  or  a  vote,  I  will 
remember  those  who  refuse  to  give  us  protection 


VIII. 

Unquestionably,  should  the  popular  will  in  behalf  of  Houston 
be  expressed  with  the  same  warmth  that  it  has  been  for  some 
considerable  term  now  gone  by,  these  views  will  have  no  weight 
except  to  carry  the  balance  in  his  favor.  However,  it  is  our 
province  to  record,  rather  than  to  conjecture.  We  have  to  do 
with  the  man  as  he  has  been — not  as  he  may  be.  The  struggle 
to  satisfy  the  demands  of  the  country,  when  the  candidates  for 
the  next  Presidential  term  are  selected,  will  be  great.  Doubt- 
less, it  will  be  impossible  to  leave  out  of  the  list  the  man  who, 
above  all  others,  tried  or  untried  in  holding  the  reins  of  power, 


THE    PUBLIC     VOICE.  329 

stands  conspicuous  for  qualities  of  head  and  heart  inherent  by 
nature  and  chastened  by  cultivation,  which  stamp  him  as  sig- 
nally fitted  for  the  position  to  which  the  wants  of  the  country, 
as  well  as  the  popular  voice,  should  raise  him.  In  the  next  con- 
test, if  we  err  not  in  our  estimate  of  the  motives  which  will  rule 
the  popular  vote,  conventions  will  be  obliged  to  surrender  the 
old  machinery  of  party  to  those  general  expressions  of  the  pub- 
lic voice,  which  will  grow  more  and  more  loud  as  the  hour 
approaches  for  determining  who  shall  be  the  Chief  Magistrate  of 
the  United  States. 


330  FIRST    ATTEMPTS    FOR    ANNEXATION. 


SECTION  NINETEENTH. 

THE   ANNEXATION    OF   TEXAS. 
I. 

THE  struggle  made  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  to 
bring  Texas  into  the  Union,  was,  so  important  that  some  further 
reference  to  the  subject  should  be  here  made.  While  Texas 
was  yet  a  Republic,  and  as  early  as  1838,  an  application  was 
made  by  Houston  to  place  it  under  the  jurisdiction  of  our 
Federal  Government.  It  was  his  first  official  act  as  President 
of  Texas,  to  send  an  agent  to  Washington  to  make  known  his 
wishes  and  his  hopes.  Soon  after,  he  dispatched  another  envoy 
with  extraordinary  powers,  but  to  these  applications  there  was 
no  satisfactory  result.  In  1841,  another  trial  was  made  through 
Mr.  Riley.  This  was  followed  up  by  Mr.  Yan  Zandt.  Nothing, 
however,  was  accomplished — and  Texas  was  forced  to  stand 
alone. 

II. 

Wearied  with  these  vain  attempts  to  gain  admission  into  the 
Confederacy,  a  policy  was  adopted  that  hastened  the  destiny  of 
the  young  Republic.  England  was  coquetted  with,  till  appre- 
hensions were  entertained  by  men  in  the  United  States,  and  by 
its  Government,  that  there  was  a  possibility  of  losing  Texas 
for  ever.  This  feeling  increased  even  to  alarm :  for  even  at  that 


WAR    WITH    MEXICO.  331 

period  it  was  well  understood  that  the  British  Government 
would  gladly  interpose  barriers  to  our  growth  in  national 
wealth,  dominion,  and  power,  for  the  sake  of  checking  the  pro- 
gress of  republican  liberty,  by  which  European  governments 
have  been  so  much  menaced  during  the  present  century.  At 
that  time  it  was  contemplated>  even  by  the  British  Government, 
to  gain  California,  and  thus  to  place  a  monarchical  colony  on 
our  most  important  border.  The  action  of  Texas,  therefore,  in 
seeking  the  good  will  of  Great  Britain  was  more  than  diploma- 
tic. It  was  sagacious  ;  and,  as  events  have  proved,  was  vastly 
important  in  its  results. 


III. 

At  the  beginning  of  President  Folk's  administration,  and 
while  the  Northwestern  Boundary  Question  was  agitating  the 
whole  country,  and  wearing  a  warlike  aspect,  the  Texas  dispute 
was  at  its  height.  On  the  one  hand,  the  country  was  threat- 
ened with  a  war  with  Great  Britain  ;  and,  on  the  other  hand, 
with  Mexico.  The  Oregon  boundary  was  settled  by  negotiation 
— but  the  Texas  controversy  ended  in  a  war  with  the  Mexican 
power.  In  August,  1845,  General  Zachary  Taylor  encamped  at 
Corpus  Christi,  on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  remained  there  until 
the  ensuing  month  of  March.  Annexation  had  taken  place  by 
a  Joint  Resolution  of  Congress,  passed  in  February ;  and  in 
obedience  to  instructions,  General  Taylor,  on  the  llth  of  March, 
went  towards  the  Rio  Grande,  and  commenced  a  correspondence 
with  the  Mexican  Dictator,  Paredes,  on  the  true  boundary  of 
the  new  State. 

IY. 

On  the  first  of  May,  the  Mexican  General,  Arista,  marched  a 
force  to  the  Texan  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande,  and  this  was  the 


332  DEBATES     ON     THE   ANNEXATION. 

commencement  of  the  war  with  Mexico,  iu  which,  it  may  be 
said,  with  truth,  that  the  American  people  displayed  but  little 
of  that  spirit  of  nationality  which  distinguishes  all  other 
nations.  A  large  portion  of  the  people  were  opposed  to  the 
war,  and  did  not  cast  aside  their  prejudices  in  one  common 
feeling  against  the  enemy.  This  state  of  affairs  was  caused  by 
the  passions  which  had  been  inflamed  by  tne  introduction  of 
Texas  into  the  Union — a  measure  that  was  opposed,  as  was 
alleged,  on  the  ground  that  it  was  "  unconstitutional  to  admit  her 
without  the  intervention  and  sanction  of  the  people,  and,  also, 
because  there  was  a  strong  apprehension  of  dangers  from  in- 
creasing the  area  of  slavery." 

Y. 

The  debate  upon  the  proposition  to  admit  Texas  into  the 
Union  had  been  warm  in  both  houses  of  Congress,  and  the 
excitement  attending  the  final  action  or  one  subject  was  intense. 
Men  were  more  engaged  in  magnifying  me  dangers  to  be  appre- 
hended from  a  possible  extension  of  the  slavery  system,  than  in 
contemplating  the  grave  importance,  in  every  aspect  of  public 
economy  and  of  national  aggrandizement,  of  possessing  so  grand 
a  territory  for  future  improvement  and  use  as  the  soil  of  Texas. 
Its  commercial  value  was  lost  sight  of.  Its  command  of  the 
Gulf  trade,  or  the  most  western  ports  of  the  Atlantic,  was  over- 
looked, and  only  a  few  men  dared  to  maintain  that  the  wants  of 
posterity  would  render  the  new  State  an  invaluable  possession. 
"The  great,  and  vast,  and  illimitable  Texas,"  as  Webster 
styled  it,  was  deemed  of  little  importance  compared  with  the 
turbulent  expressions  of  sincere,  or  pretended  dread,  that  the 
extension  of  territory  liable  to  slave  labor,  necessarily  involves 
the  perpetuation  of  African  servitude — a  problem  still  unsolved, 
but  not  without  solution,  when  the  subject  is  left  to  the  wisdom 


MEXICAN    TRIBUTE    TO    A  N  GL  0  -  A  M  E  HI  C  A  N  3  .      333 

and  to  the  commercial  sagacity  of  those  most  interested  in  the 
question. 

YI. 

It  is  not  our  purpose  to  enter  upon  the  political  history  of  the 
time  in  which  Texas  and  its  admission  to  the  Union  became  a 
vexed  question.  It.  is  our  object  to  glance  at  some  prominent 
facts  connected  with  the  subject,  before  we  proceed  to  show  the 
value  of  the  State  of  Texas  to  the  Confederacy.  And  we  cannot 
better  commence  this  part  of  our  work,  in  order  to  show  the 
claims  of  Houston  to  the  distinction  which  has  been  awarded  to 
his  exertions,  thar  by  quoting  from  a  Mexican  newspaper,  of 
1845,  a  prophecy  which  has  passed  on  to  its  fulfillment.  The 
writer  says  :  "  Texas  is  gone — gone  for  ever,  and  beyond 
redemption — to  our  natural  enemies,  the  Anglo-Americans,  who 
know  but  too  well  Iiow  to  estimate  us  at  our  just  value.  Let 
us  not  be  deceived  by  the  promised  vindication  of  our  rights,  so 
pompously  paraded  in  public  speeches,  and  official  documents. 
Our  threats  are  paper  threats,  as  was  justly  observed  by  one  of 
the  boldest  statesmen  in  the  neighboring  Republic.  Texas,  we 
repeat  it,  is  lost  to  Mexico  !  And  here  we  are  forced  to  a  con- 
fession— a  bitter  one,  indeed.  That  Department,  wrested  from 
us  by  an  act  of  usurpation  and  perfidy  never  before  equalled, 
will  at  once  start  on  a  new  career  of  improvement  and  prospe- 
rity— safe  from  savage  inroads,  arbitrary  exactions,  and  unjust 
prohibitions  and  monopolies.  A  fertile  soil  will  plentifully 
reward  the  honest  labor  of  the  husbandman,  the  mechanic  arts 
will  flourish,  each  citizen  will  be  free  to  arm  himself  for  his  own 
and  his  country's  defence,  and  each  will  have  the  right  to  prac- 
tice, unmolested,  the  religion  which  his  conscience  sanctions  and 
dictates.  Texas,  by  renouncing  her  separate  sovereignty,  will 
cease  to  be,  as  heretofore,  a  country  of  outlaws,  and  become  a 
part  of  a  powerful  nation,  whose  growing  prosperity  will  shed 


334  A     PICTURE     OF    TEXAS. 

its  beneficial  influence  over  the  new  territory.  Such  is  the  des- 
tiny of  that  Department  severed  from  us,  and  now  forming  part 
of  the  American  Union.  The  tendency  of  an  example  so  perni- 
cious, is  clear  to  all." 


VII. 


There  was  occasion  for  alarm  on  the  part  of  Mexico,  at  this 
position  of  Texas,  for  there  were  Departments  in  her  domain 
which,  at  the  time,  were  ripening  for  political  revolution  and 
change.  On  this  point  we  need  not  dwell.  Let  us  notice, 
rather,  the  very  important  improvement  which  took  place  in 
Texas,  immediately  after  she  became  one  of  our  States,  in  res- 
pect to  her  social  character.  Law  and  order  soon  softened  and 
harmonized  the  crude  elements  which  marked  her  population  ; 
and  villages,  towns,  and  cities,  arose  on  every  hand,  busy  with 
the  industry,  skill,  and  vigor  of  a  thriving  and  worthy  people. 
The  school-house  was  built  by  the  way-side.  Churches  dotted 
the  lawns  and  the  hill-sides.  The  courts  of  law  adminis- 
tered justice  to  all — and,  on  every  side,  there  were  indications 
of  prosperity  and  security.  The  Mexican  prophecy  was  more 
than  fulfilled  ;  and  the  wisdom  of  the  man  who  had  patiently 
sought,  calmly  waited,  and  confidingly  persevered,  to  rescue  a 
vast  domain  from  lawlessness,  and  to  place  it  as  a  star  in  our 
constellation  of  republics,  was  shown  in  the  culture  of  the  soil 
and  in  all  the  external  symbols  of  refinement  and  civilization. 
At  the  present  time,  no  State  in  the  Union  is  more  inviting  to 
those  who  would  seek  a  home  in  a  new  country,  as  will  be  evi- 
dent to  those  who  endeavor  to  learn  the  nature  of  her  social 
character — the  extent  of  her  industrial  resources,  and  the  oppor- 
tunities which  may  be  secured  for  advancement  in  all  the  learned 
professions,  and  in  the  walks  of  commercial  and  agricultual  life. 


RESOURCES     OF     TEXAS.  335 

VIII. 

When  Texas  was  first  a  debated  question,  little  was  known 
of  her  vast  and  multiform  resources.  Time  has  made  the 
world  wiser.  The  soil  and  climate  are  such  that  the  State  is 
now  looked  upon  as  the  Garden  of  the  World.  For  the  cultiva- 
tion either  of  tobacco,  or  cotton,  corn,  wheat,  or  hemp,  her 
soil  is  not  surpassed  by  the  most  generous  lands  of  other  States. 
The  peculiarity  of  her  soil  renders  the  wheat  grown  within  her 
borders  the  most  profitable  yet  known  to  our  country,  and  with 
but  little  labor  the  ground  produces  abundantly,  giving  its  crops 
as  early  as  June/  Tobacco  and  cotton  are  seen  growing  on  the 
field  where  corn  is  a  neighbor.  Nature  is  everywhere  bountiful. 
With  further  exploration,  her  mines  will  be  found,  it  is  thought, 
second  in  importance  to  none  in  the  other  States.  As  a  grazing 
country  she  is  without  a  rival,  and  the  animals  slaughtered  for 
their  hides  and  for  provisions,  furnish  afterwards  thousands  of 
tons  of  bones  annually,  which  are  shipped  to  New  York,  where 
they  are  converted  into  phosphate  of  lime,  and  sold  to  our 
farmers  for  the  improvement  of  the  wasted  or  sterile  soils  of  the 
North.  Thus  the  benefit  of  Texas  to  the  North  is  witnessed  in 
many  States  which  were  originally  opposed  to  her  introduction 
into  the  Union.  This  is  not  all.  The  trade  of  the  Atlantic 
States  with  Texas  is  every  day  becoming  more  and  more  impor- 
tant. Every  year  increases  it — and,  as  the  climate  is  salu- 
brious, the  population  is  rapidly  increasing,  and  the  State 
will  eventually  become  the  most  important  in  the  Southern 
country. 

IX. 

There  is  another  point  not  to  be  forgotten.  Texas  is  the 
great  Commercial  Isthmus,  by  which  the  nations  of  the  earth 


336  TEXAS     THE      ROAD     TO     THE      PACIFIC. 

will  pass  ere  long  to  the  Pacific  Oceau.  Geographically,  this 
does  not  appear  so  ;  but  the  surveys  made  for  railroads  to  our 
Western  shores  conclusively  demonstrate  that  when  a  road  is 
built  to  connect  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  oceans,  it  will  run 
through  Texas.  Such  a  road  will  not  be  obstructed  by  the 
snows  and  ice  incident  to  more  northern  latitudes.  Besides, 
this  road,  if  constructed  to  San  Diego,  in  California,  will  bring 
Australia  fifteen  hundred  miles  nearer  than  it  would  be  from 
any  other  point  that  could  be  designated.  These  considerations 
will  increase  in  importance  as  the  necessity  for  the  construction 
of  a  national  road  is  felt  by  the  public.  A  military  road  to  Cali- 
fornia, is  now  needed  by  the  government  for  purposes  which  pru» 
dent  statesmen  can  easily  comprehend  as  possible — and  a  wise 
policy  will  not  neglect,  till  the  force  of  circumstances  incite  to 
action,  an  application  to  a  subject  so  important  to  us  as  a 
commercial  people,  and  as  a  nation.  The  money  expended  by 
the  country  in  building  and  keeping  in  repair  forts  and  forti- 
fications on  the  western  frontiers,  might  be  disbursed  more  judi- 
ciously in  the  construction  of  military  roads,  which  would  be 
safe  highways  for  the  great  tide  of  emigration  sweeping  West- 
ward. The  question  of  the  province  of  Congress  with  respect 
to  Internal  Improvements  does  not  trench  upon  this  species  of 
enterprise — for  the  wants  of  the  people  and  the  demands  of 
humanity  alike  suggest,  that  the  Federal  Government  should 
make  some  provision  for  opening  ways  across  the  country  to  our 
Western  shores.  This  is  not  the  place,  however,  to  enlarge 
upon  this  interesting  subject.  Our  design  is  to  show  that  Texas 
is  the  ground  over  which  the  great  national  road  to  the  Pacific 
must  pass — and  so  well  assured  are  we  of  this,  that  we  advert 
to  it  as  another  proof  of  the  great  importance  of  the  annexa- 
tion of  Texas  to  the  Union.  The  conformation  of  continents  and 
oceans,  must  make  Texas  the  highway  from  New  York  to  San 
Francisco. 


GIRDED      BY     TWO      OCEANS.  337 

X. 

There  are  other  reasons  for  estimating  the  acquisition  of  Texas 
as  a  national  blessing.  When  we  reflect  upon  what  she  might 
have  become,  had  we  refused  her  admission  to  the  Union,  we 
cannot  look  upon  the  past  but  with  mingled  feelings  of  dread 
and  thankfulness.  Had  the  sectional  animosity  that  opposed 
the  admission  of  Texas  prevailed,  the  most  serious  consequences 
might  have  ensued.  Happily  the  luxuriant  and  swelling  prai- 
ries, the  fertile  hills,  and  the  beautifully  irrigated  valleys  of  that 
delightful  country  are  our  own — happily,  that  coast  which 
stretches  along  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  is  ours  for  the  enlargement 
of  commerce,  and  for  the  protection  of  our  Southern  borders — 
happily,  the  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States,  though  it  has  no 
power  over  her  domain,  as  in  some  other  territories,  can  be 
exerted  to  extend  the  benefits  of  legislation  to  her  people,  and 
to  those  who  hereafter  may  desire  to  become  residents  of  that 
State,  or  sojourners  in  it  on  their  way  to  the  extreme  West. 
Whenever  the  road  to  California  is  completed,  then,  over  this 
Commercial  Isthmus  of  the  Continent,  the  American  people  will 
appreciate  how  far  superior  to  all  minor  questions  are  those  great 
national  ones  which  involve  the  happiness  of  millions  upon  mil- 
lions of  men,  and  which  tend  to  perpetuate  the  security  of  the 
nation  ;  at  any  time  liable  to  temporary  aggression  from  nations 
desirous  to  check  our  advancing  prosperity,  between  the  two 
oceans  which  gird  our  shores. 

XI. 

A  fatal  political  mistake  would  have  been  made,  had  the 
councils  of  party  prevailed  over  the  stern  necessity  of  circum- 
stances with  respect  to  the  admission  of  Texas  to  the  Union.  In 
1802,  Georgia  was  induced  to  cede  that  part  of  her  territory 

15 


338  CAUSES     FOR     CONGRATULATION. 

now  known  as  Alabama  and  Mississippi.  In  ]  803,  Louisiana 
was  purchased  from  France — and  from  this  we  have  the  States 
of  Louisiana,  Arkansas,  and  Missouri.  In  1819,  the  cession  of 
Florida  was  made  by  Spain.  What  more  natural  and  inevitable 
destiny  was  there  for  Texas,  from  its  geographical  and  political 
position,  than  to  yield  to  the  embrace  of  the  Confederacy  ?  It  is 
in  vain  for  men,  when  circumstances  of  every  kind  point  to  a  result 
so  manifestly  necessary,  to  array  the  league  of  abstract  morals 
and  sectional  jealousies  against  it.  Thus  it  proved  in  the  case 
of  Texas  ;  and,  whatever  may  be  the  particular  scruples  of  con- 
science in  individual  minds  as  to  the  means  employed  to  secure 
such  a  benefit  as  Texas  has  proved  to  be  to  the  United  States, 
all  will  agree  that  we  have  been  enriched  by  this  acquisition  of 
territory,  great  as  has  been  the  cost,  beyond  any  possible  human 
estimate.  Of  the  issues  which  have  grown  out  of  it,  the  future 
will  declare  more  than  prophecy  itself  could  foresee.  With  an  effi- 
cient Chief  Magistrate  to  stay  the  inflammatory  fever  raised  dur- 
ing the  last  year  so  needlessly,  and  in  opposition  to  all  the  desires 
of  the  nation  at  large,  both  at  the  North  and  South,  we  may 
expect  to  live  through  the  "  trouble,"  and  not  even  regret  that 
Texas  was  a  proximate  cause  of  so  gratuitous  an  agitation  of 
the  public  mind.  Should  the  people  be  alive  to  the  interests  of 
the  country  as  a  confederated  nationality,  we  need  not  fear  that 
any  regret  will  attend  our  recollections  of  the  annexation  of  a 
State  of  which  Houston  was  the  political  father. 

XII. 

From  present  appearances,  we  may  then  conclude,  that  the 
beautiful  country  given  to  the  Union  by  the  man  whose  servi- 
ces to  the  public  we  are  considering — is  destined  to  be  second 
in  importance  to  no  other,  when  the  public  mind  becomes 
acquainted  with  the  almost  boundless  extent  of  her  resources, 


UNIVERSAL     BLESSINGS.  339 

with  the  remarkable  geographical  position  she  occupies  m  refer- 
ence to  our  Pacific  coast,  and  with  the  delicious  mildness  of  her 
climate.  Already  thousands  of  persons  have  emigrated  to  that 
State,  where  all  the  enjoyments  and  privileges  of  refinement  and 
civilization  are  rapidly  increasing,  to  open  an  inviting  way,  by 
an  overland  route,  to  California,  and  thus  to  secure  to  the 
United  States  the  full  measure  of  prosperity  promised  by  the 
discovery  and  acquisition  of  the  gold  regions  on  the  Pacific. 
Health  and  its  preservation  are  not  subjects  of  trivial  impor- 
tance, and  emigrants  will  select  the  road  through  Texas  in  pre- 
ference to  any  other,  when  it  is  built,  because  it  will  offer 
the  greatest  number  of  facilities  for  a  speedy  and  safe  passage  to 
the  Pacific  coast.  Should,  then,  the  future  establish  Texas  as 
the  great  gate  and  highway  to  California,  how  much  reason  have 
we  to  congratulate  ourselves  on  the  annexation  of  Texas,  once 
deemed  so  disastrous,  and  how  pitiably  insignificant  in  compa- 
rison is  the  slavery  question  as  a  barrier  to  the  march  of 
all  nations  towards  increased  happiness  and  prosperity.  On 
the  whole,  then,  we  may  rejoice  that  we  have  Texas  in  the 
Union — and  learn,  also,  from  the  outcry  made  against  her 
admission,  how  unimportant  it  is  to  believe  that  the  North  is  to 
be  the  sufferer  by  what  is  said  to  be  the  extension  of  the 
"  peculiar  institutions  "  of  the  South.  May  the  day  come  when 
the  agitation  on  this  subject  shall  cease,  that  involuntary  servi- 
tude may  perish  from  natural  causes,  and  not  be  made  stronger 
by  the  very  means  employed  to  destroy  its  existence  ! 

XIII. 

Lest  the  reader  may  suppose  that  Texas  was  acquired  for  the 
purpose  of  extending  slavery,  as  party  politicians  averred  before 
she  came  into  the  Union,  we  may  cite  from  a  speech  made  in 
the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  to  show  by  facts  that  this 


340  BENTON'S   OPINIONS. 

was  not  the  case.  It  was  said  by  Mr.  Benton,  in  1836  : 
"Heartless  is  the  calumny  invented  and  propagated,  not  from 
this  floor,  but  elsewhere,  on  the  cause  of  the  Texan  revolt.  It 
is  said  to  be  a  war  for  the  extension  of  slavery.  It  had  as  well 
been  said  that  our  own  Revolution  was  a  war  for  the  extension 
of  slavery.  So  far  from  it,  that  no  revolt,  not  even  our  own, 
ever  had  a  more  just  and  a  more  sacred  origin.  The  settlers  in 
Texas  went  to  live  under  the  form  of  government  which  they 
had  left  behind  in  the  United  States — a  government  which 
extends  so  many  guarantees  for  life,  liberty,  property,  and  the 
pursuit  of  happiness,  and  which  their  American  and  English 
ancestors  had  vindicated  for  so  many  hundred  years.  A  succes- 
sion of  violent  changes  in  government,  and  the  rapid  overthrow 
of  rulers,  annoyed  and  distressed  them  ;  but  they  remained  tran- 
quil under  every  violence  which  did  not  immediately  bear  on 
themselves.  In  1822  the  republic  of  1821  was  superseded  by 
the  imperial  diadem  of  Iturbide.  In  1823  he  was  deposed  and 
banished,  returned,  and  was  shot,  and  Victoria  made  President. 
Mentuno  and  Bravo  disputed  the  presidency  with  Victoria  ;  and 
found,  in  banishment,  the  mildest  issue  known  among  Mexicans 
to  unsuccessful  civil  war.  Pedraza  was  elected  in  1828  ;  Guerrero 
overthrew  him  the  next  year.  Then  Bustamente  overthrew 
Guerrero  ;  and,  quickly,  Santa  Anna  overthrew  Bustamente, 
and,  with  him,  all  the  forms  of  the  constitution,  and  the  whole 
frame  of  the  federative  government.  By  his  own  will,  and  by 
force,  Santa  Anna  dissolved  the  existing  Congress,  convened 
another,  formed  the  two  Houses  into  one,  called  it  a  Convention 
— and  made  it  the  instrument  for  deposing,  without  trial,  the 
constitutional  Yice  President,  Gomez  Fatias,  putting  Barragaii 
into  his  place,  annihilating  the  State  government,  and  establish- 
ing a  consolidated  government,  of  which  he  was  monarch,  under 
the  retained  republican  title  of  President.  Still,  the  Texans 
did  not  take  up  arms  :  they  did  not  acquiesce,  but  they  did  not 


FIRST  STROKE  FOR  FREEDOM.         341 

revolt.  They  retained  their  State  government  in  operation,  and 
looked  to  the  other  States,  older  and  more  powerful  than  Texas, 
to  vindicate  the  general  cause,  and  to  re-establish  the  federal 
constitution  of  1824.  In  September,  1835,  this  was  still  her 
position.  In  that  month,  a  Mexican  armed  vessel  appeared  off 
the  coast  of  Texas,  and  declared  her  ports  blockaded.  At  the 
same  time,  General  Cos  appeared  in  the  West,  with  an  army  of 
fifteen  hundred  men,  with  orders  to  arrest  the  State  authorities, 
to  disarm  the  inhabitants,  leaving  one  gun  to  every  five  hun- 
dred souls  ;  and  to  reduce  the  State  to  unconditional  submission. 
Gonzales  was  the  selected  point  for  the  commencement  of  the 
execution  of  these  orders  ;  and  the  first  thing  was  the  arms, 
those  trusty  rifles  which  the  settlers  had  brought  with  them 
from  the  United  States,  which  were  their  defence  against 
savages,  their  resource  for  game,  and  the  guard  which  converted 
their  houses  into  castles  stronger  than  those  '  which  the  king 
cannot  enter.'  A  detachment  of  General  Cos's  army  appeared 
at  the  village  of  Gonzales,  on  the  28th  of  September,  and 
demanded  the  arms  of  the  inhabitants  ;  it  was  the  same  demand, 
made  for  the  same  purpose,  which  the  British  detachment,  under 
Major  Pitcairn,  had  made  at  Lexington,  on  the  16th  of  April, 
1775.  It  was  the  same  demand!  And  the  same  answer  was 
given — resistance — battle — victory  !  The  American  blood  was 
at  Gonzales  what  it  had  been  at  Lexington  ;  and  between  using 
their  arms,  and  surrendering  their  arms,  that  blood  can  never 
hesitate.  Then  followed  the  rapid  succession  of  brilliant  events, 
which  in  two  months  left  Texas  without  an  armed  enemy  in  her 
borders,  and  the  strong  forts  of  Goliad  and  the  Alamo,  with 
their  garrisons  and  cannon,  the  almost  bloodless  prizes  of  a  few 
hundred  Texan  rifles.  This  was  the  origin  of  the  revolt  ;  and 
a  calumny  more  heartless  can  never  be  imagined  than  that  which 
would  convert  this  rich  and  holy  defence  of  life,  liberty,  and 
property,  into  an  aggression  for  the  extension  of  slavery.  Just 


342  B  E  N  T  Q  N '  S     DEFENCE     OF    TEXAS. 

in  its  origin,  valiant  and  humane  in  its  conduct,  the  Texan  revolt 
has  illustrated  the  Anglo-Saxon  character,  and  given  it  new- 
titles  to  the  respect  and  admiration  of  the  world.  It  shows  that 
liberty,  justice,  valor — moral,  physical,  and  intellectual  power — 
characterise  that  race  wherever  it  goes.  Let  our  America 
rejoice,  let  old  England  rejoice,  that  the  Brasos  and  Colerado, 
new  and  strange  names — streams  far  beyond  the  western  bank 
of  the  Father  of  Floods — have  felt  the  impress,  and  witnessed 
the  exploits  of  a  people  sprung  from  their  loins,  and  carrying 
their  language,  laws,  and  customs,  their  magna  charta  and  its 
glorious  privileges,  into  new  regions  and  far  distant  climes." 


XIY. 

It  may  not  be  less  a  calumny  for  men  to  avow  that  the  early 
population  of  Texas  was  composed  of  outlaws.  Every  new 
country  offers  fields  for  the  honorable  efforts  ot  those  who 
would  retrieve  the  errors  by  which  they  may  have  purchased 
experience.  While  Texas  was  no  exception  to  the  general  rule 
of  all  new  colonial  countries,  the  defence  of  its  character  from 
too  much  stress  upon  this  point  was  thus  given  before  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States.  With  it  we  will  conclude  this 
section  of  our  work  :  "  Great  is  the  mistake  which  has 
prevailed  in  Mexico,  and  in  some  parts  of  the  United  States,  on 
the  character  of  the  population  which  has  gone  to  Texas.  It 
has  been  common  to  disparage  and  to  stigmatize  them. 
Nothing  could  be  more  unjust  ;  and  speaking  from  knowledge, 
either  personally  or  well  acquired  (for  it  falls  to  my  lot  to  know, 
either  from  actual  acquaintance,  or  good  information,  the  mass 
of  its  inhabitants),  I  can  vindicate  them  from  erroneous  impu- 
tations, and  place  their  conduct  and  character  on  the  honorable 
ground  which  they  deserve  to  occupy.  The  founder  of  the 


THE      FOUNDERS     OF    TEX  A3.  343 

Texan  colony  was  Mr.  Moses  Austin,  a  respectable  and  enter- 
prising native  of  Connecticut,  and  largely  engaged  in  the  lead 
mines  of  Upper  Louisiana,  in  1815.  The  present  head  of  the 
colony,  his  son,  Mr.  Stephen  F.  Austin,  then  a  very  young 
man,  was  a  member  of  the  Territorial  Legislature,  distinguished 
for  his  intelligence,  business  habits,  and  gentlemanly  conduct. 
Among  the  grantees  we  distinguish  the  name  of  Robertson,  son 
of  the  patriarchal  founder,  and  the  first  settler  of  West  Tennes- 
see. Of  the  body  of  emigrants,  most  of  them  are  heads  of 
families  or  enterprising  young  men,  gone  to  better  their  condi- 
tion by  receiving  grants  of  fine  lands  in  a  fine  climate,  and  to 
continue  to  live  under  the  republican  form  of  government  to  which 
they  had  been  accustomed.  There  sits  one  of  them,  [pointing  to 
Mr.  Carson,  member  of  Congress,  from  North  Carolina,  and  then, 
1836,  Secretary  of  State  for  Texas.]  We  all  know  him  ;  our 
greetings  on  his  appearance  in  this  chamber  attest  our  respect ; 
and  s^ch  as  we  know  him  to  be,  so  do  I  know  the  multitude 
to  be  who  have  gone  to  Texas.  They  have  gone,  not  as 
intruders,  but  as  grantees  ;  and  to  become  a  barrier  between 
the  Mexicans  and  the  marauding  Indians  who  infested  their 
borders." 


XY. 


Surely  a  population,  originating  in  such  a  primitive  stock  as 
this  has  been  described  to  have  been,  though  bold  rather  than 
wise  spirits  were  her  counsellors  at  first,  cannot  be  other  than 
suitable  for  the  association  of  those  enterprising  men  of  other 
States,  who  see  in  the  wilderness  fields  worthy  of  cultivation,  and 
which  more  rapidly  than  those  of  older  States  give  speedy  rewards 
to  industry.  Thetneans  used  by  party  newspapers  to  strengthen 
the  public  animosity  towards  Texas,  included,  for  several  years, 
exaggerated  and  abusive  misrepresentations  of  the  people  of  the 


344  PRESENT     STATE     OF    TEXAS. 

new  Republic.  "  G.  T.  T.,"  or  "  Gone  to  Texas,"  was  the  favo- 
rite  mode  of  accounting  for  the  absence  of  any  person  who  had 
forfeited,  by  design,  or  through  misfortune,  his  claim  to  be  con- 
sidered a  good  citizen.  In  this  way  Texas  became  a  name  for 
reproach.  Time  has  changed  all  this  ;  and  now  the  State  is  a 
favorite  one  for  emigrants  from  every  part  of  our  country  and 
from  Europe,  and  she  is,  therefore,  becoming  rapidly  rich  in  the 
great  increase  of  her  population. 


XYI. 

Before  leaving  this  important  branch  of  our  subject,  and  for 
the  purpose  of  showing  the  extent  of  that  political  foresight 
that  distinguished  Houston  in  associating  his  fortunes  with 
those  of  Texas,  it  will  be  profitable  to  look  at  the  very  valuable 
moral  for  States  and  people  which  is  found  in  the  still  earlier  his- 
tory of  Texas,  and  in  the  causes  which  shut  her  out  from  the 
position,  which,  happily  for  the  United  States,  she  now  occupies. 
Had  she  come  into  her  proper  place  at  an  earlier  period,  and 
not  been  kept  in  obscurity  by  considerations  which  seemed 
important  to  individuals,  rather  than  to  the  aggrandizement  of 
the  nation  at  large,  we  should  have  been  spared  the  long  train 
of  evils  which  terminated  in  the  expensive  and  disastrous,  though 
successful  and  brilliant,  war  with  Mexico.  Such  has  been  the 
fruit  of  the  agitation  of  the  slavery  question  !  Similar  will  be 
the  results  in  all  cases  while  men  persist  in  making  that  subject 
a  party  question,  instead  of  leaving  the  institution  to  the  mani- 
fest and  inevitable  destiny  to  which  it  must  hasten,  when  left 
free  to  compete  with  the  general  freedom  in  commerce  and 
trade  which  animates  our  prairies,  and  extends  itself  to  the  most 
tangled  regions  of  the  Western  wilds. 


PREJUDICE    AGAINST    ANNEXATION.  345 

XYII. 

In  1819,  in  acquiring  Florida,  the  government  of  the  United 
States  abandoned  Texas.  The  new  boundaries  made  by  the  nego- 
tiator of  the  treaty,  John  Quincy  Adams,  at  the  suggestion  of  a 
majority  of  President  Monroe's  cabinet,  not  only  cut  away 
Texas,  but  surrendered  a  portion  of  the  Mississippi  valley.  This 
was  a  popular  measure  ;  and,  though  the  Spanish  government 
had  offered  the  country  more  than  it  had  accepted,  yet  the  policy 
of  our  government  was  so  weak  as  to  deprive  us  of  that  which 
has  since  cost  us  so  much  blood  and  treasure  to  regain.  In  1820, 
Mr.  Monroe,  in  endeavoring  to  justify  his  action  with  respect 
to  the  treaty,  stated  that  the  "  difficulties"  were  not  with  Spain 
alone — they  were  "  internal,  proceeding  from  various  causes 
which  certain  men  are  prompt  to  seize  and  turn  to  the  account 
of  their  own  ambitious  views." 


XVIII. 

These  "difficulties"  were  the  fear  that  the  slavery  extension 
question  would  become  a  test  in  the  Presidential  election,  and 
the  repugnance  in  the  Northeast  to  territorial  aggrandizement 
in  the  Southwest — the  folly  of  which  is  clearly  demonstrated 
by  every  step  in  our  country's  history,  though  the  agitation  of 
this  subject,  in  some  shape,  still  afflicts  the  public  mind,  and  hin- 
ders our  progress  as  a  united  nation. 


XIX. 

Three  times  did  the  treaty  come  before  the  Senate  of  the 
15* 


346  NEW     FEELINGS    TOWARDS    TEXAS 

United  States  for  ratification.  This  was  caused  by  the  state 
of  affairs  between  Mexico  and  Spain,  which  rendered  it  neces- 
sary to  establish  the  boundary  with  the  government  of  the 
former,  instead  of  that  of  the  latter.  Three  times  did  the 
American  press  congratulate  the  people  on  this  action  of  our 
government — one  of  the  gravest  political  blunders  of  the  nation. 


XX. 


As  our  pages  have  already  shown,  a  few  years  only  elapsed, 
before  there  was  a  general  desire  on  the  part  of  the  American 
people  to  possess  this  very  Texas,  which  we  would  not  receive 
from  Spain  originally,  because  by  so  doing  the  "ambitious 
views  "  of  men  might  have  been  disturbed.  The  moral  thus  far 
is  important  enough — but  it  can  be  extended,  because,  strangely 
enough,  all  that  had  been  accomplished  was  the  work  of  Southern 
men,  with  the  sanction  of  the  {South — men  who  were  candidates 
for  the  Presidency,  or  who  hoped  to  advance  to  high  offices  of 
trust  and  power.  No  wonder  that  the  question  is  so  fre- 
quently asked,  if  there  is  such  a  thing  as  American  nationality 
— when  the  people  will  permit  trivial  political  topics  to  interfere 
With  the  natural  growth  of  the  nation.  Texas,  however,  is  now 
a  part  of  our  political  unit,  and  that  it  is  so  every  honest  Ameri- 
can will  rejoice— and,  while  doing  so,  will  render  due  praise  to 
him  whose  exertions  saved  her  from  the  grasp  of  a  foreign 
nation,  and  gave  her  to  us,  even  at  the  sacrifice  of  all  the 
allurements  which  excite  ambitious  men.  That  his  proposal  to 
declare  her  a  part  of  Louisiana,  under  the  treaty  of  1803, 
was  disregarded,  should  excite  our  regrets,  but  for  the  valuable 
lessons  the  nation  has  gained  in  its  political  experience. 


PRODUCTS     OF    TEXAS.  547 


SECTION  TWENTIETH. 

THE  PRESENT  AND  THE  FUTURE  OF  TEXAS. 
I. 

A  RAPID  survey  of  the  Present  of  Texas  will  not  be  uninte* 
resting,  as  it  will  prepare  the  reader  to  form  an  estimate  of  its 
probable  Future.  Let  us  not  forget  that  only  a  few  years  ago 
this  State  was  repulsed  by  hundreds  of  thousands  of  American 
citizens,  as  a  useless  and  dangerous  addition  to  the  Union — and 
thereby  learn,  when  contemplating  any  great  official  act  of  the 
country,  to  cast  aside  prejudice/  and  the  sinister  judgments  of 
others,  as  of  little -value  compared  with  the  lessons  of  experi- 
ence which  every  few  years  -furnish  an  enlightened  people,  who 
strive  to  understand  for  themselves  the  political  problems  of  the 
time. 

II. 

Texas  is  divided  into  eighty  counties,  containing  about  twelve 
million  acres  of  land,  of  which  about  one-twelfth  is  improved. 
The  value  of  this  land  in  money  has  been  estimated  to  be 
eighteen  millions  of  dollars.  Probably  not  less  than  twenty- 
eight  thousand  farmers  are  at  work,  at  the  present  hour,  to 
enrich  this  State,  employing  farming  implements  and  machinery, 
valued  at  nearly  three  million  dollars.  In  1850  there  were 
over  seventy-five  thousand  horses,  twelve  thousand  mules,  two 


348  PRODUCTS    OF     TEXAS. 

hundred  and  fifteen  thousand  niilch  cows,  and  fifty  thousand  work- 
ing oxen,  in  the  State,  the  free  population  of  which  was  not  far 
from  one  hundred  and  fifty-five  thousand  persons.  The  slave 
population  was  about  fifty-eight  thousand.  The  population  has 
increased  rapidly  within  the  last  five  years,  and  when  the 
returns  are  made  under  the  next  census,  the  increase  in  all  that 
makes  a  State  valuable  to  itself  and  mankind,  will  be  such  as 
to  gratify  every  one  who  delights  in  the  prosperity  of  his 
country. 

III. 

We  have  before  alluded  to  the  productions  of  Texas  ;  but  to 
show  her  commercial  value  more  clearly,  we  may  cite  from 
public  documents  a  few  important  facts.  In  1850  the  value  of 
the  live  stock  was  upwards  of  ten  millions  of  dollars,  and  of 
slaughtered  animals  upwards  of  one  million  of  dollars.  In  the 
same  year,  the  following  were  the  principal  products — forty-two 
thousand  bushels  of  wheat ;  three  thousand  bushels  of  rye  ;  six 
millions  of  bushels  of  Indian  corn  ;  two  hundred  thousand  bushels 
of  oats  ;  eighty-eight  thousand  pounds  of  rice ;  sixty-seven 
thousand  pounds  of  tobacco  ;  fifty-eight  thousand  bales,  four 
hundred  pounds  each,  of  ginned  cotton  ;  one  hundred  and  thirty 
one  thousand  pounds  of  wool;  one  hundred  and  seventy-nine 
thousand  bushels  of  peas  and  beans  ;  ninety-three  thousand 
bushels  of  Irish  potatoes  ;  upwards  of  one  million  bushels  of 
sweet  potatoes  ;  five  thousand  bushels  of  barley  ;  twelve  thou- 
sand dollars'  worth  of  orchard  products ;  the  same  amount  of 
kitchen  garden  products  ;  two  millions  four  hundred  pounds  of 
butter  ;  ninety-five  thousand  pounds  of  cheese  ;  eight  thousand 
tons  of  hay ;  one  thousand  pounds  of  flax  ;  twenty-two 
pounds  of  silk  cocoons  ;  seven  thousand  three  hundred  and  fifty 
hogsheads  of  sugar  ;  five  hundred  thousand  gallons  of  molasses ; 
jind  four  hundred  thousand  pounds  of  beeswax  and  honey. 


EDUCATION    IN    TEXAS.  .  349 

IV. 

Such  are  the  staple  products  of  this  once  proscribed  State, 
and  the  variety  of  them  will  most  clearly  indicate  the  character 
of  that  soil  and  climate  which  is  destined  to  be  known  to  thou- 
sands of  emigrants  within  a  few  years,  and  by  the  world  gene- 
rally. There  is  no  new  State  in  the  Union  that  holds  out 
greater  inducements  to  the  mechanic  and  the  agriculturist,  than 
Houston's  Own,  as  it  has  been  styled  by  one  of  our  public 
writers.  Education  is  not  neglected  in  this  State.  There  were 
in  1850  two  colleges,  with  seven  teachers,  and  one  hundred  and 
sixty-five  students,  three  hundred  and  fifty  public  schools,  and 
ninety-seven  academies  and  other  schools.  The  number  of 
pupils  at  school  returned  in  the  census  of  1850  amounts  to 
upwards  of  nineteen  thousand,  thus  assuring  the  country  that 
the  elements  of  a  future  race  of  usefulness  and  prosperity  are 
at  work  in  the  heart  of  Texas,  which  will  yet  distinguish  it 
among  the  older  and  more  highly  favored  sovereignties. 

Y. 

With  such  a  Present,  what  may  not  reasonably  be  expected 
as  a  Future  ?  There  has  been  growing  in  the  public  mind,  for 
some  time  past,  a  feeling  of  political  compensation  amounting 
almost  to  a  national  instinct,  by  which,  in  the  selection  of  can- 
didates for  the  Presidential  Chair,  each  section  of  the  country, 
in  its  turn,  shall  be  honorably  remembered.  Our  new  States 
have  not  yet  been  complimented  by  the  American  people  in  this 
way,  and  now  seems  to  be  the  period  when  the  attempt  can  be 
made.  Should  the  nferits  of  Houston  bring  him  forward,  and 
place  him  at  the  head  of  the  nation,  the  influence  upon  the  State 
of  Texas  would  be  very  great,  when  combined  with  the  power 
she  possesses  in  her  own  remarkable  and  varied  resources. 


350  .FINAL    DESTINY      OF    TEXAS. 

| 

Besides,  there  is  almost  a  certainty  that  the  State  will  become 
the  great  and  popular  depot  of  commerce  between  the  whole 
world  and  California,  before  the  lapse  of  many  years, 
when  the  construction  of  a  railroad  to  the  Pacific  will  bring 
within  her 'domain  an  amount  of  population,  enterprise,  capital, 
industry,  and  energy,  that  will  have  a  vast  effect  upon  her 
wealth,  and  the  individual  prosperity  of  her  people — vitalizing 
her  rich  and  prolific  soil,  and  bringing  to  her  coast  the  ships  of 
every  nation,  till  history  shall  look  back  with  wonder  at  the 
strange  fact,  that  a  territory  so  recently  recovered  from  bar- 
barism, even  amidst  the  sneers  and  opposition  of  a  large  portion 
of  a  civilized  nation,  should  become,  in  so  short  a  time,  second 
in  importance  to  no  other  State  washed  by  the  waters  of  the 
Atlantic. 

VI. 

The  Future,  then,  of  Texas,  as  one  of  the  States  of  the 
Union,  promises  to  be  of  the  gravest  interest  to  our  commerce  ; 
and  it  is  not  necessary  to  invoke  the  forecast  of  the  Prophet 
to  declare  that  she  will  shine  second  in  brightness  to  no  other 
star  in  our  political  firmament. 


HOUSTON'S   EDUCATION   AND   ELOQUENCE.    351 


SECTION  TWENTY-EIRST. 

HOUSTON'S  EDUCATION  AND  ELOQUENCE. 
I. 

THOUGH  specimens  of  the  literary  capacity  and  intellectual 
cultivation  of  Houston  have  been  given  in  this  work,  yet  to 
afford  a  more  complete  insight  into  his  moral  and  political  cha- 
racter, further  extracts  from  his  speeches  may  be  cited.  The 
reader  will  be  gratified  to  find  that  this  man,  under  circumstances 
quite  unfavorable .  to  the  cultivation  of  letters,  has  acquired  a 
power  of  expression,  and  facility  in  illustrating  his  subject,  which 
only  could  have  been  gained  by  a  persistent  study  of  the  litera- 
ture of  the  world.  In  his  military  dispatches,  he  shows  an 
admirable  style — a  wholesome,  though  not  barren  brevity — and 
a  precision  such  as  becomes  an  able  general,  in  correspondence 
with  the  State.  In  various  parts  of  this  book,  we  have  placed 
some  of  these  before  the  reader,  not  less  for- the  value  of  their 
contents,  than  for  the  beautiful  perspicuity  and  directness  of 
their  style.  In  themselves,  they  furnish  the  very  highest  com- 
pliment to  the  innate  taste  and  scholastic  facility  of  their 
author,  and  we  cannot  but  admire  the  man,  who,  under  the 
most  discouraging  obstacles,  and  with  powerful  incentives  to 
other  accomplishments  and  deeds,  has  been  able  to  distinguish 
himself  in  the  literature  of  his  native  language,  as  well  as  in 
the  active  duties  of  public  life. 


352         CHARACTERISTICS    OF    HIS    SPEECHES. 

II. 

In  his  speeches,  Senator  Houston  displays  a  native  earnest- 
ness and  force  far  more  effective  than  the  studied  graces  of 
the  schools.  His  clear  mind  is  not  burdened  with  the  sophis- 
tries of  logic  or  the  casuistry  of  politics.  He  speaks  right  on 
— animated  with  his  subject,  and  as  if  certain  that  the  orator 
never  need  to  fear  the  result  of  unfolding  the  strong  feelings  of 
the  heart,  when  the  promptings  of  conscience,  and  not  the  dic- 
tates of  self-interest,  inspire  the  tongue.  This  species  of  appeal 
to  the  sensibilities  and  judgment,  can  never  fail  to  have  its  due 
weight  upon  deliberative  assemblies,  or  upon  the  people.  The 
charms  of  rhetoric,  like  the  purple  and  jewels  on  the  shoulders 
and  breast  of  the  tyrant,  may  dazzle  with  gaudy  brilliancy  for 
a  moment,  and  make  men  overlook  their  danger  from  the  triumph 
of  errors  and  oppression  ;  but  the  plain  heart-spoken  words  of 
a  true,  patriotic  man,  are  like  the  Apostolic  apothegms — so  in 
consonance  with  the  conscience,  as  to  proclaim  the  divinity  of  their 
origin.  Senator  Houston  is  not  a  great  orator,  but  he  is  an 
effective  one.  His  power  is  in  his  simplicity  of  expression,  and 
in  the  familiar  manner  in  which  he  speaks  the  native  feelings  of 
his  heart,  and  the  unselfish  convictions  of  his  judgment. 


III. 

The  extracts  from  his  speeches  which  we  shall  give  in  this 
chapter,  will  convey  to  the  intelligent  reader,  not  only  Houston's 
opinions  on  many  subjects  of  vast  interest  to  the  public,  but 
Inay  be  deemed  as  average  specimens  of  his  style.  On  the  sub- 
ject of  "Intervention"  he  remarked  that  our  government  ought 
to  abstain  from  entangling  alliances  with  foreign  nations,  and 
confine  its  policy  to  the  full  development  of  its  resources.  He 
said — 


AGAINST     INTERVENTION.  353 

IV. 

"  The  House  has  been  told  that  this  is  a  subject  of  vast  importance.  In 
this  light  he  regarded  it,  as  far  as  he  had  been  able  to  view  it.  He 
thought  it  a  subject  of  no  common  importance,  because  it  was  about  to 
take  a  direction  perfectly  novel.  It  is  proposed  to  meet  different  nations, 
or  their  representatives,  in  a  deliberative  body,  to  establish  certain  regu- 
lations which  are  to  govern  our  relation  to  foreign  powers,  and  in  our 
immediate  relations.  He  concurred  with  the  gentleman  from  South  Caro- 
lina that  it  was  quite  new,  because  its  effect  would  be  to  introduce  a  new 
era  in  the  annals  of  this  country.  Hitherto  we  have  evinced  a  disinclina- 
tion to  entangle  ourselves  with  alliances.  We  have  exalted  ourselves  by 
persisting  in  a  system  that  has  been  extremely  beneficial  to  us,  so  long  as 
this  system  in  which  we  persist,  proves  beneficial  to  us,  either  as  a 
nation,  or  as  individuals,  so  long  ought  it  be  retained.  We  stand 
unshackled  from  all  connection  with  the  nations  of  the  earth.  We  have 
our  relations  of  amity  and  commerce  with  them,  not  treaties  of  alliance, 
offensive  and  defensive.  Such  relations  the  United  States  had  hitherto 
sustained,  and  he  hoped  ever  would  sustain. 

V. 

"  But  are  we  to  be  benefited  in  our  institutions  by  our  associations  with 
these  other  powers  ?  So  far  as  any  advantage  was  to  be  obtained  by  it,  so 
far  he  was  in  favor  of  it ;  but  he  was  not  willing  that  we  should  be 
embarrassed  by  a  connection  with  them.  The  benefits  of  our  institutions 
are  free  to  all.  Let  them  come  here  and  receive  them.  If  there  were 
any  good  purpose  to  be  answered  by  associating  ourselves  with  them  (Mr 
H.  said),  he  would  cheerfully  coincide  in  so  doing  ;  but  he  could  not  per- 
ceive the  necessity  of  immediately  dispatching  ministers  to  meet  in  this 
assembly  at  Panama.  We  are  not  aware  of  what  call  they  may  make  on 
us,  nor  could  we  see  any  probable  benefits  to  the  United  States  by  this 
general  meeting  which  would  not  result  with  our  treaties  with  them  in 
their  individual  national  capacities.  Hitherto  we  have  been  pursuing  a 
rational  policy.  We  have  exalted  ourselves  by  it.  We  stand  alone,  and 
we  are  well  able  to  sustain  ourselves.  Twice  have  we  been  tested,  and 
twice  have  our  principles  triumphed  ;  and  they  ever  will  triumph  as  long 
as  we  remain  untrammelled  and  unburdened  by  foreign  alliances.  There  are 
no  dangers  to  impede  us  in  our  progress  but  such  as  can  be  guarded  against. 


354        HOUSTON     ON    THE    GREAT     COMPROMISE. 

Whilst  we  are  in  this  situation  we  have  no  serious  dangers  to  apprehend, 
but  such  as,  in  the  progress  of  nations,  will  result,  and  which  the  good 
sense  and  wisdom  of  counsellors  are  always  able  to  remedy  before  they 
became  ruinous." 

YI. 

In  February,  1850,  Houston  spoke  on  the  Compromise  Mea- 
sures. There  is  so  much  of  earnest  love  of  the  Union — so  much 
spontaneous  patriotism  in  the  few  words  before  us,  that  we  must 
place  them  in  this  work,  as  further  illustrative  of  his  character. 

VII. 

"  I  call  on  the  friends  of  the  Union  from  every  quarter  to  come  forward 
like  men,  and  to  sacrifice  their  differences  upon  the  common  altar  of  their 
country's  good,  and  to  form  a  bulwark  around  the  Constitution  that  cannot 
be  shaken.  It  will  require  manly  efforts,  sir,  and  they  must  expect  to 
meet  with  prejudices  growing  up,  that  will  assail  them  from  every  quar- 
ter. They  must  stand  firm  to  the  Union,  regardless  of  all  personal  conse- 
quences. Time  alone  can  recompense  them  for  their  sacrifice  and  their 
labors ;  for  devotion  to  country  can  never  be  forgotten  when  it  is  offered 
freely,  and  without  expectation  of  reward.  The  incense  of  self-sacrifice, 
when  thus  offered  on  their  country,  will  be  acceptable  to  the  people.  I 
have  no  doubt  that  this  question  might  be  easily  adjusted,  if  gentlemen 
would  encourage  such  disposition  and  feeling,  as  doubless  actuate  a  large 
portion,  if  not  all,  of  this  body,  if  they  would  come  up  to  the  work.  I 
have  no  doubt  six  senators  could  here  be  designated,  without  reference  to 
party  (you  may  if  you  please  disregard  the  portion  of  the  country  from 
which  they  come),  who  would  act  as  a  Committee  of  Conference,  and  sit 
down  together  as  wayfaring  men,  and  produce  satisfactory  reconciliation, 
thereby  diffusing  universal  peace,  and  calming  the  agitated  waves  that 
are  lashing  at  the  base  of  our  capitol,  and  speak  comfort  and  solace  to 
millions  of  freemen. 

YIII. 

"  Do  not  the  American  people  love  this  Union  ?    Are  they  not  devoted 


DISUNION    REBUKED.  355 

to  it  ?  Is  not  every  reminiscence  of  the  past  associated  with  its  glories, 
and  are  they  not  calculated  to  inspire  prayers  for  its  prosperity  and  its 
perpetuity  ?  If  this  were  not  the  case,  you  might  think  lightly  of  our 
noble  confederacy  ;  but  so  it  is— it  stands  connected  with  every  fibre  of 
the  national  heart,  and  is  interwoven  with  every  glorious  recollection  of 
the  past,  which  affection  or  reverence  can  inspire  in  the  minds  of  the 
American  people.  It  is  not,  Mr.  President,  that  twenty-three  millions  of 
souls  are  involved  in  the  perpetuity  of  this  Union ;  it  is  not  that  every 
consideration  of  happiness  connected  with  country  appertains  to  it ;  but 
it  is  because  ft  is  the  great  moral,  social  and  political  lever  that  has  moved, 
is  moving,  and  will  continue  to  move  the  world.  Look  abroad  at  foreign 
nations,  and  behold  the  influence  of  our  example  upon  them— not  ours,  for 
I  feel  a  sense  of  humiliation  when  I  contrast  the  efforts  of  any  man  now 
living  with  the  illustrious  achievements  of  the  departed  sages  and  heroe* 
who  performed  this  mighty  work." 


IX. 

On  the  subject  of  Disunion  —  that  subject  which  Andrew 
Jackson  had  to  deal  with  boldly,  as  he  did  effectively,  in  the 
course  of  his  Administration,  we  find  a  passage  or  two  of  great 
strength  and  significance. 

X. 

"  Mr.  President — Twenty-seven  years  ago  I  had  the  honor  to  occupy  a 
seat  in  the  House  of  Representatives  from  the  State  of  Tennessee.  I  recol- 
lect that  in  the  discussion  of  the  Tariff  Act  of  1824,  for  the  first  time  in 
my  life  I  heard  the  idea  suggested,  that  there  might  be  secession,  disunion, 
or  resistance  to  the  constitutional  authorities  of  the  land.  It  produced 
deep  and  intense  meditation  on  my  part.  I  did  believe,  then,  that  an 
example  ought  to  be  made  of  it ;  but  there  was  no  way  to  touch  it.  I 
have  heard  principles  of  disunion  boldly  avowed  in  this  hall,  and  have 
heard  Senators  avow  what  was  treason,  not  technically,  but  which  was 
not  stripped  of  one  particle  of  the  moral  turpitude  of  treason.  Disunion 
has  been  proclaimed  in  this  hall.  What  a  delightful  commentary  on  the 
freedom  of  our  institutions,  and  the  forbearance  of  the  public  mind,  when 
a  man  is  permitted  to  go  unscathed  and  unscourged,  who,  in  a  delibera- 


356          KOSSUTH  AND  LAFAYETTE. 

live  body  like  this,  has  made  such  a  declaration !  Sir,  no  higher  assur- 
ance can  be  given  of  the  freedom  of  our  institutions,  and  of  the  forbear- 
ance of  the  American  people,  and  their  reliance  upon  the  reason,  and  the 
intelligence  of  the  community.  The  intelligent  mind  is  left  free  to  com- 
bat error.  Such  sentiments,  with  their  authors,  will  descend  to  the 
obscurity  and  the  tomb  of  oblivion.  I  have  only  to  say,  in  conclusion, 
that  those  who  proclaim  disunion,  no  matter  of  what  name,  politically — 
that  those  who,  for  the  sake  of  disunion,  conspire  against  the  Union  and 
the  Constitution,  are  very  beautifully  described  in  Holy  Writ.  They  are 
1  raging  waves  of  the  sea,  foaming  out  their  own  shame  ;  wandering  stars, 
to  whom  is  reserved  the  blackness  of  darkness  for  ever.'  " 


XI. 

In  reference  to  the  policy  of  following  the  advice  of  Kossuth, 
with  respect  to  the  affairs  of  Hungary,  and  thereby  embarrass- 
ing our  system  of  foreign  relations,  Houston  took  a  manly  posi- 
tion. He  said — 

XII. 

"  We  had  not  escaped  from  these  difficulties  (the  attempt  to  invade 
Cuba),  when  the  advent  of  the  illustrious  stranger,  Kossuth,  was  announced. 
I  was  not  captivated  by  his  advent,  Mr.  President.  A  portion  of  my  life 
had  been  spent  among  the  Indians.  They  are  a  cautious  and  considerate 
people,  and  I  had  learned  to  reconnoitre  character  a  little  when  it  comes 
about  me,  and  I  am  liable  to  come  in  contact  with  it.  I  played  the  Indian, 
and  was  wary.  I  received  him,  sir,  in  concurrence  with  the  other  senators. 
I  wished  his  country  liberty,  as  I  wished  the  world  liberty  ;  but  I  did  not 
wish  to  disregard  our  relations  and  obligations  to  other  countries.  He 
was  hailed,  he  was  greeted,  he  was  welcomed,  on  some  occasions,  more 
triumphantly  than  even  Lafayette,  the  friend  of  Washington.  Compare 
the  men,  compare  their  feelings,  their  impulses,  and  their  actions,  and — 

'  That  was,  to  this,  Hyperion  to  a  satyr.' 

What  claims  had  he  upon  us  ?    He  had  claims  of  sympathy.    If  he  ever 
flashed  his  sword  for  Liberty,  he  had  a  claim  on  our  admiration  and  our 


HUNGARY     AND    TEXAS.  351 

fraternal  feelings.  But  he  had  not  done  it.  He  had  left  Hungary,  he 
had  denounced  Gorgey,  and  had  thrown  upon  him  the  responsibility  of  the 
government.  He  disregarded  his  colleagues  in  office  when  he  was  at  the 
head  of  affairs  in  Hungary.  He  threw  all  the  responsibility  upon  Gorgey 
when  Gorgey  was  helpless,  and  he  himself  had  retreated  with  five  thou- 
sand men.  A  beautiful  army  for  liberty!  Five  thousand  men  alone, 
would  strike  for  liberty  against  thousands  on  thousands.  Yet  he  retreated 
with  a  body-guard  of  five  thousand.  And  after  he  had  negotiated  for  a 
succedaneum,  for  a  resting-place,  he  went  away,  leaving  '  poor  Hungary ' 
downtrodden  and  bleeding.  Sir,  much  as  I  admire  the  patriots  who 
strike  for  liberty— much  as  I  admire  the  noble  people  whom  Kossuth  pur- 
ported to  represent — much  as  I  admire  all  men  who  have  struggled,  even 
unfortunately  or  misguidedly,  for  liberty,  no  matter  where — much  as  I 
admire  the  promptings  which  actuated  them,  and  love  the  cause  in  which 
they  have  been  engaged,  yet  when  a  man  proves  *  recreant  to  a  noble 
cause,  forgets  his  people,  lives  in  comfort,  splendor,  and  display,  when 
they  have  to  bite  the  dust,  or  gnaw  the  file  in -agony,  I  have  no  sympathy 
for  that  man." 


XIII. 

"  Was  there  then  (in  the  Texan  Revolution)  a  voice  heard  in  this  cham- 
ber advocating  or  introducing  a  resolution  in  vindication  of  the  rights  of 
Texas?  Not  one  voice  was  heard  at  that  time.  Those  gallant  spirits  who 
fell  in  hecatombs,  with  their  footsteps  almost  on  American  soil,  were 
hardly  washed  out  or  obliterated  ;  yet  this  nation  was  not  convulsed. 
"We  heard  of  no  sympathetic  throb  issuing  from  these  chambers,  no  indig- 
nant voice  raised  in  denunciation  of  the  barbarities  committed  towards 
Texas.  Did  Texas  ever  complain  to  this  government  ?  From  1836  to 
1843,  did  she  ever  remonstrate  to  this  government?  In  1843,  when 
she  did  remonstrate,  what  was  it  ?  She  said  to  the  three  great 
powers  of  the  earth,  to  France,  England,  and  the  United  States: — 
'  We  ask  no  assistance,  we  invoke  the  invasion  of  our  enemies,  and  upon 
a  well-arranged  and  well-fought  field,  we  will  stake  our  liberty ;  but 
compel  our  adversary  to  the  rules  of  civilized  warfare.'  That  was  all  we 
asked.  The  government  of  the  United  States,  acting  upon  its  wise,  and 
prudent,  and  proper  policy,  did  not  interfere. 

"  I  contend  that  while  we  maintain  our  national  faith,  it  is  not  right  to 
extend  our  jurisdiction  beyond  our  own  hemisphere.  Let  us  be  staid, 


358  WORK   ENOUGH  AT  HOME. 

quiet,  industrious,  and  reflective.  When  subjects  are  presented  requiring 
action,  let  us  act.  Sir,  this  nation  is  destined  to  fill  a  vast  space  among 
the  nations  of  the  earth.  Already,  in  its  youth,  it  is  great  and  mighty ; 
majestic  is  its  renown,  and  most  infinite  are  its  resources  ;  but  those 
resources  must  be  husbanded,  and  they  must  be  cared  for,  for  a  while.  It 
is  in  vain  to  extend  speculations  beyond  the  necessity  of  the  times,  and 
involve  ourselves  in  fruitless  troubles  by  anticipation. 

"  Sir,  we  have  much  to  do  for  ourselves  to  give  us  that  iron  hoop  of  which 
General  Jackson  spoke,  which  should  be  thrown  around  our  continent. 
Sir,  let  us  make  an  iron  hoop  binding  California  to  the  Atlantic.  It  is 
worth  all  the  resolutions  that  could  be  introduced  here  in  a  thousand 
years  on  international  law,  foreshadowing  our  policy.  That  is  a  matter 
which  enters  into  the  very  vitals  of  our  national  existence,  and  one  that 
must  be  cared  for,  looked  to,  and  by  some  means  executed.  It  is  a  vast 
and  eminently  national  work.  Without  it  we  are  two  nations.  With  it 
we  should  be  one  ;  and  we  should  command  the  trade  of  the  world." 


XIY. 

•  On  a  resolution  offered  by  Mr.  Foote,  declaring  that  the  cele- 
brated Compromise  Measures  "  Are,  in  the  judgment  of  this 
body,  a  final  settlement  of  the  dangerous  and  exciting  subjects 
which  they  embrace,  and  ought  to  be  adhered  to,"  Houston 
made  a  speech  on  the  22d  of  December,  1851,  which  has  many 
points  of  great  interest  and  force.  Let  us  present  some  of  them. 


XY. 

"  I  understand  that  the  democratic  party  is  tolerant  in  its  principles  ; 
that  they  are  not  proscriptive  ;  that  they  are  not  for  applying  the  Pro- 
crustean rule  to  every  member  of  the  party.  Harmonious,  as  they  gener- 
ally are,  some  gentlemen  of  the  same  party  differ  essentially  upon  the 
subject  of  internal  improvements.  That  has  been  evinced  on  former  occa- 
sions here,  within  my  recollection,  and  I  believe  it  extends  much  further 
than  my  familiarity  with  the  proceedings  of  this  body.  And  not  only 
that,  for  I  have  heard  discussions  here  by  the  members  of  the  same  poli- 


WHAT     IS     THE     CONSTITUTION?  359 

tical  party  on  the  tariff,  in  regard  to  which  there  was  a  wide  difference  of 
opinion  ;  yet  it  was  not  a  ground  for  proscribing  the  members  of  the 
party,  or  excluding  them  from  participating  in  all  the  rights  pertaining 
to  it. 

XVI. 

"  It  is  a  boast  of  the  democratic  party,  I  believe,  that  it  is  the  true 
conservative  party  of  this  country,  though,  at  the  same  time,  this  is  the 
boast  of  every  political  party.  I  will  not  deprive  either  of  them  of  the 
agreeable  assurance.  But,  sir,  if  the  democratic  party  is  truly  conserva- 
tive, I  think  the  platform  on  which  it  now  stands,  is  wide  enough,  broad 
enough,  to  embrace  the  whole  Union.  If  it  is  not,  I  am  not  a  member 
of  it.  I  know  that  I  have  been  arraigned  for  having  been  too  latitudinarian 
in  my  feelings ;  but  I  must  confess  that  my  country  seems  not  too  large 
to  love,  to  cherish,  and  support.  Then,  sir,  if  the  object  of  the  party  is 
conservatism,  and  to  preserve  what  we  believe  the  true  constitutional 
principles  of  government,  whoever  loves  and  supports  that  constitution 
strictly,  is  my  fellow.  I  know  how  the  Constitution  was  formed.  It  was 
by  concessions  made  by  the  several  States,  or  by  grants  of  certain  powers 
that  were  to  remain  in  the  Federal  Government ;  but  these  delegated 
functions  were  to  be  exercised  by  it  for  the  benefit  of  the  whole.  So  far 
the  Federal  Government  has  rights,  but  no  further.  The  States  were 
free,  sovereign,  and  independent,  until  these  concessions  were  made.  The 
Federal  Government  became  the  repository  of  delegated  powers,  and  there 
they  remain  for  the  benefit  of  the  several  States.  The  States  in  the  full 
enjoyment  of  the  powers  reserved,  are  independent  within  their  sphere,  and 
subject  to  no  control  from  the  Federal  Government.  These  are  my 
opinions,  and  I  believe  they  agree  with  the  democratic  faith.  Incidentally 
various  subjects  have  arisen  in  this  body  since  I  have  been  a  member  of  it, 
and  upon  all  these  I  have  recorded  my  op*  ions.  I  know  they  have  been 
at  variance,  on  some  occasions,  with  my  party,  or  rather  the  party  with 
which  I  act.  I  will  not  call  it  mine :  I  belong  to  it.  I  had  hoped  that 
the  agitation  on  this  question  (slavery)  was  fast  dying  away.  And  it 
might  ere  this  have  been  forgotten,  had  it  not  been  for  the  introduction 
of  this  unfortunate  resolution,  which  has  renewed  all  the  agitation  of 
former  times,  and  produced  crimination  and  recrimination,  and  scenes  not 
less  violent  in  their  character  than  those  exhibited  upon  the  adoption  of 
the  Compromise  itself.  It  is  unfortunate  ;  and  if  in  the  inception  of  a  reso- 


360       THE  SACRED  NESS  OF  THE  UNION. 

lution  of  this  kind,  such  are  the  fruits,  and  if  such  are  in  a  green  tree, 
what  must  they  be  in  a  dry  ?  I  apprehend  that  no  earthly  good  can  grow 
out  of  the  adoption  of  the  resolution.  The  usurpation  of  the  people's 
rights  will  be  manifest.  If  a  modification  is  to  take  place  in  the  demo- 
cratic platform,  let  it  take  place  in  a  convention  of  the  delegates  of  the 
people  sent  there  for  a  political  purpose,  not  for  the  purpose  of  legisla- 
tion, but  for  the  formation  of  certain  creeds  and  embodiments  of  opinions, 
by  which  the  party  is  to  be  regulated  in  its  actions.  There  is  where  I  wish 
to  see  such  action  take  place.  But  further  than  this  I  am  not  prepared 
to  go. 


XVII. 

"  The  Compromise,  sir,  was  the  work  of  able,  patriotic,  and  renowned 
statesmen.  Some  of  them  are  no  longer  in  this  body.  It  is  with  regret, 
sir,  that  I  witness  the  absence  of  one  who  bore  an  important  and  conspi- 
cuous part  in  the  accomplishment  of  that  Compromise.  I  allude  to  the 
venerable  senator  from  Kentucky  (Mr.  Clay),  who  is  detained  from  this 
chamber  by  sickness,  with  which  he  is  deeply  afflicted.  I  trust  he  will 
again  resume  his  place  in  the  Senate.  The  wisdom  of  his  counsels,  the 
brilliancy  of  his  genius,  the  strength  of  his  will,  and  the  patriotism  of  his 
heart,  never  shone  brighter  than  during  their  manifestation  in  this 
body  in  the  achievement  of  that  Compromise.  But  my  State  has  been 
arraigned  by  a  portion  of  the  Union,  and  of  the  democratic  party,  too, 
for  making  a  disposition  of  a  portion  of  her  territory  to  the  detriment  of 
Southern  interests  5  and  that  I  felt.  It  was  not  that  she  was  disposed  to 
abridge  or  impair  any  of  the  rights  of  the  South.  Texas,  no  doubt,  had 
a  right  to  dispose  of  it.  Did  not  Georgia  dispose  of  her  territory  to  the 
Federal  Government  ?  Did  she  not  sell  enough  to  make  the  States  of 
Alabama  and  Mississippi  ?  And  have  any  complaints  been  made  against 
her  for  it  ?  And  had  Texas,  who  came  into  this  Union  as  free  and  as 
independent  as  Georgia  did,  no  right  to  dispose  of  her  domain  to  the 
Federal  Government  ?  She  did  it,  sir ;  and  I  have  this  to  remark,  that 
had  it  been  any  obstacle  to  the  compromise  to  the  jarring  interests  of  this 
country,  and  to  their  reconcilement,  I  would  have  been  willing  that  every 
foot  of  the  territory  which  she  claimed,  should  become  a  lake  of  fire  and 
brimstone  rather  than  it  should  have  thrown  an  impediment  in  the  way 
of  the  peace  and  the  harmony  of  this  Union. 


REPLY     TO     F  0  O  T  E  .  361 

XVIII. 

"  I  voted  also  for  the  admission  of  California.  I  did  it  on  the  acknow- 
ledged and  avowed  principle  of  the  South  :  'Let  us  alone  ;  let  the  people 
regulate  their  municipal  and  domestic  institutions  ;  let  them  alone.'  And 
I  put  it  to  the  candor  of  honorable  Senators  from  the  South,  no  matter 
how  ardent  their  feelings  may  have  been,  whether,  if  California  had  made 
application  for  admission  into  the  Union,  with  a  constitution  declaring 
that  Slavery  should  exist,  they  would  not  have  disregarded  all  the  irregu- 
larities which  may  have  been  connected  with  it,  and  readily  have  voted 
for  her  admission  as  a  slave  State  ?  The  same  rule  which  would  induce 
me  to  vote  for  it  in  one  situation,  would  constrain  me  to  do  so  in  another. 
I  did  it.  What  advantage  would  have  resulted  from  a  delay  ?  Was  there 
any  hope  for  a  change  in  her  institutions  ?  Was  there  any  probability  of 
it  ?  No.  She  came  in  j  and  whatever  reproaches  are  attached  to  the  vote 
I  gave,  I  derive  my  consolation  from  the  general  prosperity  and  happi- 
ness of  my  country." 

XIX. 

In  this  same  speech,  Houston  replied  to  the  charge  made  by 
Mr.  Foote,  that  the  Senator  from  Texas  was  given  to  dema- 
gogism,  and  to  wire-pulling  for  the  Presidency.  As  the  repli- 
cation has  something  in  it  of  an  auto-biographical  significance, 
the  reader  will  be  gratified  by  recurring  to  what  he  said  on  the 
occasion. 

XX 

;{ I  was  very  much  edified,  and  I  might  say  amused,  by  remarks  of  the 
honorable  gentleman  from  Mississippi.  I  cannot  but  be  astonished  at 
the  temper  of  the  gentleman.  I  had  not  intended  to  say  anything 
to  excite  his  ire,  because  I  flatter  myself  that  I  am  a  prudent  man,  and 
do  not  like  to  provoke  assaults.  I  am  exceedingly  gratified  at  one  thing. 
In  the  course  of  his  entire  tirade,  I  believe  the  gentleman  did  not  state  a 
single  fact.  He  has  indulged  in  many  conjectures  in  relation  to  Free- 
Boilism,  and  catering  for  the  Presidency.  Why,  I  should  feel  that  I  was 
not  only  degrading  myself,  but  degrading  the  nation  and  the  body  in  which 

16 


362  REBUKE      OF     DEM  AGOG  ISM. 

I  stand,  if  I  would  cater  to  tlie  passions  of  men,  or  compromise  my  prin- 
ciples, for  the  Presidency.  What  I  have,  I  have.  I  wish  to  make  no  new 
voyages.  I  am  satisfied  with  the  position  which  I  occupy.  What  I  might 
adventure  might  be  lost.  Therefore,  I  have  no  petty  hankerings  after  office 
to  gratify.  Nor  have  I  any  party  intrigues  to  enter  into.  I  have  no  cor- 
respondence on  the  subject  of  the  Presidency.  The  world  is  acquainted 
with  what  I  have  said. 

XXI. 

"  What  I  do,  they  make  it  a  point  to  know.  I  should  be  sorry  to  sup- 
pose that  there  could  be  the  least  ground  for  applying  to  me  the  term 
'demagogue.'  What  demagogism  was  there  when  I  gave  unpopular 
votes  in  this  body,  when  there  was  no  prospect  for  advancement  in  popu- 
larity, for  I  was  denounced  far  and  near.  W^hat  intrigue  could  I  then 
have  had,  with  a  party  unimportant  in  the  country,  when  I  could  have 
gone  with  the  whole  South,  if  I  had  chosen  to  sacrifice  my  own  opinions 
on  the  Oregon  question  ?  Was  I  playing  the  '  demagogue '  when  I 
refused  to  sign  the  Southern  Address?  Did  I  not  vote  for  every  one  of 
the  Compromise  measures  ?  Mr.  President,  I  assure  you,  I  assure  the 
Senate,  I  assure  the  country,  that  every  insinuation  against  me  of  indirect 
plotting,  by  myself  or  by  my  friends,  within  my  knowledge,  with  one 
party  or  another — every  insinuation  that  imparts  to  me  any  other  design 
than  that  of  preserving  the  government  in  its  purity,  and  the  democratic 
party  in  its  own  faith,  without  an  extension  of  platform,  is  altogether 
unfounded.  Whoever  insinuates  that  I  have  any  intrigue,  or  any  under- 
standing, or  any  correspondence  upon  the  subject  of  free-soil,  abolition, 
disunion,  or  secession,  insinuates  what  is  utterly  unfounded,  and  without 
the  slightest  countenance  of  truth." 

XXII. 

When  Kossuth  was  introduced  to  the  Senate  of  the  United, 
States,  it  may  be  mentioned  that  as  the  martial  form  of  Gen. 
Houston  approached  Kossuth,  there  appeared  to  be  a  personal 
attraction  in  the  person  of  the  hero  of  San  Jacinto.  The 
introduction  having  been  made,  a  brief  but  expressive  dialogue 
ensued. 


INCREASE    OF   THE    ARMY INDIAN    POLICY.     363 

XXIII. 

"  Mr.  HOUSTON— Sir,  you  are  welcome  to  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States." 

"  M.  KOSSUTH — I  can  only  wish  that  I  had  been  as  successful  as  you, 
sir." 

"  HOUSTON— God  grant  that  you  may  yet  be  so." 

XXIV. 

On  the  •  twenty-ninth  of  January,  1855,  the  United  States 
Senate  having  resumed,  as  in  Committee  of  the  Whole,  the  con- 
sideration of  the  bill  from  the  House  of  Representatives,  making 
appropriations  for  the  support  of  the  Army  for  the .  year  end- 
ing the  30th  of  June,  1856,  the  pending  question  being  on  the 
amendment  of  Mr.  Shields  to  the  amendment  of  Mr.  Hunter 
(which  was  to  provide  for  two  additional  Regiments  of  Regular 
Cavalry  and  five  hundred  Rangers),  to  substitute  for  that  pro- 
vision two  Regiments  of  Infantry,  and  two  of  Cavalry,  Hous- 
ton spoke  upon  an  increase  of  the  army,  and  on  the  Indian  policy 
of  the  government.  The  chief  portions  of  these  speeches  are  wor- 
thy of  preservation — and  will  be  acceptable  to  every  American 
reader. 

XXY. 

"  Before  the  Senate  proceeds  to  rote  upon  the  adoption  of  the  new  policy 
now  proposed,  I  think  it  would  be  woll  to  examine  the  causes  which  have 
led  to  the  present  condition  of  affairs,  and  then  to  inquire  into  the  best 
means  for  the  restoration  of  peace  upon  our  Indian  frontier.  An  examina- 
tion of  this  sort  will  inform  us  whether  there  is  any  necessity  for  an 
increase  of  the  military  force  of  the  country.  I  am  aware,  sir,  that  in  dis- 
cussing subjects  which  relate  to  the  Indians,  or  to  their  rights,  I  shall  com- 
mand but  little  sympathy  from  the  Senate,  and  not  much  from  the  coun- 
try. They  are  a  people  isolated  in  their  interests,  and  solely  dependent 
for  protection  and  justice  upon  the  government  of  the  United  States. 


364  MASSACRES     OF    THE     RED    MEN. 

How  far  justice  has  been  accorded  to  them  in  the  past,  or  how  far  it  is,  in 
all  probability,  to  be  awarded  to  them  in  the  future,  is  a  matter  beyond 
speculation.  If  we  are  to  judge  from  the  past  experience  of  our  times, 
we  should  infer  that  there  is  but  very  little  hope  of  anything  being  done 
for  the  Red  man  ;  and  we  should  infer  that,  in  the  opinion  of  his  white 
brethren,  his  doom  has  already  been  written  and  recorded.  Mr.  President. 
the  Indians  have  been  charged  with  an  aggressive  and  hostile  spirit 
towards  the  whites ;  but  we  find,  upon  inquiry,  that  every  instance  of  that 
sort  which  has  been  imputed  to  them,  has  been  induced  and  provoked  by 
the  white  man,  either  by  acts  of  direct  aggression  upon  the  Indians,  or  by. 
his  own  iucaution,  alluring  them  to  a  violation  of  the  security  of  the 
whites.  They  have  tempted  the  cupidity  of  the  Indians.  If  a  lawless 
fellow  happens  to  prove  vagrant  to  his  band,  and  throws  off  all  the  rules 
and  restrictions  imposed  by  the  chiefs  on  their  warriors,  and  chooses  to 
involve  his  nation  in  a  difficulty  by  taking  the  life  of  a  white  man,  if  he 
can  do  so,  as  he  supposes,  with  impunity,  his  action  is  charged  to  his  tribe  ; 
but  they  should  not  be  held  responsible.  Sir,  we  have  seen  thrilling 
accounts  of  sanguinary  massacres,  which  alarm  us  at  the  first  blush  ;  and 
if  we  are  to  believe  the  paragraphs  disseminated  through  the  medium  of 
the  press,  we  thould  suppose,  in  reality,  that  the  Indian  is  as  barbarous 
as  he  had  ever  been,  and  that  all  the  assaults  or  massacres,  as  they  are 
termed,  are  unprovoked  and  wantonly  inflicted  on  the  defenceless  white 
man.  As  an  instance  of  this,  let  me  mention  the  massacre  at  Fort 
Laramie,  and  from  that  instance  you  can  pretty  accurately  deduce  the 
true  condition  of  other  acts  of  a  similar  character.  What  were  the  cir- 
cumstances in  connection  with  that  case  ? 


XXVI. 

"  During  the  last  summer,  some  bands  of  the  Sioux  nation  of  Indiana 
were  encamped  within  six  miles  of  Fort  Laramie.  They  were  in  amity 
with  the  United  States,  and  on  terms  of  good  friendship  and  good  feeling 
with  the  officers  of  the  neighboring  fort.  A  man  from  a  neighboring 
tribe,  whose  relatives  had,  a  year  before,  been  slaughtered  by  the  troops 
at  Fort  Laramie,  happened  to  be  among  these  bands  of  Sioux.  Some 
Mormon  emigrants  passed  by  the  camp  of  the  Indians,  and  a  cow  escaped 
from  them,  made  towards  the  village,  and  the  Mormons  pursued  her,  but 
unsuccessfully.  The  Indian  to  whom  I  have  referred,  by  way  of  revenge 


SLAUGHTER  PROVOKED.  365 

for  the  loss  of  his  relative,  slaughtered  the  animal.  Complaint  was  made 
at  Fort  Laramie.  The  chiefs  instantly  said  that  they  would  see  that  repa- 
ration was  made  for  the  injury  which  had  been  done.  "Was  this  satisfac- 
tory to  the  commanding  officer  ?  No,  sir  ;  but  he  detailed  a  brevet  lieu- 
tenant, with  a  company,  for  the  purpose  of  arresting  the  Indian.  The 
company  arrived  at  the  encampment  of  the  Indians  with  two  pieces  of 
artillery.  Demand  was  made  of  the  chiefs,  but  this  Indian  said  to  them, 
'I  have  taken  a  lodge  here  ;  I  am  willing  to  die  ;  you  have  nothing  to 
do  with  this  matter ;  you  have  no  concern  with  it  j  the  responsibility  is 
not  upon  your  people,  but  it  is  upon  me  alone.'  So  soon  as  this  reply  was 
given  to  the  lieutenant,  he  fired  and  crippled  one  of  the  principal  chiefs, 
and  killed  a  man.  The  delinquent  still  refused  to  give  up.  After  that 
the  chiefs  rallied  and*  exhorted  the  men  to  commit  no  outrage  ;  their  influ- 
ence controlled  the  action  of  the  Indians  j  but  a  drunken  interpreter,  who 
was  calculated  to  incite  the  lieutenant  to  action,  caused  him,  no  doubt,  to 
fire  his  cannon.  The  next  thing  was  that  the  war-whoop  was  sounded, 
and  the  lieutenant  and  part  of  his  men  were  killed.  The  others,  dis- 
persed, were  pursued  by  the  Indians  in  hot  blood,  and  every  man  was 
slaughtered. 

XXYII. 

"  This  is  a  succinct  narrative  of  that  event.  Were  the  Indians  to  blame  ? 
He  who  violates  a  law  is  the  man  who  is  responsible  for  the  consequences 
of  that  violation.  The  Indian  intercourse  laws  of  the  United  States,  have 
pointed  out  the  manner  in  which  to  proceed  in  such  a  case.  If  a  citizen 
sustains  injury  from  any  tribe,  or  from  an  individual  of  a  tribe,  informa- 
tion is  to  be  given  to  the  Indian  agent  for  that  tribe.  He  is  immediately 
to  make  a  demand  upon  the  chiefs  of  the  nation.  If  they  do  not  surren- 
der the  individual,  which,  in  all  probability  they  would  do  immediately, 
if  they  were  treated  in  good  faith,  deduction  is  made  from  their  annuities 
for  the  amount  of  the  injury,  and  there  the  matter  stops.  If  no  annui- 
ties are  due  to  (hem,  rather  than  bring  on  war,  the  United  States  Trea- 
sury is  responsible  to  the  individual  who  has  sustained  loss.  These  are 
the  provisions  of  the  intercourse  laws.  In  this  case,  did  either  of  the  offi- 
cers make  a  demand  on  the  chiefs  ?  The  chiefs  sent  an  assurance  that 
justice  would  be  done,  and  the  individual  given  up,  though  he  did  not 
belong  to  their  band.  The  officers,  unwilling  to  receive  that  assurance, 
dispatched  a  handful  of  men  against  several  lodges  of  Indians,  and  among 


366  INDIAN      REVENGE. 

whom  there  had  been  some  ground  of  complaint.  The  consequences 
which  I  have  narrated,  resulted  from  this  indiscretion  and  violation  of 
law.  It  was  a  violation  of  law,  for  no  demand  was  made  upon  the  chiefs 
for  indemnity,  and  no  response  was  received  frpm  them.  These  gallant 
gentlemen  thought  they  should  go  there  and  make  war.  They  are  paid 
for  it ;  'it  is  their  vocation.'  Are  such  men  entiled  to  sympathy  ?  Are 
they  entitled  to  respect  ?  But  their  conduct  alarmed  the  Sioux  ;  and 
because  that  tribe  proposed  to  confederate  with  other  tribes,  we  are  asked 
to  increase  the  military  force  of  the  country ;  forsooth,  we  are  to  wage 
war  upon  the  winds,  for  you  might  as  well  do  it,  as  upon  the  prairie 
Indians. 

XXYIII. 

"But  this  is  not  all  that  grew  out  of  that  transaction.  A  clamor  is 
raised  about  the  mail  party  who  were  destroyed  subsequently  to  that.  It 
was  very  natural  to  expect  that  it  would  be  done.  The  Sioux  chief,  who 
was  wounded  on  the  occasion  to  which  I  have  referred,  was  taken  to 
Arkansas,  and  there  he  expired  in  consequence  of  the  injury  he  had 
received.  His  kindred  resolved  to  revenge  his  death.  The  Indian  appre- 
ciates the  ties  of  kindred  far  beyond  any  white  man.  They  may  have 
less  intelligence  ;  but  the  chords  of  nature  arc  stronger,  the  sensibilities 
of  the  heart  more  lively,  than  those  which  stimulate  our  Christian  enlight- 
ened action.  It  is  well  known  that  the  grief  which  resounds  through  the 
Indian  camp,  when  a  warrior  or  chief  expires,  or  when  a  relative  dies,  is 
like  the  wailing  of  Egypt.  When  this  chief  expired,  his  friends  sought 
for  a  white  man,  that  they  might  take  vengeance  on  him — not  for  those 
who  had  inflicted  the  wrong,  but  whomever  they  might  happen  to  find  among 
the  whites.  They  came  first  upon  the  mail  party.  One,  who  was  not  a 
relative  of  the  chief,  said- to  one  of  his  kindred, '  there  is  a  white  man,  you 
can  now  take  vengeance  on  him  ;  you  are  a  coward  if  you  do  not  do  so.' 
He  said,  'I  am  no  coward;  but  if  you  say  it,  I  will  kill  him.'  Then  he 
went  and  killed  two  out  of  the  three  composing  the  mail  party. 


XXIX. 

"  Now,  sir,  what  had  been  the  condition  of  the  Indian  country  previous 
to  these  occurrences?    I  have  been  assured  by  gentlemen  who  have  passed 


COWARDLY  TREATMENT  OF  RED  MEN.-   361 

from  California  to  Fort  Laramie,  a  distance  of  one  thousand  four  hundred 
or  one  thousand  five  hundred  miles,  that  they  met  individuals  travel- 
ling alone  through  that  vast  region.  They  passed  through  a  wilder- 
ness of  one  thousand  four  hundred,  or  one  thousand  five  hundred 
miles,  unassailed,  and  without  injury  from  any  one.  Did  this  look 
like  a  desperate  feeling  on  the  part  of  the  Indians,  when  they  allowed 
unprotected  individuals,  sometimes  singly,  occasionally  in  small  com- 
panies of  three  or  four  persons,  to  pass  through  their  country  unmo- 
lested? No,  sir.  It  is  some  sudden  act  of  wrong  and  outrage  which 
stimulates  the  Indian  to  aggression.  He  has  no  inducement  to  it,  unless 
he  expects  great  plunder,  because  he  is  well  aware  that  if  he  cultivates 
kind  and  friendly  relations  with  the  whites,  he  can  receive  from  them 
supplies  that  he  cannot  obtain  in  any  other  way — things  which  gratify  his 
taste  for  dress,  and  supply  his  wants  and  appetites.  For  this  reason,  the 
Indian  is  always  disposed  to  be  in  peace  and  friendship  with  his  white 
neighbors  if  he  can. 

"  I  have  given  some  illustrations  of  the  so-called  Indian  outrages.  I 
may  refer  to  another  one,  which,  not  long  since,  took  place  in  Oregon,  and 
which  is  given,  in  some  quarters,  as  a  reason  why  an  increase  of  the  army 
is  required.  I  refer  to  a  recent  massacre  of  the  Indians  at  a  ferry-house 
in  Oregon,  as  described  by  the  agents  and  superintendents  of  that  terri- 
tory. A  number  of  miners  to  the  amount  of  forty,  associated  together  to 
attack  a  village  of  seventy  Indians,  men,  women,  and  children,  without 
any  means  of  defence,  with  only  five  pieces  of  fire-arms,  pistols,  and  guns, 
and  two  of  them  entirely  useless.  The  officer,  who  reports  the  action, 
describes  in  a  most  military  and  elegant  style,  the  manner  in  which  he 
assaulted  the  village  in  three  divisions.  They  were  entirely  successful ; 
killed  some  sixteen  men,  killed  one  squaw,  and  wounded  a  couple,  and  no 
children — that  was  merciful !  But,  sir,  they  scattered  the  warriors,  who 
were  there  defenceless,  and  applied  the  torch  to  their  wigwams.  We  are 
told  by  the  gallant  gentleman  who  reported  the  matter,  that  the  next  day 
the  Indians  were  there  hovering  about  the  mouldering  ashes  of  their  wig- 
wams. This  gallant  and  chivalrous  man,  wonderful  to  relate,  says  he  did 
not  loose  a  man  in  the  attack.  Was  he  not  lucky  ?  [Laughter.]  That 
fellow  must  look  out  for  a  brevet ;  though  I  hope  he  will  hardLt  come 
here  claiming  bounty  land.  [Laughter.] 


368    FIVE     MILLIONS     FOR     BUTCHERING     INDIANS. 


XXX. 

"  This  act  is  denounced  by  the  agent  and  superintendent  as  most  cruel 
and  barbarous.  The  poor  creatures  were  willing  to  do  anything  and 
everything  which  was  asked  of  them.  They  denied  every  charge  that  their 
malicious  enemies  had  wantonly  brought  against  them  ;  and  the  truth  of  the 
narrative  is  endorsed  by  the  agent,  a  man  of  intelligence.  I  do  not 
know  him  ;  but  his  report  bears  the  impress  of  intelligence  and  integrity. 


XXXI. 

"  Well,  sir,  these  circumstances,  it  is  said,  call  for  an  army  of  three  regi- 
ments, or  three  thousand  men.  What  are  they  to  cost?  Five  millions  of 
dollars  is  the  amount  which  it  is  proposed  to  appropriate  by  the  bill  which 
was  reported  by  the  Senator  from  Illinois.  We  are  to  appropriate 
$5,000.000  to  bring  on  a  great  Sioux  war,  to  meet  a  most  wonderful  con- 
federacy, which,  it  is  said,  is  forming  among  the  Indians.  Why,  sir,  they 
cannot  keep  together,  because  they  are  starving  in  little  bands,  even  in 
those  parts  of  the  country  where  they  can  command  the  most  game.  How 
could  they  remain  embodied  for  any  length  of  time  without  supplies, 
without  animals,  and  without  food,  when  their  women  and  children  are 
starving?  How  could  they,  under  such  circumstances,  remain  a  mighty 
confederation;  to  sweep  Our  frontier  ?  Why.  sir,  from  the  display  that  is 
made,  by  the  terrible  cry  of  alarm,  one  would  think  that  New  Orleans 
itself  could  hardly  be  safe,  but  that  the  Indians  would  sweep  down  the 
Missouri  and  Mississippi,  and  carry  death,  destruction,  and  devastation 
in  their  course !  Are  these  causes  calculated  to  produce  such  mighty 
effects?  Is  it  proper  that  the  nation  should  be  involved  in  a  general 
Indian  war  at  this  time  ?  Is  it  proper  that  $5,000,000  should  be  expended 
from  the  Treasury  to  begin  this  war  ?  If  this  be  done,  what  will  be  the 
consequence  ?  The  Indians  will  not  be  embodied  to  meet  you.  Your 
troops  will  hear  that  in  some  direction  there  is  a  Camanche,  or  a  Kioway, 
or  an  Qsage  camp,  and  they  will  advance  upon  it  with  "  all  the  pomp  and 
circumstance  of  glorious  war.'  A  JU'-rnini;-  ,<;un  will  bo  fired  as  a  signal 
to  rise  and  prepare  for  the  march.  On  such  an  occasion,  with  the  bugle 
Bounding  in  advance,  how  beautiful  must  be  the  reflection  from  the  arms 
and  banners  floating  in  the  prairie !  That  is  to  be  the  spectacle  which  is 


HOW     WE    TREAT    RED    MEN.  369 

I 

to  amuse  or  drive  the  Indians  ahead.  They  are  to  meet  the  Indians  on  a 
trackless  waste.  You  might  as  well  pursue  the  course  of  a  ship's  keel  ou 
the  ocean,  as  to  pursue  the  Indians  of  the  prairies.  They  would  disperse, 
and  your  army  would  be  left  there  ;  and  they,  perhaps,  surrounding  you, 
in  the  distance,  and  laughing  at  the  glorious  pomp  with  which  you  were 
marching  through  their  prairies.  If  you  take  men  there,  and  make  a  dis- 
play without  efficiency,  you  provoke  their  ridicule  and  supreme  con- 
tempt. 


XXXII. 

"  But,  Mr.  President,  the  course  which  has  been  pursued,  since  the  days 
of  William  Penn  to  the  present  moment,  has  not  been  entirely  successful 
in  conciliating  the  Indians.  Under  the  management  of  "Washington,  of 
the  first  Adams,  of  Madison,  of  Monroe,  of  the  second  Adams,  of  Jackson, 
and  of  Polk,  we  have,  with  few  exceptions,  been  very  successful  in  main- 
taining peace  with  them.  The  suggestions  made  by  our  fathers,  in  rela- 
tion to  their  civilization  and  humanization,  are  exemplified  and  illustrated 
in  the  present  condition  of  the  southern  tribes,  who  have  received  the 
greatest  benefits  of  the  light  shed  on  them  ;  and  they  have  responded  to 
it  by  the  cultivation  of  mind,  by  the  development  of  resources,  both  phy- 
sical and  intellectual,  which  reflect  lustre  on  their  character.  Cannot  the 
Indian  now  be  influenced  in  the  same  way,  by  the  same  means  ?  Have 
we  no  landmarks  to  guide  us  ?  Have  we  not  experience  to  teach  us  ? 
Have  we  not  humanity  to  prompt  us  to  march  on  in  the  path  which  is 
already  laid  out  before  us  ?  Sir,  how  different  is  the  policy  now  pursued 
from  what  it  once  was  ?  I  must  read,  for  the  instruction  of  the  Senate, 
an  extract  from  the  last  annual  report  of  the  Commissioner  of  Indian 
Affairs,  and  I  beseech  your  attention  to  it,  because  it  contains  more  good 
sense  and  reflection  than  I  could  impart  in  the  same  number  of  words.  It 
will  be  necessary  in  the  examination  of  this  subject,  in  relation  both  to 
the  Indians  and  the  Army,  to  see  in  what  manner  they  harmonize  with 
each  other,  and  how  far  the  one  is  necessary  to  the  success  of  the  other. 
The  Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs,  in  his  report  to  the  Secretary  of  the 
Interior,  describes  a  transaction  to  which  I  wish  to  call  attention : 

"  '  As  heretofore  reported  to  you,  an  association  of  persons  has  under- 
taken to  appropriate  to  their  own  use  a  portion  of  the  land  ceded  by  the 
Delawares,  fronting  on  the  Missouri  river,  and  south  of  Fort  Leavenworth ; 

16* 


310  HOW     OUR     OFFICERS    TREAT     INDIANS. 

> 

have  laid  out  a  city  thereon,  and  actually  had  a  public  sale  of  the  lots  of 
the  same  on  the  9th  and  10th  of  October  last.  These  unlawful  proceed- 
ings have  not  only  taken  place  under  the  eyes  of  military  officers  sta- 
tioned at  the  fort,  but  two  of  them  are  said  to  be  members  of  the  associa- 
tion, and  have  been  active  agents  in  this  discreditable  business.  Encour- 
aged by  these  proceedings,  and  prompted  by  those  engaged  in  them, 
other  persons  have  gone  on  other  portions  of  the  tract  ceded  by  the  Dela- 
wares  in  trust  to  the  United  States,  and  pretend  to  have  made,  and  are 
now  making,  such  '  claims '  as  they  assert  will  vest  in  them  the  lawful 
right  to  enter  the  land  at  the  minimum  price  under  the  preemption  law 
of  July  12,  1854.' 


XXXIII. 

"  This  is  a  specimen  of  the  aid  and  succor  afforded  by  military  com- 
manders to  the  agents  to  maintain  and  preserve  peace  among  the  Indians. 
These  are  the  gentlemen  to  whom  the  agents  look  for  co-operation  in  the 
discharge  of  their  duties,  and  to  afford  equal  protection  to  the  Indians 
against  aggressions  from  the  whites,  as  to  the  whites  against  aggressions 
from  the  Indians.  Such  a  transaction,  as  is  here  disclosed,  is  an  act  of 
unmitigated  infamy  in  the  officers  who  have  lent  themselves  to  it.  I 
hope  the  Executive,  in  the  plenitude  of  his  power,  and  in  the  exercise  of  a 
wise  and  just  discretion,  will  erase  their  names  from  the  records  of  the 
country,  and  redeem  our  annals  from  infamy  so  blackening  as  this. 
Think,  sir,  of  an  officer  wearing  an  American  sword,  adorned  with  Ameri- 
can epaulets,  the  emblem  of  office  and  the  insignia  of  honor  and  manly 
pride,  degrading  himself  by  a  violation  of  the  faith  of  his  Government, 
rendering  him  a  disgrace  to  the  uniform  which  he  wears,  and  the  earth 
upon  which  he  treads ! 


XXXIV. 

"  It  will  be  recollected  that  the  Delaware  Indians  own  one  million  eight 
hundred  thousand  acres  of  land.  They  ceded  one  million  three  hundred 
thousand  acres  to  the  Government  of  the  United  States  for  $10,000, 
reserving  to  themselves  the  land  on  which  the  city  referred  to  has  been 
laid  out,  on  the  banks  of  the  Missouri.  They  confided  five  hundred  thou- 


THE     INDIANS      OF     KANSAS.  371 

sand  acres  to  the  Government  of  the  United  States,,  as  they  could  not 
themselves  dispose  of  it,  except  to  the  Government ;  and,  believing  that 
it  would  be  a  source  of  wealth  and  independence  to  them,  they  have 
granted  it  to  the  Government,  in  trust,  to  be  sold  by  it,  the  right  of  pos- 
session remaining  in  them  until  it  should  be  disposed  of.  It  appears, 
from  the  commissioner's  report,  that  persons  had  gone  and  taken  posses- 
sion of  this  land.  If  they  have  not  done  so,  they  ought  to  be  vindicated, 
against  the  charge.  I  regard  it  as  authentic  and  official,  and  until  it  ia 
controverted,  I  have  nothing  to  extenuate  ;  nor  do  1  set  down  aught  in 
malice.  Justice  requires  me  to  state  the  facts. 


XXXY. 

"  Mr.  President,  I  said  to  the  Senate,  on  a  former  'occasion,  that 
eighteen  tribes  of  Indians  had  been  located  by  this  Government  within  the 
limits  of  the  present  Territories  of  Nebraska  and  Kansas,  and  that  most  of 
them  had  been  removed  there  from  the  east  of  the  Mississippi.  They  were 
located  there  under  the  faith  of  solemn  pledges,  that  while  grass  grew,  or 
water  ran,  or  the  earth  brought  forth  its  fruits,  they  should  remain  on  the 
lands  assigned  to  them,  unless  they  choose  to  abandon  them ;  and  that 
they  should  not  be  included  within  the  boundaries  of  any  State  or  Terri- 
tory. Notwithstanding  this,  these  Indians  were  embraced  within  the 
Nebraska  and  Kansas  bill.  They  were  taken  in — yes,  sir,  as  strangers 
are  sometimes  '  taken  in.'  What  is  now  their  condition,  and  what  must  it 
be  in  after  time?-' 


XXXYI. 

Here,  Senator  Houston  having  read  an  extract  from  the 
recent  report  of  the  Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs,  in  which  ho 
describes,  with  great  fidelity  and  justice,  the  condition  of  the 
Indians  in  Kansas  Territory,  expressing  his  belief  and  hope  that 
their  complete  civilization  may  be  effected,  then  proceeded  to 
say  that  it  is  the  violation  of  treaties,  and  the  bad  faith  of  the 
white  man,  and  his  aggressive  course,  that  cause  the  inquietude 
of  the  Red  Men. 


372         HOW    HOUSTON    TREATED    THE     INDIANS. 

XXXVII. 

"  There  is  a  remedy  ;  aiid  that  remedy  must  be  applied,  or  the  Indians 
exterminated,  at  an  expense  ten  times  beyond  what  would  civilize  in  half 
a  century,  every  Red  man  who  walks  upon  the  soil  of  America.  I  have 
seen  tribes  rise  from  a  state  of  barbarism  to  a  condition  in  which  they  are 
•as  civilized  in  their  institutions,  in  their  religion,  and  in  their  social 
refinement  and  habits,  as. citizens  of  the  United  States,  and  all  this  has 
been  done  within  half  a  century.  These  things  are  as  possible  now  as  at 
any  former  time  ;  and  a  sum,  very  easily  calculated,  less  than  the  amount 
estimated  as  necessary  to  raise  these  troops  and  subsist  them  for  one  year, 
would  civilize  every  Indian  on  the  continent,  set  him  down  on  a  piece  of 
land,  and  give  him  «  a  local  habitation  and  a  name.'  Is  it  not  worth  an 
attempt  ?  Is  it  not  worth  accomplishment  ?  Sir,  let  me  give  you  some 
experience  in  relation  to  Indians.  The  United  States  have  regiments  in 
Texas,  and  Texas  is  considered,  by  some,  as  a  burden  on  the  Treasury. 
Texas,  it  is  said,  exhausts  the  Army  of  the  United  States,  and  withdraws 
them  from  more  eligible  stations  to  protect  her  frontier.  I  will  show  you, 
sir,  how  that  is.  In  1842  and  1843  Texas  had  a  war  on  hand  which  had 
been  brought  about  by  an  exterminating  policy  proclaimed  by  a  new 
Administration,  and  peace  was  not  restored  until  1843,  when  the  head  of 
the  Government  of  Texas  went  about  the  work  of  their  civilization.  He 
went  into  the  wilderness,  on  the  prairies,  and  there  met  the  Indians,  who 
would  not  trust  themselves  within  the  timbered  land,  nor  near  any  place 
where  there  was  a  possibility  of  ambuscade.  A  treaty  was  there  made, 
which  not  only  stayed  the  tomahawk  and  the  scalping-knife,  but  preserved 
peace  and  safety  on  the  frontier  until  1849.  We  were  for  six  years  with- 
out massacre,  without  conflagration,  without  prisoners  being  taken.  Not 
a  Texan  was  killed  in  that  time  by  the  Indians.  One  man  was  killed  in 
the  Indian  country,  but  whether  by  the  Mexicans  or  Indians  was  a  doubt- 
ful question ;  at  any  rate  he  was  not  scalped. 


XXXVIII. 

"  Now,  sir,  how  was  this  done  ?  By  what  means  ?  By  pursuing  a 
policy  which  had  been  initiated  in  1836,  but  was  disrupted  in  1838,  which 
brought  a  war  upon  the  entire  borders  of  that  young  Republic,  The  old 


HOW    TEXAS    TREATED     INDIANS.  313 

policy  was  re-established  in  1§43.  Resistance  was  made  to  it,  .as  there  was 
to  every  attempt  to  consolidate  a  Government.  There  was  an  attempt 
on  the  part  of  some  lawless  men,  to  resist  everything  like  order  and 
organization,  and  throw  the  Government  into  anarchy  and  misrule ;  but 
they  failed.  These  Indians  had  been  our  enemies  ;  they  had  been  exas- 
perated by  unprovoked  aggressions  upon  them  ;  but  the  proper  concilia- 
tory disposition  soon  won  their  regard  and  affection.  What  was  the 
expense  of  all  this  ?  I  am  almost  afraid  to  state  it,  for  I  fear  it  will  not 
be  credited  when  we  see  the  erfbrmous  estimates  now  made  for  the  expense 
of  treaties  with  the  Indians.  Sir,  every  dollar  given  to  the  Executive  of 
Texas,  to  consummate  these  treaties,  to  feed  the  Indians,  to  make  presents, 
was  annually  $10,000  ;  and  he  rendered  vouchers  for  the  last  cent.  For 
this  sum,  peace  was  accomplished  and  maintained,  the  safety  and  protec- 
tion of  our  frontiers  insured,  and  the  Indians  became  pacific  and  happy. 


XXXIX. 

"  "When  Texas  was  annexed  to  the  United  States,  these  Indians,  on 
account  of  faith  having  been  maintained  with  them  by  the  then  Executive 
of  Texas,  refused  to  meet  and  confer  with  the  commissioners  sent  to  them 
by  the  President  of  the  United  States,  until  they  had  the  sanction  of  the 
Government  of  Texas ;  and  the  symbols  of  confidence  were  put  in  the 
hands  of  the  commissioners  before  the  Indians  would  treat  with  them.  A 
treaty  was  then  negotiated.  What  was  the  history  of  it?  One  of  the 
commissioners — a  noble  and  gallant  gentleman,  who  afterwards  fell  at 
Chepultapec,  in  Mexico,  at  the  head  of  his  regiment — was  too  much  indis- 
posed to  render  any  assistance.  His  co-commissioner  assumed  the  whole 
business ;  and  what  did  he  do  ?  He  had  the  Indians'  names  signed  with  a 
mark  on  a  sheet  of  paper,  had  it  attested,  and  brought  it  on  here.  He 
made  large  promises  to  the  Indians ;  he  assured  them  of  an  annuity  of 
$14,000,  to  be  paid  annually,  at  a  certain  trading-house ;  but  when  he 
wrote  his  treaty  (for  he  did  not  write  it  until  he  came  here,  when  he 
appended  to  it  the  sheet  containing  the  signatures),  it  contained  a  provf- 
sion  that  they  should  receive  barely  $14,000  as  a  full  acquittance.  It  cost 
$60.000  to  negotiate  the  treaty,  as  the  records  of  the  Treasury  show. 
This  is  a  sum  equal  to  the  price  of  six  years'  peace  between  the  Indians 
and  the  Government  of  Texas.  Perhaps,  however,  the  people  of  Texas 
were  better  then  than  now.  Since  that  time,  they  have  been  under  the 


374  HOW    OUR    AGENTS    TREAT     INDIANS. 

Government  of  the  United  State?.    I  simply  state  facts.    I  leave  the  infer- 
ence to  others. 

XL. 

"  Sir,  if  the  agent  appointed  by  Mr.  Polk,  who  has  been  restored  by  the 
present  executive — it  is  a  bright  spot  in  his  Administration,  and  I  com- 
mend him  for  it — had  never  been  removed,  there  would  have  been  peace 
to  this  day  on  the  borders  of  Texas  5  but  as  soon  as  the  Indian  agent  who 
was  appointed  to  succeed  him  went  there,  he  must  forsooth  establish  a 
rancho  :  he  must  have  a  farm.  The  Indians  who  had  been  settled  down 
there  from  1843  to  1849,  had  been  furnished  by  the  Government  of  Texas 
with  implements  of  husbandry,  with  seeds  of  every  description,  and  they 
were  cultivating  their  little  farms.  They  were  comfortable  and  independ- 
ent. They  were  living  in  perfect  peace.  If  you  can  get  Indians  located, 
and  place  their  wives  and  children  within  your  cognizance,  you  need 
never  expect  aggression  from  them.  It  is  the  Indian  who  has  his  wife  in 
security,  beyond  your  reach,  who,  like  the  felon  wolf,  goes  to  a  distance 
to  prey  on  some  flock,  far  removed  from  his  den  ;  or,  like  the  eagle,  who 
seeks  his  prey  from  the  distance,  and  never  from  the  flocks  about  his 
eyrie.  The  agent  to  whom  I  have  referred,  lost  two  oxen  from  his  rancho 
where  he  kept  his  cattle. '  He  went  to  the  officer  in  command  of  Fort  Bel- 
knap,  got  a  force  from  him,  and  then  marched  to  those  Indians  sixty  miles 
distant,  and  told  them  they  must  pay  for  the  oxen.  They  said,  '"We 
know  nothing  about  your  oxen  ;  our  people  are  here  ;  here  are  our  women 
and  children ;  we  have  not  killed  them ;  we  have  not  stolen  them ;  we 
have  enough  to  eat ;  we  are  happy ;  we  have  raised  corn ;  we  have  sold 
corn ;  we  have  corn  to  sell ;  we  have  sold  it  to  your  people,  and  they 
have  paid  us  for  it,  and  we  are  happy.'  The  agent  and  the  military  gen- 
tlemen scared  off  the  Indians  from  the  limits  of  Texas,  and  drove  them 
across  the  Red  River  to  the  Wichita  mountains,  taking  every  horse  and 
animal  they  had,  to  pay  for  the  two  oxen.  This  was  done  by  an  accre- 
dited agent  of  the  Government,  and  by  an  officer  who  deserved  but  little 
credit.  Are  such  things  tolerable,  and  to  be  tolerated  in  the  present  age 
and  condition  of  our  government  ? 

XLI. 

"  What  was  the  consequence  ?    Those  Indians  felt  themselves  agrieved. 


INDIAN     CHARACTERISTICS.  375 

They  saw  that  a  new  regime  had  come  ;  they  had  the  era  of  peace  and 
plenty,  and  now  they  were  expelled  by  a  different  influence.  They  felt 
grateful  for  the  benign  effects  of  the  first  policy  towards  them,  and  that 
only  exasperated  them  to  a  greater  extent  against  the  second ;  and  they 
began  to  make  incursions,  ready  to  take  vengeance  on  any  white  men 
they  might  meet  in  the  neighborhood,  and  slay  whoever  they  might  find. 
They  made  their  forays  from  the  opposite  side  of  the  Red  River,  from  the 
\Vichita  mountains,  and  came  like  an  avalanche  upon  our  unprotected 
citizens.  There  is  one  fact  showing  how  your  interference  with  the 
Indians  within  her  limits  has  injured  Texas.  There  is  another  fact  in  con- 
nection with  the  Indian  policy  of  Texas  which  I  shall  mention.  How  was 
it  with  the  Wichita  Indians  ?  Texas  sought  to  conciliate  them ;  they 
lived  beyond  her  borders,  and  made  incursions  from  the  limits  of  the 
United  States  into  Texas,  while  she  was  an  independent  Republic.  She 
did  everything  in  her  power  to  bring  about  peace  between  them,  and, 
through  the  friendly  Indians,  was  pacifying  them.  One  of  their  chiefs, 
with  his  wife  and  child  and  twelve  men,  came  to  Fort  Belknap,  some  one 
hundred  and  fifty  or  two  hundred  miles  west  of  the  fort,  at  Hamilton's 
Valley.  Property  had  been  stolen  by  Indians.  It  was  not  known  which 
of  thirteen  different  tribes  had  taken  it ;  for  outlaws  occasionally  con- 
gregated from  each,  half  a  dozen  of  them  stealing  off  from  their  tribes, 
without  the  influence  of  their  chiefs  operating  upon  them.  They  were 
outlaws,  careless  of  the  destiny  of  their  tribes,  and  reckless  of  the  crimes 
which  they  might  commit,  so  long  as  they  could  gratify  their  cupidity  and 
recompense  their  daring.  These  men  had  taken  some  property.  Dra- 
goons came  on  in  the  direction  of  Red  River,  and  reached  Fort  Belknap. 
So  soon  as  they  arrived,  the  officer  said  to  this  chief :  '  Sir,  I  retain  you 
as  a  prisoner.  It  is  true,  you  came  under  a  white  flag ;  but  I  am  an 
officer  ;  I  have  the  power  ;  I  take  you  prisoner,  and  you  must  stay  here  a 
prisoner  until  the  horses  are  brought  back.  Your  men  must  stay,  too, 
except  one,  whom  I  will  send  to  your  tribe  with  the  intelligence  of 
the  fact.'  The  chief  said  ;  '  My  tribe  have  not  committed  the  robbery  ; 
it  is  a  great  distance  from  me  ;  it  is  in  another  direction.  I  come  from 
the  rising  sun  ;  that  is  towards  the  setting  sun  ;  I  was  far  from  it ;  you 
are  between  me  and  it ;  I  did  not  do  it.'  '  But,'  said  the  officer,  '  you  are 
a  prisoner.'  The  officer  put  him  in  the  guard-house.  Imprisonment  is 
eternal  infamy  to  an  Indian.  A  prairie  Indian  would  rather  die  a  thou- 
sand deaths  than  submit  to  the  disgrace  of  imprisonment.  You  may 
wound  and  mutilate  him  as  you  please,  you  may  crush  every  limb  in  the 


376        IGNORANCE     OF    THE     INDIAN      CHARACTER. 

body  of  a  prairie  Indian,  and  if  he  can  make  no  other  resistance,  he  will 
spit  defiance  at  you  when  you  come  within  his  reach.  This  chief,  meditat- 
ing upon  his  deep  disgrace,  knowing  that  he  was  irreparably  dishonored, 
unless  he  could  wash  out  his  stains  with  blood,  resolved  that  night  that 
he  would  either  die  a  freeman,  or  rescue  himself  from  dishonor.  He  rose 
in  the  night.  He  would  not  leave  his  wife  and  child  in  the  hands  of  his 
enemy ;  so  he  took  his  knife,  and  stabbed  his  squaw  and  little  one  to  the 
heart.  Not  a  groan  was  heard,  for  he  well  knew  where  to  apply  the  poig- 
nard.  He  went  and  shot  down  the  sentinel,  rushed  upon  the  superior 
officers,  was  shot,  and  perished  like  a  warrior,  in  an  attempt  to  wipe  a 
stain  from  his  honor.  His  men  fled  and  returned  to  their  tribe,  but  it  was 
to  bring  blood,  carnage,  and  conflagration  upon  our  settlements.  They 
came  not  again  as  brothers  to  smoke  the  calumet  of  peace,  but  with  brands 
in  their  hands  to  set  fire  to  our  houses.  Contrast  that  with  the  previous 
years  ;  contrast  it  with  the  harmony  which  had  before  existed,  and  you 
see  the  lamentable  result  of  sending,  as  Indian  agents  and  army  officers 
to  take  charge  of  the  Indians,  men  who  know  nothing  about  the  Indian 
character. 

XLIL 

"  Well,  sir,  how  can  Texas  expect  peace,  how  can  she  expect  protection 
to  her  citizens  ?  Not  from  your  army.  It  has  never  given  her  protec- 
tion ;  it  is  incompetent  to  give  protection  ;  and  it  is  a  reproach  to  the 
country.  I  will  not  say  anything  personally  unkind  of  the  officers  who 
command,  for  they  are  gentlemen  ;  but  I  say  they  know  nothing  about 
the  Indians,  and  I  shall  prove  it.  Texas  deserves  protection,  and  she  can 
have  it  if  a  rational  effort  be  made  to  give  it  to  her,  but  not  by  your 
troops.  What  sort  of  protection  can  she  expect  from  hostile  Indians  when 
the  commanding  officer  of  that  military  department,  a  gallant  gentleman, 
who  has  borne  himself  nobly  in  the  heat  of  battle,  skillful  in  design,  bold 
and  gallant  in  execution,  and  in  all  the  martial  arts  replete,  but  unskilled 
amongst  the  Indians.  He  has  issued  an  order  that  no  Indian  should  go 
within  twenty  miles  of  a  fortress  on  the  frontier  of  Texas.  The  Indians 
think,  '  Very  well,  you  say  the  Indians  shall  not  come  within  twenty  miles 
of  your  forts,  and  we  say  your  men  shall  not  come  within  twenty  miles  of 
us,  or  we  will  shoot  them.'  That  is  a  pretty  good  notion  for  an  Indian  ;  it  is 
very  natural.  The  boundary  is  fixed  by  the  white  man,  and  the  Indian 
lives  up  to  it.  Well,  sir,  there  is  a  remedy  for  all  this,  and  it  is  very  easy 


HOW    TO    HAVE    PEACE    WITH    THE    INDIANS.      37t 

to  apply  it  j  but  how  are  we  circumstanced  there  ?  It  is  supposed  by  some 
that  we  are  delving  great  aid  from  the  Army,  and  that  the  greatest  por- 
tion of  the  disposable  forces  of  the  United  States  is  in  Texas,  and  protect- 
ing it  ?  How  can  they  protect  us  against  the  Indians  when  the  cavalry  have 
not  horses  which  can  trot  faster  than  active  oxen,  and  the  infantry  dare 
not  go  out  in  any  hostile  manner  for  fear  of  being  shot  and  scalped  !  Can 
they  pursue  a  party  who  pounce  down  on  a  settlement  and  take  property, 
and  reclaim  that  property  ?  Have  they  ever  done  it  ?  Did  the  old 
rangers  of  Texas  ever  fail  to  do  it,  when  they  were  seated  on  their  Texas 
ponies  ?  They  were  men  of  intelligence  and  adroitness  in  regard  to  the 
Indian  character,  and  Indian  warfare.  Do  you  think  a  man  is  fit  for  such 
service  who  has  been  educated  at  West  Point  Academy,  furnished  with 
rich  stores  of  learning  ;  more  educated  in  the  science  of  war  than  any 
general  who  fought  through  the  Revolution,  and  assisted  in  achieving 
our  independence  ?  Are  you  going  to  take  such  gentlemen,  and  suppose 
that  by  intuition  they  will  understand  the  Indian  character  ?  Or  do  you 
suppose  they  can  track  a  turkey,  or  a  deer  in  the  grass  of  Texas,  or  could 
they  track  an  Indian,  or  would  they  know  whether  they  were  tracking  a 
wagon  or  a  carriage  ?  [Laughter.]  Not  at  all,  sir.  We  wish,  in  the  first 
place,  to  have  men  suited  to  the  circumstance.  Give  us  agents  who  are 
capable  of  following  out  their  instructions,  and  who  understand  the  Indian 
character.  Give  us  an  army,  gentlemen,  who  understand  not  only  the 
science  of  command,  .but  have  some  notions  of  extending  justice  and  pro- 
tection to  the  Indian,  against  the  aggression  of  the  whites,  while  they 
protect  the  whites  against  aggressions  from  the  Indians.  Then,  and  not 
till  then,  will  you  have  peace. 


XLIII. 

"How  is  this  to  be  done?  Withdraw  your  army.  Have  five  hundred 
cavalry,  if  you  will,  but  I  would  rather  have  two  hundred  and  fifty  Texas 
rangers  (such  as  I  could  raise),  than  five  hundred  of  the  best  cavalry  now 
in  service.  I  would  have  one  thousand  infantry,  so  placed  as  to  guard 
the  United  States  against  Mexico,  and  five  hundred  for  scouting  purposes. 
I  would  have  five  trading-houses  from  the  Rio  Grande  to  the  Red  River 
for  intercourse  with  the  Indians.  I  would  have  a  guard  of  twenty-five 
men  out  of  an  infantry  regiment,  at  each  trading  house,  who  should  be 
vigilant  and  always  on  the  alert.  Cultivate  intercourse  with  the  Indians. 


378  HOW    TO     CIVILIZE     INDIANS. 

Show  them  that  you  have  comforts  to  exchange  for  their  peltries  ;  bring 
them  around  you  ;  domesticate  them  ;  familiarize  them  w4th  civilization. 
Let  them  see  that  you  are  rational  beings,  and  they  will  become  rational 
in  imitation  of  you  ;  but  take  no  whisky  there  at  all,  not  even  for  the 
officers,  for  fear  their  generosity  should  let  it  out.  Do  this,  and  you  will 
have  peace  with  the  Indians.  Whenever  you  convince  an  Indian  that  he 
is  dependent  on  you  for  comforts,  or  for  what  he  deems  luxuries  or  elegan- 
ces of  life,  you  attach  him  to  you.  Interest,  it  is  said,  governs  the  world, 
and  it  will  soon  ripen  into  affection.  Intercourse  and  kindness  will  win 
the  fiercest  animal  on  earth,  except  the  hyena,  and  its  spots  and  nature 
cannot'  be  changed.  The  nature  of  an  Indian  can  be  changed.  He 
changes  with  change  of  circumstances,  and  rises  into  the  dignity  of  a 
civilized  being.  If  you  war  against  him,  it  takes  a  generation  or  two  to 
regenerate  his  race,  but  it  can  be  done.  I  would  have  fields  around  the 
trading  houses.  I  would  encourage  the  Indians  to  cultivate  them.  Let 
them  see  how  much  it  adds  to  their  comfort ;  how  it  insures  to  their  wives 
and  children  abundant  subsistence,  and  then  you  win  the  Indian  over  to 
civilization  ;  you  charm  him,  and  he  becomes  a  civilized  man. 

XLIY. 

"  Sir,  while  people  are  seeking  to  civilize  and  Christianize  men  on  the 
banks  of  the  Ganges,  or  the  Jordan,  or  in  Burrampootah,  why  should  not 
the  same  philanthropic  influence  be  extended  through  society,  and  be 
exerted  in  behalf  of  the  American  Indians  ?  Is  not  the  soul  of  an  Ameri- 
can Indian,  in  the  prairie,  worth  as  much  as  the  soul  of  a  man  on  the 
Ganges,  or  in  Jerusalem?  Surely  it  is.  Then  let  the  American  Govern- 
ment step  forward  ;  let  it  plant  the  standard  of  regeneration  and  civiliza- 
tion among  the  Indians,  and  ifc  will  command  the  cooperation  of  the 
citizens  in  their  philanthropic  efforts.  I  am  willing  to  appeal  to  the 
venerable  and  distinguished  Senator  from  Michigan,  who  knows  what  an 
Indian  is,  and  what  his  disposition  is,  perhaps  more  thoroughly  than  I  do 
myself.  To  him  would  I  defer,  but  to  no  other  man,  for  a  certain  and 

intimate  knowledge  of  the  Indian  character. 

% 

XLY. 

"  There  is  another  point  in  connection  with  the  dealings  of  the  Govern- 


PRESENT     SYSTEM     OF     WARFARE.  379 

ment  with  the  Texas  Indians  to  which  I  will  advert.  There  are  Caman- 
ches  of  the  woods,  and  the  Camauches  of  the  prairie.  The  Texas  Indians 
do  not  receive  their  annuities  in  Texas,  but  they  are  brought  into  Kansas, 
a  great  distance  from  us,  where  they  receive  the  munificence  of  the 
Government  in  their  annuities,  on  the  east  of  the  Red  River  and  the 
Arkansas.  What  is  the  consequence  ?  They  believe  Texas  is  not  their 
friend,  or  that  the  Federal  Government,  from  their  crude  notions  of  it, 
would  pay  them  in  Texas,  and  would  not  make  them  travel  over  rivers, 
and  through  trackless  prairies,  to  receive  their  presents.  They  return  to 
Texas,  not  with  feelings  of  respect  for  the  benefits  they  receive,  but  with 
contempt.  This  is  bad  policy.  You  should  distribute .  your  presents  to 
the  Texas  Indians  within  the  limits  of  Texas.  Her  territory  is  broad 
enough  ;  her.  domain  is  fertile  enough  ;  her  character  is  high  enough  to 
justify  you  in  doing  so.  She  has  done  much  for  herself — more  than  this 
Government  has  ever  done  for  her.  In  order  to  treat  with  the  Indians 
properly,  as  I  have  said,  you  should  take  away  your  troops,  except  the 
portion  I  have  stated.  The  Indians,  with  the  exception  of  the  Osages, 
Kiow'as  and  Kaws  are  disposed  to  be  friendly,  I  believe.  As  to  the  dis- 
affection of  the  Sioux,  I  look  on  it  only  as  an  uprising  to  resist  aggres- 
sion. They  were  fired  on  by  artillery  and  small  arms,  without  provoca- 
tion, and  it  is  but  natural  that  they  should  resist.  Theirs  is  not  a 
confederation  to  assail  the  whites,  but  to  protect  themselves.  I  justify 
them  in  doing  it.  I  am  sorry  there  is  a  necessity  for  it ;  but  if  I  were 
among  them,  and  they  proposed  a  confederacy  to  repel  cruelty  and 
butchery,  I  would  join  them  ;  and  he  would  be  a  dastard  who  would  not. 
When-  gentlemen  speak  of  a  war  upon  the  Indians,  have  they  considered 
the  consequences?  You  mny  succeed  in  killing  their  women  and 
children,  but  it  is  a  remarkable  fact  that  you  kill  but  very  few  of  their 
warriors.  Those  who  march  with  martial  display  upon  the  Indians,  find 
them  to-night  at  one  point  at  dark  ;  they  may' see  the  smoke  of  their  fires  ; 
and  at  dawn  to-morrow  they  will  be  fifty  or  seventy  miles  away,  with 
their  caravans  and  every  child  and  woman,  not  even  a  dog  being  left 
behind.  What  army  that  you  could  send  of  three  thousand  men,  or  any 
other  number,  could  affect  anything  by  making  war  upon  the  Indians  ? 
Why,  sir,  it  would  be  like  the  redoubtable  exploit  of  the  celebrated  king 
of  France,  who,  "  with  forty  thousand  men  marched  up  a  hill,  and  then 
marched  down  again."  [Laughter.]  Yes,  sir,  that  I  predict  would  be 
the  history  of  such  a  campaign. 


380         HOUSTON'S  VIEWS   OF   CIVILIZATION. 

XL  VI. 

"  To  accomplish  the  object  here  contemplated,  it  is  proposed  to  spend 
$5,000.000.  As!  have  said  before,  that  amount  of  money  would  civilize 
every  Indian  on  the  contiment,  if  you  sent  men  of  intelligence  and 
capacity  among  them  to  do  it.  I  have  been  delighted  with  the  reports 
which  I  have  had  the  opportunity  of  glancing  at,  accompanying  the 
annual  report  of  the  Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs.  One  from  a  gentle- 
man who  now  occupies  a  seat  in  the  other  House  [Mr.  WHITFIELD]  grati- 
fied me  exceedingly.  I  have  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  him  but  once 
since  my  arrival.  I  knew  him,  when  a  youth,  in  Tennessee,  and  he  has 
more  than  met  my  expectations,  though  then  they  were  not  indifferent. 
He  has  proved  himself  to  be  a  man  of  fine  perceptions,  of  excellent  judgr 
ment,  and  of  good  heart.  He  has  capacity  to  treat  with  atid  to  reclaim 
the  Indians ;  and,  I  doubt  not,  that  he  and  other  gentlemen  who  could  be 
associated  with  him,  could  go  to  the  Indians,  with  five  hundred  troops,  if 
you  please — not  march  through  the  Indian  country,  but  send  word  to  the 
chiefs ';  let  them  know  they  had  a  force,  and  there  is  not  a  chief,  who  has 
had  any  relations  with  the  United  States,  but  would  come  forward  wil- 
lingly, make  treaties,  and  maintain  them  in  good  faith.  But  you  must 
establish  trading  houses  ;  you  must  protect  them,  and  then  you  may  com- 
mand the  Indians  absolutely,  and  you  will  have  no  murders  upon  your 
roads.  Sir,  would  it  not  be  much  wiser  to  send  a  few  wagons  with 
presents  than  to  send  an  army  ?  Would  not  the  object  be  effected  much 
sooner  by  sending  commissioners  with  presents?  The  Executive  and 
Senate  are  the  treaty-making  power,  and  all  that  is  necessary  for  Congress 
to  do,  is  to  make  an  appropriation  for  the  purpose.  Would  it  not  be 
much  easier  to  take  presents  to  the  Indians,  and  would  not  the  object  of 
attaining  and  preserving  peace  be  much  sooner  effected  in  this  way  than 
by  an  army  ?  While  you  were  clothing  and  equipping  your  army,  and 
marching  it  there,  the  Indians  might  kill  half  the  people  on  the  frontier. 
Your  army  would  have  to  march  thousands  of  miles  to  reach  them  ;  but 
commissioners  could  go  quietly  along,  with  four  or  five  hundred  troops, 
or  as  many  as  might  be  necessary  5  I  would  leave  that  to  their  discretion  ; 
I  would  select  men  of  capacity  for  fighting  as  well  as  for  treating.  Send 
such  men,  and  there  will  be  no  trouble  in  bringing  about  peace.  My  life 
upon  it,  $5,000,000  would  suffice  to  civilize  every  Indian  who  has  ever 
been  in  treaty  with  the  United  States,  and  settle  him  in  a  quiet,  comforta- 
ble home. 


IMPOLICY    OF     INCREASING    THE    ARMY.  381 

XLVII. 

"  Some  time  since,  the  present  agent  in  Texas  was  ordered  to  lay  off  a 
section  of  country  in  that  State  for  the  use  of  the  Indians.  He  did  so. 
He  said  to  the  fierce  Camanches,  'Come  here,  my  brothers,  and  settle 
down.'  They  have  done  so.  The  Indians  to  whom  I  before  alluded,  who 
were  driven  off  by  the  former  agent,  after  robbing  them  of  their  horses, 
upon  the  assurances  given  at  the  return  of  the  present  worthy  and  intelli- 
gent agent,  faithful  to  his  trust,  came  back  in  perfect  confidence,  and  set 
themselves  to  building  their  houses  to  shelter  their  women,  old  men,  and 
children,  while  the  warriors  went  out  to  kill  game.  There  they  are.  The 
southern  Camanches  went  within  the  border,  and  said,  '  Let  us  settle  ;' 
but  they  were  immediately  told,  through  the  influence  of  the  army,  I 
suppose,  that  they  must  not  settle  there.  I  saw,  not  long  since,  a  letter 
from  a  most  intelligent  gentleman,  who  said  that  the  officer  at  Fort  Bel- 
knap,  with  three  companies  of  rangers,  and  two  of  regulars,  was  daily 
expecting  to  make  a  descent  on  the  poor  Indians  who  had  been  settled 
there  by  the  agent,  under  the  pledges  of  the  Government,  which  promised 
them  that  they  should  have  a  country  where  they  should  throw  away  the 
arts  of  the  wild  and  the  Red  man,  and  become  domestic,  agricultural,  and 
civilized  in  their  pursuits.  They  have  acquiesced  in  that  policy  of  the 
Government,  but  are  in  constant  dread  lest  the  military  gentleman  in 
command  of  the  fort,  in  order  to  gain  laurels  and  acquire  glory,  and  do 
honor  to  his  profession,  may  make  a  descent  with  the  regulars  and  volun- 
teers, or  rangers,  upon  the  poor  Indians.  If  intelligence  of  such  a  descent 
should  arrive,  I  should  not  be  surprised.  I  shall  be  distressed,  to  be  sure  ; 
but  it  will  only  be  one  of  a  thousand  distresses  which  I  have  felt  at  the 
wrongs  inflicted  on  the  Indians. 


XLYIII. 

"Now,  sir,  is  it  politic  to  increase  the  regular  force  of  the  United 
States?  To  govern  a  country  well,  where  intelligence  predominates  over 
selfishness  and  interest,  I  think  the  smaller  the  army  is  the  better.  I  have 
had  some  experience  in  that.  It  is  very  well  to  take  care  of  arms  and 
ordinance  stores,  and  army  stores,  which  would  be  useful  in  time  of  war. 
It  is  necessary,  I  think,  to  have  an  army  for  "that  purpose.  You  may  have 
as  great  a  stock  of  science  as  you  please  ;  but  it  does  not  follow  that  you 


382  WHAT     THE     ARMY     SHOULD     BE. 

are  bound  to  make  an  officer  of  every  gentleman  you  educate  at  West 
Point.  I  do  not  think  it  would  be  wise  policy  to  extend  the  army  to  suit 
the  establishment  of  the  Military  Academy,  but  rather  the  Military 
Academy  to  the  interests  and  exigencies  of  the  country.  That  is  my 
opinion  of  the  army.  The  nominal  number  of  the  army  is  fourteen  thou- 
sand. There  is  not  a  vacancy,  I  presume,  for  an  officer  in  the  whole  ser- 
vice. According  to  the  data  I  have  before  me,  and  the  items  I  have  given, 
I  suppose  there  are  about  four  thousand  five  hundred  men  in  the  service. 
To  make  the  actual  number  of  fourteen  thousand  complete,  you  would 
have  to  make  the  nominal  force  three  times  fourteen  thousand.  Let  the 
head  of  the  department  show  that  they  can  keep  this  establishment  per- 
fect before  they  would  go  to  ingrafting  new  limbs  on  it,  in  its  present 
imperfect  condition.  Let  the  trunk  be  sound  before  you  graft  it.  I  know 
that  the  officers  will  never  be  less  than  the  establishment ;  it  shows  that  it 
is  too  large,  and  ought  rather  to  be  reduced.  Whenever  we  see  that  the 
present  establishment  is  kept  in  order,  and  the  requisite  number  of  men 
to  make  it  complete  always  in  the  service,  it  will  commend  itself  to  con- 
sideration ;  and  if  a  greater  amount  of  force,  or  a  larger  establishment, 
be  necessary,  it  would  be  acceded  to.  I  do  not,  however,  now  see  any" 
necessity  for  it.  If  you  increase  it,  it  will  never  get  less.  We  know  that, 
even  when  the  army  is  increased  in  time  of  war,  there  is  difficulty  in  reduc- 
ing it  to  a  peace  establishment  afterwards.  It  has  always  been  the  case, 
and  always  will  be,  that  a  man,  by  holding  an  office  temporarily,  acquires 
a  claim  to  it  which  is  enforced  by  relatives  and  friends  ;  and  the  army 
thereby  will  become  an  eye-sore  to  the  people,  and  a  carbuncle  upon  the 
body  politic. 

XLIX. 

"  Sir,  in  the  course  of  my  remarks  I  have  said  some  things  which  might 
seem  to  bear  upon  the  officers  of  the  army  as  a  class.  My  partialities  for 
military  men,  and  for  gentlemen  of  the  army,  are  of  a  character  not  to 
be  doubted.  I  know  their  high-toned  feeling,  their  honorable  bearing, 
and  their  chivalry ;  and  when  I  commented  upon  some  of  them,  I  only 
spoke  of  such  as  brought  themselves  within  the  purview  of  my  remarks 
by  impropriety  of  conduct,  deserving  the  reprobation  of  every  man  who 
appreciates  honorable  feelings,  integrity  and  truthfulness.  As  a  class, 
however,  I  admire  and  respect  them.  I  have  experienced  their  hospitali- 
ties. Once  I  enjoyed  their  association  with  pleasure ;  and  my  recollec- 


CLOSE      OF     THIS      GREAT      SPEECH.  383 

tions  of  early  habits,  formed  in  their  companionship,  always  mark  a  ver- 
dant spot  in  memory's  waste.  It  is  only  the  guilty  and  the  culpable  that 
I  condemn. 

Sir,  I  believe  the  honorable  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Military 
Affairs  has  withdrawn  that  portion  of  the  amendment  relating  to  the 
appointment  of  three  commissioners  to  treat  with  the  Indians.  But,  Mr. 
President,  if  we  wish  to  do  good  to  the  Indians,  we  have  it  in  our  power ; 
if  we  wish  to  destroy  them,  we  can  starve  them  out.  If  we  intend  to  save 
them,  we  can  do  so  by  appealing  to  their  best  feelings.  There  is  one  path- 
way to  an  Indian's  heart.  If  you  show  him  that  comforts  and  benefits  are 
to  result  to  his  wife  and  children,  you  may  command  him  absolutely,  and 
he  yields  implicitly.  He  has  no  opposing  thought  to  their  interest.  I 
have  always  seen  that  if  you  could  impress  an  Indian  with  the  conviction 
that  comfort  and  security  would  inure  to  his  squaw  and  papooses,  from 
the  adoption  of  a  particular  policy,  he  would  submit  to  it.  My  colleague 
[Mr.  Rusk]  knows  that  this  is  the  way  to  the  heart  of  an  Indian.  The 
proudest  warrior  is  humiliated  at  the  thought  of  his  wife  and  little  ones 
being  in  the  least  uncomfortable.  Whenever  an  Indian  intends  to  conci- 
liate the  whites,  he  brings  his  family  and  settles  as  near  as  he  can  to  a 
•fort  or  agency,  and  says,  l  Here  are  the  hostages  I  give  you  for  my  fidelity 
to  you  5  if  I  do  wrong,  I  know  they  will  suffer  5  they  are  dearer  to  me 
than  my  life.'  The  Indians  can  be  brought  around  trading-houses. 


L. 

"  I  have  lost  all  hope  of  the  stations  in  Texas  doing  any  good.  I  would 
not  have  more  than  twenty-five  men  at  a  trading-house  to  give  protection, 
in  the  event  of  any  sudden  ebullition  among  the  Indians  of  a  violent 
character.  It  would  be  entirely  accidental  if  such  a  necessity  happened 
around  the  trading-houses,  as  to  require  protection  to  be  given  to  the 
caravans  emigrating  to  California  and  Oregon.  I  would  encourage  the 
Indians  in  the  arts  of  peace.  You  need  no  armies  ;  you  need  no  Indian 
allies  to  butcher  them.  All  you  have  to  do  is  to  maintain  your  faith  in 
carrying  out  the  treaties  which  have  been  made,  and  not  directly  or  indi- 
rectly encourage  men  to  violate  every  principle  of  honor  and  humanity, 
and  deride  even  faith  itself." 


384  THE     CLAIMS     OF     THE     RED     MEN. 

LI. 

Such  was  the  noblest  defence  of  the  Red  men  of  America, 
ever  pronounced  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States.  It  was 
listened  to  with  interest,  but  it  produced  little  effect  upon  the 
action  of  the  Senate.  The  poor  Red  man  has  had  few  friends 
on  this  continent ;  while  the  African  race  have,  for  a  quarter 
of  a  century,  been  the  exciting  topic  of  noisy  sympathy,  and 
inflammatory  appeals.  And  yet,  who  will  pretend  to  compare 
the  wrongs  of  the  Africans  with  the^  outrages  that  have  been 
perpetrated  upon  the  Aborigines  ?  The  former  were  brought 
.hither  from  a  land  of  barbarism  and  Pagan  darkness,  to  be 
elevated  in  the  scale  of  social  life  more  rapidly  than  four  millions 
of  men  have  ever  been  elevated,  in  the  history  of  the  world. 
They  may  be  called  adventurers,  having  no  prescriptive'  right  to 
the  soil.  But  the  Indian  was  the  original  possessor  of  the  soil. 
He  received  this  broad  continent  from  the  hands  of  his  Creator.* 
He  lias  been  driven  from  it  by  invasion  ;  and  what  the  white 
man's  rifle,  and  the  white  man's  fire-water  failed  to  accom- 
plish in  his  extermination,  has  been  made  up  by  treachery  and 
fraud. 

Houston  has  always  been  a  friend  of  the  Red  man  ;  and  in 
this  respect,  there  has  been  no  variation  in  his  conduct.  This 
country  will  one  day  wake  up  to  the  atrocities  and  inhumanity 
we  have  inflicted  upon  the  Aborigines.  Houston's  long  efforts 
in  their  behalf  will  then  stamp  him  as  the  philanthropist  of  the 
age.  Then,  too,  will  the  following  eloquent  words  of  Charles 
Sprague  be  dragged  forth  from  the  library,  and  printed  in  letters 
of  gold. 

LII. 

"Not  many  generations  ago,  where  you  now  Bit,  circled  with  all  that 
exalts  and  embellishes  civilized  life,  the  rank  thistle  nodded  in  the  wind, 


SPRAGUE'S    INDIAN    LAMENT.  385 

and  the  wild  fox  dug  his  hole  unscared.  Here  lived  and  loved  another 
race  of  beings.  Beneath  the  same  sun  that  rolls  over  your  heads, 
the  Indian  hunter  pursued  the  panting  deer  $  gazing  on  the  same  moon 
that  smiles  for  you,  the  Indian  lover  wooed  his  dusky  mate.  Here  the 
wigwam  blaze  beamed  on  the  tender  and  helpless,  the  council  fire  glared 
on  the  wise  and  daring.  Now  they  dipped  their  noble  limbs,  in  your  sedgy 
lakes,  and  now  they  paddled  the  light  canoe  along  your  rocky  shores. 
Here  they  warred  ;  the  echoing  whoop,  the  bloody  grapple,  the  defying 
death-song,  all  were  here  ;  and  when  the  tiger  strife  was  over,  here  curled 
the  smoke  of  peace.  Here,  too.  they  worshiped  ;  and  from  many  a  dark 
bosom  went  up  a  pure  prayer  to  the  Great  Spirit.  He  had  not  written 
His  laws  for  them  on  tables  of  stone,  but  He  had  traced  them  on  the 
tables  of  their -hearts.  The  poor  child  of  Nature  knew  not  the  God  of 
revelation,  but  the  God  of  the  universe  he  acknowledged  in  everything 
around.  He  beheld  Him  in  the  star  that  sunk  in  beauty  behind  his  lonely 
dwelling,  in  the  sacred  orb  that  flamed  on  him  from  His  mid-day  throne, 
in  the  flower  that  snapped  In  the  morning  breeze,  in  the  lofty  pine  that 
defied  a  thousand  whirlwinds;  in  the  timid  warbler  that  never  left  its 
native  grove,  in  the  fearless  eagle,  whose  untiring  pinion  was  wet  in  the 
clouds ;  in  the  worm  that  crawled  at  his  feet,  and  in  his  own  matchless 
form,  glowing  with  a  spark  of  that  light,  to  whose  mysterious  source  he 
bent,  in  humble,  though  blind  adoration. 


LIU. 

"  And  all  this  has  passed  away.  Across  the  ocean  came  a  pilgrim  bark, 
bearing  the  "seeds  of  life  and  death.  The  former  were  sown  for  you,  the 
latter  sprang  up  in  the  path  of  the  simple  native.  Two  hundred  years 
have  changed  the  character  of  a  great  continent,  and  blotted  for  ever  from 
its  face,  a  whole,  peculiar  people.  Art  has  usurped  the  bowers  of  nature,  and 
the  anointed  children  of  education  have  been  too  powerful  for  the  tribes 
of  the  ignorant.  Here  and  there  a  stricken  few  remain,  but  how  unlike 
their  bold,  untamed,  untamable  progenitors !  The  Indian  of  falcon  glance, 
and  lion  bearing,  the  theme  of  the  touching  ballad,  the  hero  of  the  pathe- 
tic tale,  is  gone !  and  his  degraded  offspring  crawl  upon  the  soil  where 
he  walked  in  majesty,  to  remind  us  how  miserable  is  man,  when  the  foot 
of  the  conqueror  is  on  his  neck. 


386  THE     FATE     OP     THE     RED    MAN. 


LIV. 

"  As  a  race  they  have  withered  from  the  land.  Their  arrows  are  bro- 
ken, their  springs  are  dried  up,  their  cabins  are  in  the  dust.  Their  council- 
fire  has  long  since  gone  oat  on  the  shore,  and  their  war-cry  is  fast  dying 
out  to  the  untrodden  West.  Slowly  and  sadly  they  climb  the  distant 
mountains,  and  read  their  doom  in  the  setting  sun.  They  are  shrinking 
before  the  mighty  tide  which  is  pressing  them  away  ;  they  must  soon  hear 
the  roar  of  the  last  wave,  which  will  settle  over  them  for  ever.  Ages 
hence  the  inquisitive  white  man,  as  he  stands  by  some  growing  city,  will 
ponder  on  the  structure  of  their  disturbed  remains,  and  wonder  to  what 
manner  of  person  they  belonged.  They  will  live  only  in  the  songs  and 
chronicles  of  their  exterminators.  Let  these  be  faithful  to  their  rude  vir- 
tues as  men,  and  pay  due  tribute  to  their  unhappy  fate  as  a  people." 


THE     CAUCUS     SYSTEM.  387 


SECTION  TWENTY-TWO. 

HOUSTON     AT     HOME. 
I. 

ONE  of  the  greatest  evils  which  this  country  has  suffered  for 
the  last  twenty  years,  has  been  the  "  Caucus  System."  The 
Caucus  has  governed  our  political  world.  It  has  been  our 
king — our  tyrant.  Beginning  with  each  local  district  and 
ward,  where  there  were  but  few  voters,  it  has  extended  up  to 
the  municipalities,  counties,  cities,  and  States.  From  the 
States,  it  has  extended  itself  over  the  whole  length  and  breadth 
of  the  Confederation.  Hence  we  have  witnessed  the  strange 
and  disgraceful  spectacle  of  the  nomination  of  men  to  office,  for 
districts,  wards,  towns,  cities,  counties,  States,  and  even  for  the 
Presidential  office,  by  the  mere  force  of  political  and  party 
machinery,  under  the  lowest  and  most  degrading  forms. 

II. 

In  old  times — say  forty  or  fifty  years  ago— things  were  done 
differently.  The  Legislators  of  States,  who  were  going  out  of 
office,  nominated  State  officers  ;  and  a  retiring  Congress  nomi- 
nated the  next  President.  This  system  was  far  better  than  the 
one  which  took  its  place.  Both  have  been  impositions  and 
usurpations  upon  the  intelligence  and  the  rights  of  the  Ameri- 
can people.  They  have  resulted  in  giving  us  several  Presidents 


388  PERNICIOUS    ACTION     OF    CAUCUSES. 

whom  the  people  would  never  have  chosen,  if  they  could  have 
had  an  opportunity  of  voting  for  anybody  else  ;  and  we  have 
suffered  the  natural  results  of  that  kind  of  policy. 


III. 

By  this  system,  we  were  saddled  with  the  nomination  of  seve- 
ral Presidents,  who  had  no  fair  claim  to  the  high  position  to 
which  they  were  elevated.  Such  men  as  Henry  Clay,  Daniel 
Webster,  and  Lewis  Cass,  were  overlooked  ;  and  such  men  as 
Gen.  Harrison — a  very  good  man — and  Gen.  Taylor — another 
good  man — but  both  entirely  incompetent  to  the  duties  of  the 
Presidential  office,  were  raised  to  positions  of  influence  and 
power,  without  the  ability  to  administer  the  affairs  of  the 
Nation. 

IY. 

The  most  lamentable  instance  in  our  history,  in  illustration  of 
this  state  of  things,  was  the  nomination  of  Frank  Pierce.  It  is 
perfectly  certain  that  not  one  hundred  people  in  the  United 
States  had  the  slightest  suspicion  that  this  Concord  politician 
would  ever  be  nominated  for  the  Presidency.  The  evils 
of  this  "  Caucus  System"  were  fully  developed  by  his  nomina- 
tion ;  and  the  country  has  grown  so  sick  of  the  consequences, 
that  hereafter  we  shall  most  likely  take  better  care  of  our 
national  affairs. 

We  now  feel,  as  Americans,  that  we  can  no  longer  afford  to 
risk  the  fortunes  of  the  country,  upon  the  hazards  of  this  faro- 
bank  of  party  and  caucus  nomination.  We  think  the  time  has 
come  when,  if  a  Presidential  Chief  is  to  be  chosen  to  preside 
over  the  affairs  of  the  Nation,  the  People  of  the  Country  should 
have  something  to  say  in  the  choice.  King  Caucus  is  dead — the 


HOUSTON'S  PUBLIC  CHARACTER.  389 

tyrant  has  been  dragged  out  and  executed.     Hereafter,  the 
American  People  will  determine  who  shall  be  their  President. 


Y. 

Sam  Houston  has  always  acted  upon  this  system.  He  has 
never  bowed  his  neck,  nor  his  judgment,  to  party  intrigues,  nor  to 
corrupt  Caucuses.  He  has  despised  and  abhorred  both.  The 
records  of  the  fact  may  be  found  in  his  whole  life.  His  earliest 
achievements  were  bent  upon  driving  foreign  invaders  from  our 
soil.  His  later  efforts  were  expended  upon  the  construction  of 
a  new  and  independent  Anglo-Saxon  Republic  in  the  forests, 
and  on  the  prairies  of  Texas.  His  last  efforts  have  been  to  pre- 
serve, unimpaired,  the  union  of  these  States  ;  and,  therefore,  he 
is  the  choice  of  millions  of  the  American  people,  for  the  highest 
office  in  their  gift. 

YI. 

He  has  been  a  Democrat  all  his  life  ;  having  been  trained, 
from  the  beginning,  in  the  school  of  Jackson. 

He  fought  through  THE  SECOND  WAR  with  England,  where 
he  won  a  brilliant  fame.  He  never  was  nominated  for  an 
office  to  which  he  was  not  elected.  He  is  the  only  American, 
whose  name  is  known,  who  has,  in  dealing  with  the  Red  men 
of  the  forests,  gained  their  affection  and  confidence,  while  he 
commanded  the  respect  of  white  men.  He  has  penetrated  the 
forests,  and  lived  in  the  wildernesses  of  America,  where  he  has 
learned  all  the  mysteries  of  frontier  life. 

He  has  bled  in  the  cause  of  two  Republics. 

YII. 

He  has  been  the  Founder,  as  well  as  the  chieftain  of  a  noble 


390  HIS    FAMILY    AND    HOME. 

Republic,  and  when  that  Republic  had  established  its  indepen- 
dence, he  brought  it  as  an  offering,  and  laid  it  upon  the  Federal 
altar. 

The  whole  force  of  our  Republic  was  expended  upon  the  cap- 
ture of  Santa  Anna  ;  and  the  two  best  Generals  of  the  Ameri- 
can Army  were  nominated  for  the  Presidency  of  the  United 
States,  because  they  defeated  the  Mexican  Dictator.  Houston 
not  only  defeated  him,  but  captured  him  ;  and  by  paralyzing  his 
power,  at  the  time,  gave  life  and  vigor  to  a  new  commonwealth. 

Houston  has  been  the  champion  of  that  great  movement 
which  promises,  at  last,  to  redeem  the  American  Nation  from 
the  vices  and  the  curses  of  intoxication. 

Fired  by  the  spirit  of  nationality,  and  inspired  by  its 
"  Councils,"  he  has  stood  forth  among  the  brightest,  the  greatest, 
and  the  best  impersonations  of  the  Spirit  of  American 
Patriotism. 

YIIL 

Mrs.  Houston's  maiden  name  was  Margaret  Moffatt  Lea,  of 
Marion,  Alabama.  Their  oldest  boy,  Sam,  is  about  eleven  years 
of  age.  The  four  daughters  are  named  Nancy  Elizabeth, 
Margaret  Lea,  Mary  William,  and  Antionette.  The  youngest 
child  is  a  "boy,  and  he  has  been  named  Andrew  Jackson  Hous- 
ton. General  Houston's  residence  is  at  Independence,  Texas. 
He  was  immersed  in  November,  1854,  by  Rev.  Rufus  C.  Burle- 
son ;  and  he  is  a  member  of  "  the  Independence  Church." 


IX. 

General  Houston  lives  in  a  log  house,  and  we  are  informed  by 
a  gentleman  who  visited  him  recently,  that  he  still  retains  the 
chairs  which  he  owned  while  President  of  the  Republic.  These 


HIS    PRIVATE    CHARACTER.  391 

chairs  have  turned  posts,  and  they  are  bottomed  with  cow-hides 
tanned  with  the  hair  on.  Everything  about  his  home,  indicates 
frugality  ;  for  he  has  devoted  more  time  and  attention  to  the 
salvation  and  prosperity  of  his  country,  than  to  the  acquisition 
of  wealth.  Holding  the  position  twice,  as  President  of  the 
Republic  of  Texas,  had  he  been  less  honest  than  he  is,  he  could 
have  amassed  boundless  wealth  ;  for  he  could  have  gathered  into 
his  hands  extensive  domains  of  land,  which,  at  the  time,  fell  into 
the  possession  of  others,  who  had  rendered  few  or  no  services  to 
the  State.  Had  he  been  disposed  to  profit  by  the  station  he 
held,  he  could  now  have  been  the  owner  of  hundreds  of  thou- 
sands of  dollars  of  Texas  liabilities,  which  will  soon  enrich 
those  who  hold  them.  But  instead  of  this,  we  are  assured  on 
reliable  authority,  that  he  has  never  speculated  to  the  extent 
of  a  single  dollar  in  soldiers'  lands,  or  Texas  stocks — and  yet, 
in  the  opinion  of  men,  he  might  have  done  it  without  any 
imputation  of  dishonor.  But  Houston  has  always  been 
governed  by  a  higher  code  of  honor  than  most  men  are  guided 
by. 


In  his  private  relations,  no  one  who  regarded  the  truth,  has 
ever  dared  to  arraign  his  honesty,  or  his  punctuality.  Hence, 
after  more  than  forty  years  in  public  life,  he  is  at  this  time  a  man 
of  moderate  fortune  :  not  rich,  nor  has  he  ever  cared  for  more 
than  a  competency  for  himself  and  a  young  family,  to  whom  he 
wishes  to  leave  only  a  spotless  reputation. 

And  now,  when  he  has  finally  retired  from  the  Senate,  to 
his  distant  home  on  the  far-off  frontier — full  of  honors,  and 
surrounded  by  the  halo  of  victory — we  learn  that  he  has  added 
a  new  lustre  to  his  private  character,  by  uniting  himself  with 
the  Christian  Church,  as  a  humble  communicant  in  the  great 


892         HOUSTON'S   MASTERY   OF   HIMSELF. 

body  of  worshipping  believers,  who  have  confided  all  they  have 
to  hope  for  here,  and  hereafter,  to  the  Saviour  of  the  world. 


XI. 

Such  a  record  as  this,  ought  not  to  invade  the  privacy  of  that 
sanctuary  where  man  holds  communication  with  God.  But 
there  are  millions  of  our  countrymen  who  will  join  with  us,  in 
the  honest  congratulation  that  such  a  man  as  this,  who  never 
was  awed  in  the  presence  of  human  power,  should  sit  in  penitent 
reverence,  at  the  feet  of  Him  who  was  baptized  by  the  Prophet 
of  the  Desert,  before  he  went  forth  to  redeem  mankind. 

XII. 

Thus  we  find  ourselves  at  the  close  of  our  narrative.  Would 
that  some  better  pen  had  performed  the  task  I  But  we  could 
not  forbear  to  make  this  offering,  however  unworthy  it  may  be, 
to  history,  to  heroism,  to  virtue,  and  to  truth. 

If  then  it  be  an  honor  to  human  nature  to  repent,  and  abandon 
errors  of  opinion,  and  frailties  of  conduct,  why  may  not  the 
biographer  rejoice  to  weave  the  woof  of  such  a  history  as 
Houston's,  and  throw  it  before  the  world,  that  all  the  wrong  a 
great  man  may  have,  perhaps,  inflicted  by  the  splendor  of  his 
talents — and  above  all  a  man  who  stooped  to  waste  his  time  as 
Charles  James  Fox  did,  in  garnishing  vice  by  his  genius,  and 
ornamenting  it  by  its  elevation — may  be  at  last  atoned  for, 
by  "the  reformation  of  the  admired  individual  transgressor? 
"  Greater  is  he  that  ruleth  his  own  spirit,  than  he  that  taketh  a 
city."  Gen.  Houston  has  for  many  years  been  the  father  of  a 
family  ;  and  no  man  better  illustrates  the  virtues  that  belong  to 
that  relation.  A  soldier  in  many  wars,  and  a  hero  in  the 
achievement  of  the  liberties  of  two  Republics — a  file  leader  in 


APPEAL  FROM  NEW  HAMPSHIRE.        393 

the  great  movement  which  is  to  give  America  back  to  the  Ame- 
ricans— an  enemy  of  all  sections  and  factions,  and  a  champion 
of  the  country  in  which  he  w^as  born — superior  to  party — greater 
than  all  isms — A  NATIONAL  MAN,  who  has  fought,  and  bled,  and 
lived  for  the  great  North  American  Republic — such  a  man  pre- 
sents one  of  the  most  captivating  subjects  of  all  history,  for  the 
pen  of  the  biographer. 

Americans  who  have  a  country  to  live  for,  are  looking  to  Gen. 
Houston,  for  the  future. 


This  Yolume  could  hardly  be  brought  to  a  better  termination, 
than  by  a  republication,  from  the  vigorous  pen  of  Edmund  Burke 
of  New  Hampshire,  of  the  following  : — 

ADDRESS 

To  the  People  of  the  State  of  New  Hampshire,  and  of  the  United  States. 

THE  General"  Committee  of  the  Democracy  of  New  Hampshire, 
having  convened  at  Concord,  on  the  llth  day  of  October,  1854, 
for  the  purpose  of  taking  into  consideration  the  present  condition 
of  the  Democratic  Party  of  this  State  and  of  the  Union,  after 
due  deliberation,  came  to  the  conclusion  to  recommend  and 
nominate  Gen.  SAM  HOUSTON,  of  Texas,  as  the  people's  candidate 
for  the  office  of  President  of  the  United  States,  to  be  supported 
in  the  election  which  is  to  take  place  in  1856.  And  in  taking  a 
step  so  important,  they  have  deemed  it  their  duty  to  submit 
their  reasons  therefor,  to  the  people  of  the  United  States. 

1  wo  years  ago,  the  great  Democratic  party  of  the  Union  was 
a  powerful  and  triumphant  party.  Planted  upon  the  rock  of  the 
Constitution  and  its  compromises,  and  the  great  measures  of  con- 
ciliatiou  and  amity  embodied  in  the  acts  of  Congress,  of  1850, 


394  THE    SPIRIT    OF    UNION    IN     1852. 

touching  the  subject  of  Slavery  and  the  admission  of  new  ter- 
ritory into  the  Union,  it  achieved  the  most  signal  and  tran- 
scendent victories  which  ever  crowned  the  efforts  of  any  party 
since  the  formation  of  the  Republic.  Its  triumph  was  complete. 
Its  opponents  were  overwhelmed  and  confounded,  by  the  omnipo-" 
tence  of  that  expression  of  the  popular  voice  which  elevated  the 
present  administration  to  power,  and  inaugurated  a  new  era  in 
the  history  of  Democracy  and  of  the  Republic.  The  factions 
that  had  arrayed  themselves  against  the  peace  and  stability  of 
the  Union,  were  abashed  and  terrified  at  the  magnitude  of  the 
disaster  which  fell  upon  them.  The  secret  of  the  great  Revolu- 
tion in  the  popular  sentiment  of  the  country,  is  to  be  sought 
only  in  the  fact,  that  the  Democratic  party  had  pledged  itself 
to  the  sacred  maintenance  of  the  Constitution  and  its  compro- 
mises, and  thus,  to  the  preservation  of  the  Union.  It  was  the 
Union  Sentiment  of  the  country,  which  triumphed  in  that 
election. 

The  completeness  of  this  transcendent  and  unprecedented 
victory,  gave  reasonable  ground  of  hope  to  the  patriotic  portion 
of  the  people,  that  the  Democratic  party  would  be  consolidated 
upon  the  great  and  noble  principles  upon  which  it  had  so 
signally  triumphed,  and  its  ascendency  thereby  secured,  at  least, 
for  the  present  generation.  Such  were  the  confident  and 
cheering  anticipations  of  the  great  body  of  the  victorious  party. 
The  Democracy  can  hardly  realize  that  those  brilliant  antici- 
pations, so  well-founded  and  reasonable,  should  all  be  dissipated 
in  the  lapse  of  two  short  years,  from  the  occurrence  of  the  great 
event  in  which  they  originated.  Such,  however,  is  the  melan- 
choly and  disheartening  fact.  Almost  from  the  moment  of  the 
inauguration  of  the  present  administration  in  office,  its  course 
has  been  attended  with  defeat  and  disaster.  Since  its  policy 
and  measures  have  been  developed,  it  has  hardly  succeeded  in  a 
single  State  in  which  elections  have  been  held.  In  Maine, 


CHOICE    OP    NEW    HAMPSHIRE.  395 

New  Hampshire,  Vermont,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  New 
York  and  Iowa,  to  which  may  be  added  Pennsylvania  and 
Ohio,  it  has  been  defeated  ;  in  some  of  the  States,  it  has  been 
overwhelmed.  And  in  North  Carolina,  a  State  in  which  its 
policy  might  be  supposed  to  be  acceptable,  it  has  succeeded  with 
a  greatly  diminished  vote. 

We  point  to  these  pregnant  facts  in  the  recent  experience  of 
the  Democratic  party  under  the  leadership  of  the  present  incum- 
bent of  the  Presidency,  without  designing  to  enter  into  an 
explanation  of  their  causes.  It  is  enough  that  the  Democratic 
party  has  suffered  defeats,  signal  and  unprecedented,  in  the 
States  we  have  mentioned,  indicating  on  the  part  of  the  present 
administration,  a  loss  of  the  confidence  of  the  people.  But  the 
future  of  the  Democratic  party  would  not  be  so  overcast  with 
clouds,  as  it  now  is,  if  the  results  of  the  elections  in  the  States 
above  mentioned,  did  not  indicate  more  than  simple  defeat.  In 
our  judgment,  they  point  unerringly  to  a  disorganization  and  dis- 
solution of  the  Democratic  party,  as  at  present  organized,  unless 
some  means  can  be  devised  by  which  the  process  of  demorali- 
zation, so  fearfdlly  begun,  and  so  rapidly  progressing,  can  be 
averted. 

This  Committee  have  gravely  and  maturely  considered  the 
exigent  perils  which  now  environ  the  Democratic  party,  and  we 
have  deliberately  come  to  the  conclusion  that  there  is  no  way  by 
which  it  can  be  saved  from  defeat  and  overthrow,  except  by  the 
immediate  nomination  by  the  people,  for  the  office  of  President 
of  the  United  States,  of  some  citizen  of  the  Republic,  distin- 
guished alike  for  his  abilities,  experience  in  public  affairs,  and 
unquestionable  statesmanship.  Such  a  man  would  serve  as  a 
rallying  point  for  the  disjointed  fragments  of  the  party,  arrest 
the  progress  of  demoralization,  and  reorganize  its  dissevered 
elements  into  a  compact  and  consolidated  organization. 

With  a  view  of  bringing  about  results  so  desirable,  the  demo- 


896  EVILS     OF    CAUCUSES. 

cratic  republicans  of  New  Hampshire,  nominate  and  recommend 
for  the  office  of  President  of  the  United  States,  Gen.  Sam 
Houston,  of  Texas,  to  be  supported  by  the  people,  independent 
of  nominations  which  may  be  made  by  Conventions,  State  or 
National.  We  nominate  him  as  the  people's  candidate,  and  we 
invite  our  democratic  brethren  in  other  States,  also  to  nominate 
him,  in  which  event  his  election  will  be  sure. 

We  believe  that  in  the  present  crisis  of  political  affairs,  it  is 
expedient  for  the  people  to  take  the  matter  of  the  nomination 
of  the  chief  magistrate  of  the  Republic — the  officer  who,  for  the 
time  being,  represents  the  majesty  and  sovereignty  of  the  people 
— into  their  own  hands.  The  day  when  nominations  by  National 
Conventions  will  be  respected,  is  past.  They,  like  their  prede- 
cessors, Congressional  caucuses,  have  become  obselete.  The  in- 
telligent and  reflecting  people  of  the  United  States  cannot  shut 
their  eyes  to  the  momentous  and  humiliating  fact,  that,  as 
National  Conventions  are  at  present  organized  and  conducted, 
no  distinguished  citizen  of  the  Republic,  who  has  gained  the 
confidence  of  the  people,  by  commanding  ability  displayed  in  a 
long  life  of  eminent  and  valuable  public  service,  can  aspire  to 
the  Presidency.  National  Conventions  rule  all  such  men  off  the 
line  of  promotion  to  that  exalted  office.  None  but  men  of  infe- 
rior capacities,  unknown  to  the  people,  and  never  thought  of, 
except  by  intriguing  demagogues,  who,  in  elevating  such  men  to 
the  highest  honors  of  the  Republic,  secure  thereby  their  own 
advancement  in  inferior  spheres,  can  now  hope  for  a  nomination 
by  National  Conventions.  Instead  of  being  fair  exponents  of 
the  popular  sentiment,  National  Conventions  now  stifle  and  sup- 
press the  will  and  voice  of  the  people.  Who  can  doubt  that 
Gen.  Cass  was  the  choice  of  more  than  three-fourths  of  the 
democracy  of  the  Union,  as  their  candidate  and  standard-bearer 
at  the  last  Presidential  canvass  ?.  Yet,  he  was  excluded  from 
the  nomination  by  the  late  Baltimore  Convention  j  the  event  to 


JACKSON     NOMINATED    BY    THE    PEOPLE.        397 

which  the  present  embarrassment  of  the  Democratic  party  may, 
in  a  great  measure,  be  attributed. 

The  only  way  in  which  these  immense  evils  can  be  corrected, 
and  the  people  restored  to  their  sovereign  and  constitutional 
right  to  choose  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  Republic,  of  which 
they  have  been  denied  by  the  machinery  of  National  Conven- 
tions, is,  to  take  the  business  of  making  Presidents  into  their 
own  hands — to  make  the  nominations  themselves,  inasmuch  as 
they  have  to  make  the  elections.  In  such  a  manner  was  Gen. 
Jackson,  the  honored  and  revered  of  the  people,  and  one  of  the 
most  illustrious  of  Presidents,  nominated  and  elected.  He  was 
nominated  in  opposition  to  the  nomination  of  the  old  Congres- 
sional caucus  of  his  day.  That  caucus  was  instituted  in  the 
early  days  of  the  Republic.  It  did  good  service  in  the  struggle 
with  the  federalists,  in  the  days  of  John  Adams.  By  a  Con- 
gressional caucus,  Mr.  Jefferson  was  nominated  for  the  Presi- 
dency ;  as  were  also  his  successors,  Mr.  Madison  and  Mf.  Mon- 
roe. It  was  the  regular  nomination  of  the  democracy  of  that 
day.  Its  last  candidate  was  William  H.  Crawford,  in  1824. 
Gen.  Jackson  was  nominated  and  run  as  the  peoples  democratic 
candidate,  against  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Crawford.  And 
although  he  failed  of  an  election  in  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, by  trickery,  he  succeeded  at  the  next  election  before  the 
people.  His  success  was  the  downfall  of  the  old  Congressional 
caucuses,  which,  like  the  National  Conventions  of  the  present 
day,  had  become  the  instrument  of  intriguing  demagogues  for 
their  own  aggrandizement. 

As  Gen.  Jackson  was  nominated  by  the  people,  we  nominate 
Gen.  Houston.  We  nominate  him  to  be  supported  by  the 
people,  independent  of  National  Conventions.  And  we  invoke 
the  people  of  all  sections  and  States  of  the  Union,  to  unite  with 
us  in  the  election  of  this  distinguished  and  eminent  man  to  the 
Chief  Magistracy  of  the  Republic. 


398  HOUSTON'S  ACHIEVEMENTS. 

Is  it  asked,  who  is  Gen.  Houston  ?  If  so,  the  history  of  the 
Republic  affords  ample  answer.  His  deeds  and  achievements 
have  illustrated  its  most  brilliant  pages.  He  was  born  in  the 
State  of  Virginia — like  Gen.  Jackson,  he  emigrated  to  Tennes- 
see. He  was  the  companion,  the  friend  and  confidant  of  that 
illustrious  man.  Under  the  command  of  Gen.  Jackson,  he  dis- 
tinguished himself  by  his  bravery  and  courage  at  the  celebrated 
Indian  battle  of  the  Horse  Shoe.  He  was  among  the  few 
friends  whom  the  dying  Hero  of  the  Hermitage  invited  to  his 
bed-side  in  the  last  moments  of  his  ebbing  life.  Gen.  Jackson 
knew  him,  stood  by  him,  confided  in  him,  and  endorsed  him  as  a 
true  and  honest  man,  and  Gen.  Jackson  never  endorsed  anything 
that  was  untrue,  false  or  spurious.  No  man  living  possesses 
more  of  the  noble  virtues  of  Gen.  Jackson  than  Gen.  Houston. 
And  his  career  has  been  equally  illustrious  and  brilliant.  The 
most  remarkable  and  wonderful  Battle  of  San  Jacinto  will  ever 
rank  in  history  with  that  of  New  Orleans.  Moreover  his  admi- 
nistration of  the  affairs  of  Texas,  while  it  was  an  independent 
republic,  and  he  its  chief  magistrate,  was  most  able  and  con- 
summate. It  was  through  his  rare  ability  and  tact,  so  far  as 
Texas  was  concerned,  that  that  State  was  annexed  to  the 
American  Union.  It  was  Gen.  Houston  who  conquered  Texas 
and  brought  her  into  the  Union,  thereby  adding  to  the  Republic 
a  country  as  large,  as  beautiful,  and  as  congenial  in  climate,  as 
the  Empire  of  France,  and  laying  the  foundation  for  the  expan- 
sion of  the  Republic  southward  to  the  river  Rio  Grande,  and 
westward  to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  thus  elevating  her  to  the  first 
rank  among  the  nations  of  the  earth.  These  are  the  achieve- 
ments of  Gen.  Sam  Houston,  of  Texas.  No  public  man  now 
living  in  the  United  States,  belonging  to  the  Democratic  party, 
has  performed  such  signal  service  for  his  country,  or  shed  such 
lustre  upon  its  historic  pages. 

Throughout  his   long  career,  Gen.  Houston    has   been  an 


THE     FRIEND     OF    JACKSON.  399 

inflexible  democrat.  He  is  a  disciple  of  the  school  of  Jefferson 
and  Jackson.  He  has  filled  many  of  the  highest  public  offices, 
in  all  which,  he  has  acquitted  himself  with  remarkable  ability 
and  with  unsuspected  integrity.  In  all  positions,  the  most 
responsible,  as  well  as  the  most  trying  and  perilous,  he  has  been 
eminently  successful.  He  has  ever  proved  himself  equal  to  any 
emergency  in  which  he  has  been  placed.  As  General,  States- 
man, Orator  and  Legislator,  he  has  displayed  talents  and  ability 
of  the  first  order.  He  is  a  man  of  honor.  He  keeps  faith  with 
the  humblest  as  well  as  the  highest.  He  has  never  broken  his 
word  with  the  humblest  Indian  with  whom  he  has  had  to  deal, 
nor  with  sovereign  States.  He  believes  in  the  sacredness  of 
treaties,  of  compacts,  and  of  compromises,  whether  in  the  form 
of  conventions,  constitutions,  or  solemn  acts  of  Congress.  He 
preserves  his  faith  with  the  North,  as  he  would  require  the 
North  to  preserve  its  faith  with  the  South.  Under  his  adminis- 
tration, the  rights  of  all  sections  of  the  Union  would  be  protected 
and  preserved.  He  is  a  Union  man,  and  never  would  permit 
this  glorious  confederacy  of  sovereign  States  to  be  dissevered  by 
the  aggressions  of  fanaticism  on  one  side,  nor  by  unjustifiable 
rebellion  on  the  other.  He  would  secure  justice  to  the  States 
and  to  the  people.  Such  is  the  history  and  character  of  "  Old 
Sam  Houston,"  the  Hero  of  San  Jacinto,  the  friend  of  Gen. 
Jackson,  who  was  the  great  and  beloved  President  of  the  peo- 
ple, as  Gen.  Houston  will  be  if  he  shall  be  elected. 

Can  he  be  elected  ?  We  have  no  doubt  of  it.  He  can  be 
elected,  if  the  people  say  that  he  shall  be.  Let  the  people  put 
him  forward,  and  the  politicians  will  be  paralyzed.  The  great 
mass  of  the  Democratic  party  will  support  him.  They  are  tired 
of  the  feeble  and  incompetent  contingent  candidates  imposed 
upon  them  by  National  Conventions,  as  they  and  the  whole 
country  are  tired  of  mere  military  chieftains.  Both  have  had 
their  day.  The  people  now  want  a  man  of  talents,  of  character, 


400  HOUSTON'S  AVAILABILITY. 

of  experience — a  well-tried  statesman.  Such  are  the  wants  of 
the  Democracy — such  the  demands  of  the  people  generally.  At 
present,  the  Democratic  party  have  no  commanding  leader,  and 
no  well-defined  system  of  political  measures,  to  rally  them  to 
party  allegiance.  A  man  and  a  policy  are  now  the  great 
desiderata  of  the  Democratic  masses.  Gen.  Houston  would 
command  the  support  of  the  great  body  of  the  Democratic 
voters  of  the  country.  He  would  also  receive  the  support  of  a 
numerous  portion  of  the  people  who  have  hitherto  acted  with  the 
Whig  party.  The  utter  prostration  and  defeat  of  that  party, 
the  permanent  ascendency  of  the  system  of  Democratic  measures 
propounded  to  the  country  by  General  Jackson,  the  abolitioni- 
zation  of  the  Whig  party,  and  its  consequent  destruction  as  a 
national  party,  have  drawn  a  large  number  of  the  people  for- 
merly acting  with  the  Whigs  from  the  pale  of  the  Whig  organi- 
zation. Tney  are  now,  in  fact,  without  the  limits  of  any  party. 
In  national  sentiment,  they  sympathize  with  the  Democracy. 
All  this  class  of  voters  would  give  their  support  to  Gen. 
Houston. 

The  true  interests  of  the  people  of  the  South,  and  especially 
those  who  are  sincerely  desirous  of  preserving  and  perpetuating 
the  union  of  this  glorious  confederacy  of  sovereign  and  independ- 
ent States,  all  point  to  Gen.  Houston  as  the  man,  above  all 
others,  for  the  crisis'  now  impending  over  the  South  and  the 
country.  They  cannot  fail  to  note  the  formidable  and  fearful 
combination  now  forming  in  the  North,  under  the  banner  of 
abolitionism,  which  has  for  its  basis  and  incentive  to  action, 
unrelenting  hostility  to  the  institutions  of  the  South.  That  com- 
bination will  grow  and  expand  in  potency  and  virulence,  until 
even  the  most  sanguine  will  admit  its  danger,  and  tremble  at  the 
consequences  which  may  flow  from  it.  Jf,  under  sucli  circum- 
stances, a  man  from  the  South,  not  acceptable  at  the  North  for 
his  conservative  sentiments,  shall  be  run  for  the  Presidency,  it 


UNFURL     THE      BANNER.  401 

will  only  augment  the  dangers  and  the  perils  which  now  menace 
the  peace  of  the  country  and  the  stability  of  the  Union.  If  a 
candidate  from  the  North  shall  be  nominated,  who  is  in  the 
least  suspected  of  subserviency  to  the  South,  the  danger  will  be 
still  more  increased.  Gen.  Houston  is  the  only  man  who  can 
meet  and  prostrate  this  portentous  coalition  of  factions  in  the 
North  to  which  we  have  alluded.  The  course  which  he  took 
with  respect  to  the  Nebraska  Bill,  has  placed  him  itf~a  position 
which  will  command  the  confidence  of  the  patriotic  men  of  the 
North,  and  should  commend  him  to  the  confidence  of  the  South. 
»While  he  has,  with  a  courage  and  true  intrepidity  which  com- 
mand our  admiration,  taken  his  stand  in  favor  of  the  inviolable 
sanctity  of  compacts  between  the  North  and  the  South,  no  man 
can  say  that  he  is  hostile  to  the  institutions  or  the  interests  of 
either  section  of  the  Union.  In  the  present  crisis,  we  are  confi- 
dent that  the  people  of  the  South,  will,  on  reflection,  see  in  Gen. 
Houston  the  very  man  for  the  present  emergency — the  only  man 
who  can  save  the  South  and  Union  from  the  dangers  which  now 
impend  over  them. 

We,  therefore,  unfurl  the  banner  of  the  veteran  Hero  and 
Statesman,  fearlessly  to  the  breeze,  confident  of  ultimate  victory. 
We,  as  a  part  of  the  people,  independent  of  any  organization  of 
politicians,  nominate  GEN.  SAM  HOUSTON,  AS  THE  PEOPLE'S  CANDI- 
DATE FOR  THE  OFFICE  OF  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,  and 

we  invoke  our  brethren,  the  Democracy  of  this  State,  and  of  the 
United  States,  and  the  people  generally,  to  rally  promptly 
around  his  banner,  assuring  them  a  glorious  triumph  in  1856. 

And,  in  conclusion,  for  the  purpose  of  ensuring  efficient  co- 
operation among  the  friends  of  Gen.  Houston,  we  recommend  the' 
immediate  formation,  by  the  people,  of  San  Jacinto  Clubs  in 
every  State,  district  and  town  in  the  Republic. 

On  motion,  voted,  That  the  proceedings  of  this  meeting  be 


402  FINIS. 

signed  by  the  officers  thereof,  and  published  in  the  State  Capital 
Reporter,  and  other  Democratic  papers. 

On  motion,  voted,  That  when  this  Committee  adjourn,  it  be 
to  meet  at  the  call  of  the  President,  at  such  time  and  place  as 
he  may  designate. 

Voted  to  adjourn. 

WILLIAM  PRESCOTT,  President. 
WILLIAM  TENNEY, 


FINIS. 


J.    C.    DERBY  S    PUBLICATIONS. 


THE    MORNING    STARS    OF    THE    NEW 
WORUD. 

BY  H.  F.  PARKER. 
1  elegant  12mo.  volume,  over  400  pages,  six  Illustrations.    Price  $1  25. 

CONTENTS  :— Columbus — Vespucius — De  Soto — Raleigh — Hudson — Smith 
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"An  unpretending  work,  yet  a  valuable  one.  The  authoress  must  have  entered  upon 
her  task  with  hearty  enthusiasm,  as,  while  adhering  strictly  to  the  simplest  truth,  she 
has  thrown  around  her  portraits  a  new  charm,  and  given  to  them  a  refreshing  novelty 
of  aspect.  A  gallery  of  striking  portraits  worthy  of  preservation  and  a  galaxy  of  stars 
whose  morning  light  must  not  be  obscured  in  the  noon-tide  brilliancy  of  a  successful 
present.  In  just  such  a  form  as  this  should  they  lie  on  our  book-tables,  reminders  of  the 
past,  shorn  of  the  technicalities  of  the  history,  and  presented  in  strong  relief.  The  name 
of  the  authoress  is  one  almost  unknown  ;  but  she  deserves  the  thanks  of  the  public  for 
her  well  wrftten  book  in  which  she  has  given  a  convenient  medium  of  communication  with 
days  of  long  ago — days  that  never  should  be  forgotten  even  by  the  busy,  bustling  world 
that  cannot  stop  to  go  back  even  to  the  days  of  their  own  forefathers.  The  book  proves 
itself  a  very  entertaining  one  for  the  young,  who  declare  themselves  unable  to  leave  its 
fascinating  pages."—  Worcester  Palladium. 

"  A  more  appropriate  name  could  not  have  been  given  to  a  book  which  contains  all 
that  is  interesting  in  the  lives  of  the  master  spirits  to  whom  the  world  may  be  said  to  owe, 
firstly  the  discovery  of  this  great  continent ;  and  secondly,  the  establishment  upon  it,  of 
fcuropean  colonies.  In  no  other  single  work,  of  whose  existence  we  are  aware,  are  there 
to  be  found  so  many  sketches  of  the  discoverers  and  first  settlers  of  the  principal  parts 
of  the  new  world,  which  are  at  once  so  concise  and  comprehensive,  as  those  given  in  the 
'  Morning  Stars.'  They  are  truly  multum  in  parvo" — Philadelphia  News. 

"  The  authoress  has  fashioned  her  materials  in  a  very  winning  garb,  and  with  a  spirit 
and  feeling  rarely  kindled  in  preparing  succint  biographies,  imparts  her  glowing  appre- 
ciation of  their  subject  to  the  reader.  We  hope  this  volume,  while  in  itself  it  will  be 
valuable  to  the  young,  will  lead  them  to  more  extended  historical  reading,  and  especially 
of  that  which  pertains  to  our  colonial  life,  and  to  our  own  country.  It  is  well  that  they 
should  be  remindeu  of  the  comflicts  and  sacrifices  which  purchased  their  present  luxuri- 
ous immunities.  They  cannot  begin  better  than  with  this  charming  volume,  which  they 
will  not  leave  unfinished."— N&w  Bedford  Mercury. 

"  This  book  is  alike  novel,  and  fortunate  in  its  title  and  its  character.  It  contains  very 
satisfactory  sketches  of  ten  of  the  great  spirits  the  history  of  whose  lives  blends  itself 
most  intimately  with  the  earliest  history  of  our  country.  It  was  a  beautiful  thought ;  and 
it  is  carried  out  in  a  manner  that  can  hardly  fail  to  secure  to  the  work  many  delighted 
readers." — Albany  Argus. 

"  The  book  has  all  the  charm  of  romance,  and  the  value  of  genuine  history.  It  is 
written  with  spirit  and  vigor,  and  at  the  same  time  with  precision  and  taste.  The  grouping 
together  of  such  men  brings  the  reader  into  the  best  of  company." — Utica  Herald.  3 


J.    C.    DERBY  S    PUBLICATIONS. 


THE    LIFE    AND    SAYINGS     OF    MRS. 
PA  HTINGTON, 

AND  OTHERS  OP  THE  FAMILY. 

BY  B.  P.  SHILLABER. 
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" '  Hang  the  books !'  said  an  appreciative  examiner,  to  whom  we  handed  a  copy  for 
inspection, '  I  can't  afford  to  buy  them,  but  I  can't  do  without  this  ;'  and  laughing  until 
the  tears  ran,  he  drew  forth  the  purchase-money.  It  is  just  so,  reader ;  you  can't  do 
without  this  book.  It  is  so  full  of  genial  humor  and  pure  human  nature  that  your  wife 
and  children  must  have  it,  to  be  able  to  realize  how  much  enjoyment  may  be  shut  up 
within  the  lids  of  a  book.  It  is  full  of  human  kindness,  rich  in  humor,  alive  with  wit, 
mingled  here  and  there  with  those  faint  touches  of  melancholy  which  oft-times  touch 
Mirth's  borders." — Clinton  Coui-ant. 

"She  has  caused  many  a  lip  to  relax  from  incontinent  primness  into  the  broadest  kind 
of  a  grin — has  given  to  many  a  mind  the  material  for  an  odd  but  not  useless  revery— has 
scooped  out  many  a  cove  on  the  dry  shores  of  newspaper  reading,  and  invited  the  mariner 
reader  to  tarry  and  refresh  himself.  'Ruth  Partington  '  is  a  Christian  and  a  patriot. 
Such  a  book  will  go  everywhere— be  welcomed  like  a  returned  exile— do  good,  and  cease 
not." — Buffalo  Express. 

•  "  If  it  is  true  that  one  grows  fat  who  laughs,  then  he  who  reads  this  book  will  fat  up, 
even  though  he  may  be  one  of  Pharaoh's  '  lean  kine.'  That  it  does  one  good  to  laugh, 
nobody  doubts.  We  have  shook  and  shook  while  running  through  this  charming  volume, 
until  it  has  seemed  as  though  we  had  increased  in  weight  some  fifty  gounds,  more  or 
Ies$."—Massac7iu8etts  Life  Boat. 

"  A  regular  Yankee  institution  is  Mrs.  Partington,  and  well  deserves  the  compliment  of 
a  book  devoted  to  her  sayings  and  doings.  She  is  here  brought  before  the  public,  which 
is  so  greatly  indebted  to  her  unique  vocabulary  for  exhaustiess  stores  of  fun,  in  a  style 
worthy  of  her  distinguished  character." — N.  Y.  Tribune. 

"There  is  a  world  of  goodness  in  her  blessed  heart,  as  there  is  a  universe  of  quiet  fun 
in  the  book  before  us.  'A  gem  of  purest  ray  serene '  glitters  on  almost  every  page. 
Everybody  should  buy  the  book;  everybody,  at  least,  who  loves  genial,  quiet  wit,  which 
never  wounds,  but  always  heals  where  it  strikes."— Independent  Democrat. 

"It  is  crammed  full  of  her  choicest  sayings,  and  rings  from  title  page  to  'finis'  with  her 
unconscious  wit.  It  is  just  the  book  for  one  to  read  at  odd  moments — to  take  on  the  cars 
or  home  of  an  evening — or  to  devour  in  one's  office  of  a  rainy  day.  It  is  an  excellent 
antidote  for  the  blues." — Oneida  Herald. 

"  Housewives  who  occasionally  get  belated  about  their  dinner,  should  have  it  lying 
round.  It  will  prevent  a  deal  of  grumbling  from  their  '  lords,'  by  keeping  them  so  well 
employed  as  to  make  them  forget  their  dinner."— New  Hampshire  Telegraph. 

"  Her '  sayings '  have  gone  the  world  over,  and  given  her  an  immortality  that  will  glitter 
and  sparkle  among  the  records  of  genius  wherever  wH  and  humor  shall  be  appreciated." 
—  Worcester  Palladium.  6 


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A   BOOK   OF   BARE   BEAUTY   AND    GBEAT   INTEEEST. 


FOURTH    EDITION    NOW    READY. 
MRS.    OAKES  SMITH'S  NEW  ROMANCE. 

BERTHA      AND      LILY; 

OR,  THE  PARSONAGE  OP  BEECH  GLEX. 

1  elegant  12mo.  vol.    Price  $1. 

The  following  orief  extracts  are  but  the  key-notes  of  lengthy  reviews.     No  recent 
book  has  received  more  marked  attention  from  the  press : 

"  It  compels  the  reader  to  linger  over  its  pages." — N.  T.  Tribune. 

"  Sparkling  thoughts  and  humane  and  benevolent  feelings." — Albany  Argus. 

"  More  powerfully  written  than  any  recent  work  of  fiction." — N.  Y.  Day  Book. 

"  Another  story  of  exquisite  beauty — graceful  and  fascinating." — PhUa.  News. 

"  Altogether  it  is  a  remarkable  book."— N.  Y.  Christian  Enquirer. 

"  No  romance  more  deserves  a  wide-spread  popularity." — Providence  Post. 

"  Striking  truths  boldly  represented." — Rural  New  "Yorker. 

"  Springing  from  a  heart  overflowing  with  love  and  sympathy." — Pittsburg  Visitor. 

"Strange  scenes,  powerful  dialogue,  and  exquisite  imagery." — Transcript. 

"  We  know  of  one  woman  who  says  it  is  a  brave  book." — Boston  Commonwealth, 

"  Elegant  with  mountain  and  valley  flowers  and  water  lilies.'1 — N.  Y.  Dispatch. 

"  Womanly  genius  under  its  happiest  and  purest  inspirations." — Albany  Atlas. 

"  A  '  romance,'  but  full  of  life.    It  has  power ;  it  has  truth."— Boston  Bee. 

"  Sure  to  captivate  the  reader." — N.  Y.  Atlas. 

"The  ladies  will  find  it  a  graceful  and  fascinating, production."— PhUa.  City  Hem. 

11  Just  what  might  be  expected  from  a  brilliant  woman." — Albany  Express. 

"  A  female  delicacy  of  taste  and  perception." — Ladies'  Repository. 

"  A  moral  perspective  of  rare  beauty  and  significance." — Harpers'  Magazine. 

«'  So  intensely  interesting,  we  read  it  at  one  sitting."— Cleveland  Farmer. 

"  A  '  prose  poem,'  replete  with  melody  and  imagery." — Boston  Chronicle. 

"  Well  vindicated  her  reputation  as  a  woman  of  genius." — N.  Y.  Herald. 

"  True  to  nature  and  every  day  life." — Albany  Spectator. 

"  Cannot  fail  to  inspire  the  reader  with  noble  purposes."—  Christian  freeman. 

"  Will  be  eagerly  sought  for  and  read." —  Water  Cure  Journal. 

"  The  style  is  glowing  and  impassioned." — Rochester  American. 

"  Its  pages  leave  a  very  attractive  impression."— Salem  Gazette. 

"  Will  prove  a  valuable  accession  to  the  home  circle." — Ladies'  Enterprise. 

"  Will  be  read,  and  find  many  enthusiastic  readers."— Bangor  Mercury. 

"  A  beautiful  creation." — Boston  Transcript. 

"  Comes  before  the  reader  with  freshness,  earnestness  and  power." — Eclectic. 

"  The  book  before  us  is  bravely  written." — Providence  Una. 

"  The  very  best  fiction  we  have  read  for  years."—  Glen's  Fall  Republican. 

*'  Characters  in  it  worthy  of  lasting  fame." — Hartford  Republican. 

"  All  her  works  bear  the  impress  of  genius."—  Olive  Branch. 

"  It  is  a  beautiful  story."— Sandusky  Democrat. 

r 


j.  c.  DERBY'S  PUBLICATIONS. 


THE   MOST   NATURAL   NOVEL   WE   EVER  PERUSED. 


THE     NEWSBOY. 

BY  MRS.  E.  OAKES  SMITH. 

1  large  12mo.  vol.,  530  pages.    Price  $t  25. 

Reader,  the  following  extracts  from  lengthy  notices — from  some  of  the  most  respectable 
and  impartial  papers — are  but  a  few  of  those  received.  The  Press  universally  unite  in 
calling  THE  NEWSBOY  one  of  the  great  books  of  the  day.  Buy,  read,  and  believe. 

" '  The  Newsboy '  is  a  good  book.  Its  moral  is  wholesome.  Its  lesson  is  good." — New 
York  Daily  Times. 

"  It  has  all  the  merits  of  the  Lamplighter,  and  is,  from  the  first  page  to  the  last, 
intensely  interesting," — 'Philadelphia  Saturday  Mail. 

"  The  tone  ofthe  narrative  in  its  moral  bearings  is  pure  and  excellent."— N.  Y.  Tribune. 

"  None  but  a  woman  with  womanly  instincts  could  spread  such  delicate  pictures  on  a 
canvas."— Albany  Express. 

"  It  has  pathos,  and  reality  of  hope  and  fear,  joy  and  sorrow,  rarely  met  with  in  the 
world  of  romance." — N.  Y.  Democrat. 

"  It  is  so  full  of  brilliant  and  original  illustrations,  as  actually  to  dazzle  and  confound 
the  judgment."— Philadelphia  American  Courier. 

"  We  would  commend  it  ('  The  Newsboy ')  for  the  practical,  earnest  Christian  spirit  in 
which  its  lessons  are  inculcated." — N.  Y.  Home  Journal. 

"  Bob  is  bound  on  his  way  to  immortality  with  the  living  creations  of  Fielding,  and 
Scott,  and  Dickens,  and  Cooper,  and  Irving."— £7".  8.  Journal. 

"  It  is  a  book  to  read  more  than  once ;  to  think  over ;  to  dream  over ;  to  lay  to  your 
heart." — Chicago  Tribune. 

"  It  is,par  excellence,  the  most  natural  novel  we  have  ever  perused."--.50s<.  Eve.  Gaz. 
"  We  are  involuntarily  reminded  of  the  touching  word-painting  of  Dickens."— Troy 
Budget. 
"  The  midnight  lamp  burned  to  its  socket  before  we  could  lay  it  down." — True  American. 

"It  embraces  a  multitude  of  thrilling  pictures,  which  stir  up  the  fountains  of  our 
nearts."— Highland  Eagle. 

"  It  is  a  wonderful  production,  replete  with  wit  and  pathos,  humor  and  sentiment."— 
Philadelphia  Daily  News. 

"It  has  a  plot  full  of  stirring  incidents,  extraordinary  adventure,  and  exquisite  con- 
ceptions of  character." — New  York  Evening  Post. 

"  The  author  holds  a  ready  and  graceful  pen,  and  unites  with  a  poet's  fancy  a  keen 
perception  of  human  nature." — Worcester  Palladium. 

"  The  book  bears  the  impress  of  true  genius,  and  is  not  unworthy  the  pen  of  a  Dickens." 
— Hampshire  (Mass.")  Gazette. 

"This  book  is  an  excellent  one  for  the  parlor,  study,  or  quiet  fireside."—  Chicago  Daily 
Times. 

•'  It  la  a  book  that  arouses  and  rivets  the  attention."— N.  Y.  Evening  Mirror. 


j.  c.  DERBY'S  PUBLICATIONS. 


JACK   DOWNING'S   NEW   BOOK! 


•WAY      DOWN      EAST; 

OE,  PORTRAITURES  OF  YANKEE  LIFE. 

BY  SESA  SMITH,  ESQ. 
Illustrated,  12mo.    Price  $1. 

"  We  greet  the  Major,  after  a  long  interval,  with  profound  pleasure  and  respect.  Well 
do  we  remember  how,  years  ago,  we  used  to  pore  over  his  lucubrations  on  the  events  of 
the  time — how  he  enlightened  us  by  his  home-views  of  the  Legislature's  doings,  of  the 
Gineral's  intentions,  and  of  the  plans  of  ambitious  Uncle  Joshua.  Here  was  the  '  spot  of 
his  origin,'  and  around  us  were  the  materials  from  which  he  drew  his  stores  of  instructive 
wit.  Therefore  we,  of  all  the  reading  public,  do  the  most  heartily  greet  his  reappearance. 
We  find  him  a  little  more  artistic  than  of  old,  more  advanced  in  grammar  and  orthography, 
but  withal  displaying  the  same  intimate  knowledge  of  Down  Eastdom,  and  retaining  the 
same  knack  of  genuine  Yankee  humor.  In  fact,  taking  all  things  together,  no  other 
writer  begins  to  equal  him  in  the  delineation  of  the  live  Yankee,  in  the  points  where  that 
individual  differs  from  all  the  '  rest  of  mankind.'  This  is  his  great  merit  as  an  author, 
and  one  which  the  progress  of  manners  will  still  further  heighten— for  it  is  only  in  some 
portions  of  our  own  State  that  the  real  Yankee  can  now  be  found. 

"  The  present  book  has  sixteen  chapters  devoted  to  home-stories.  They  are  racy  and 
humorous  to  a  high  degree."— Portland  Daily  Advertiser. 

"  It  is  now  generally  conceded  that  Seba  Smith  is  the  ablest,  and  at  the  same  time  the 
most  amusing  delineator  of  Yankee  life  who  has  hitherto  attempted  that  humorous  style 
of  writing— not  excepting  even  Judge  Haliburton  himself.  This  is  no  rash  expression,  for 
there  is  not  a  passage  in  '  Sam  Slick '  so  graphic,  funny  and  and  comical,  but  we  find 
equalled  if  not  surpassed  in  the  sensible  and  philosophic,  although  ludicrous  epistles,  of 
1  Major  Jack  Downing' — epistles  of  which  we  defy  the  most  stupid  to  glance  at  a  para- 
graph without  reading  the  whole."— Philadelphia  News. 

"  This  is  a  book  of  real  Yankee  life,  giving  the  particulars  of  character  and  incidents  in 
New  England,  from  the  Pilgrim  fathers  and  their  generations,  Connecticut  Blue  Laws,  and 
the  civic  and  religious  rules,  customs,  &c.,  from  the  Nutmeg  State  away  down  East,  as  far 
as  Mr.  Jones  ever  thought  of  going.  It  is  a  very  laughable  affair,  and  every  family  in  all 
Yankeedom  will  enjoy  its  perusal."— Hingham  (Mass.)  Journal. 

"  There  are  few  readers  who  do'not  desire  to  keep  up  an  acquaintance  with  the  original 
Major  Jack  Downing,  whose  peculiar  humor,  while  it  is  irresistible  in  its  effects,  is  never 
made  subservient  to  immorality.  But  these  stories  are  an  improvement  on  those  originally 
given  by  the  author,  as  they  are  illustrative  of  Yankee  life  and  character  in  the  good  old 
times  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers." — Christian  Advocate  and  Journal. 

"  The  stories  are  the  most  humorous  in  the  whole  range  of  Yankee  literature,  full  of 
genuine  wit,  rare  appreciation  of  fun,  and  giving  an  insight  into  human  motive  which 
shows  the  close  observation  and  keen  relish  of  life,  of  a  good-humored  philosopher." — 
Saturday  Evening  Mail. 

"  A  charmingly  interesting  book,  this,  for  all  who  hail  from  Down  East,  or  who  like  to 
read  good  stories  of  home  life  among  the  Yankees."— Salem  Register, 

11 


J.    C.    DERBY  S   PUBLICATIONS. 


EXTRAORDINARY     PUBLICATION! 


MY   COURTSHIP  AND    ITS    CONSEQUENCES. 

BY  HENRY   WIKOFF. 

A  true  account  of  the  Author's  Adventures  in  England,  Switzerland,  and 
Italy,  with  Miss  J.  C.  Gamble,  of  Portland  Place,  London.  1  elegant 
12mo.  Price,  in  cloth,  $1  25. 

The  extraordinary  sensation  produced  in  literary  circles  by  Mr.  Wikoff  's  charming 
romance  of  real  life,  is  exhausting  edition  after  edition  of  his  wonderful  book.  From 
lengthy  reviews,  among  several  hundred  received,  we  extract  the  following  brief  notices 
of  the  press : 

"We  prefer  commending  the  book  as  beyond  question  the  most  amusing  of  the  season, 
and  we  commend  it  without  hesitation,  because  the  moral  is  an  excellent  one." — Albion. 

"With  unparalleled  candor  he  has  here  unfolded  the  particulars  of  the  intrigue,  taking 
the  whole  world  into  his  confidence— 'bearing  his  heart  on  his  sleeve  for  daws  to  peck 
at' — and,  in  the  dearth  of  public  amusements,  presenting  a  piquant  nine  days'  wonder 
for  the  recreation  of  society."— N.  Y.  Tribune. 

"The  work  is  very  amusing,  and  it  is  written  in  such  a  vejn  that  one  cannot  refrain 
from  frequent  bursts  of  laughter,  even  when  the  Chevalier  is  in  positions  which  might 
claim  one's  sympathy." — Boston  Evening  Gazette. 

"  A  positive  autobiography,  by  a  man  of  acknowledged  fashion,  and  an  associate  of 
nobles  and  princes,  telling  truly  how  he  courted  and  was  coquetted  by  an  heiress  in  high 
life,  is  likely  to  be  as  popular  a  singularity  in  the  way  of  literature  as  could  well  be  thought 
of." — Home  Journal. 

"  The  ladies  are  sure  to  devour  it.  It  is  better  and  more  exciting  than  any  modern 
romance,  as  it  is  a  detail  of  facts,  and  every  page  proves  conclusively  that  the  plain, 
unvarnished  tale  of  truth  is  often  stranger  than  fiction." — Baltimore  Dispatch. 

"  The  book,  therefore,  has  all  the  attractions  of  a  tilt  of  knight-errants — with  this  addi- 
tion, that  one  of  the  combatants  is  a  woman — a  epecies  of  heart-endowed  Amazon." — 
tfeioark  Daily  Mercury. 

"If  you  read  the  first  chapter  of  the  volume,  you  are  in  for  'finis,'  and  can  no  more 
Btop  without  the  consent  of  your  will  than  the  train  of  cars  can  stop  without  the  consent 
of  the  engine." —  Worcester  Palladium. 

"  Seriously,  there  is  not  so  original,  piquant  and  singular  a  book  in  American  literature : 
Us  author  is  a  sort  of  cross  between  Fielding,  Chesterfield,  and  Rochefoucault."— Boston 
Chronicle. 

"With  the  exception  of  Rosseau's  Confessions, we  do  not  remember  ever  to  have  heard 
of  any  such  self-anatomization  of  love  and  the  lover. '  WV.  Y.  Express. 

"The  book  has  cost  us  a  couple  of  nights'  sleep;  and  we  have  no  doubt  it  baa  cost  its 
author  and  principal  subject  a  good  many  more."— N.  Y.  Evening  Mirror. 

"  The  work  possesses  all  the  charm  and  fascination  of  a  continuous  romance."— 2f.  Y. 
Journal  of  Comamerc*. 
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